Concepts in Persuasion - RhetInfo

Concepts in Persuasion - RhetInfo

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Concepts in Persuasion

PDF generated using the open source mwlib toolkit. See for more information. PDF generated at: Mon, 12 Nov 2012 16:26:44 UTC

Contents Articles Persuasion


Attitude (psychology)




Sleeper effect


Social influence


Cognitive dissonance




References Article Sources and Contributors


Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors


Article Licenses License




Persuasion Persuasion is the influence of beliefs, attitudes, intentions, motivations, or behaviors.[1] Persuasion is a process aimed at changing a person's (or a group's) attitude or behavior toward some event, idea, object, or other person(s), by using written or spoken words to convey information, feelings, or reasoning, or a combination thereof.[2]

Methods Persuasion methods are also sometimes referred to as persuasion tactics or persuasion strategies.

Weapons of influence Robert Cialdini, in his book on persuasion, defined six "weapons of influence":[3] • Reciprocity - People tend to return a favour, for example the persuasiveness of free samples in marketing and advertising. In Cialdini's conferences, he often uses the example of Ethiopia providing thousands of dollars in humanitarian aid to Mexico just after the 1985 earthquake, despite Ethiopia suffering from a crippling famine and civil war at the time. Ethiopia had been reciprocating for the diplomatic support Mexico provided when Italy invaded Ethiopia in 1937.

Persuasion, novel by Jane Austen. ...For Sir Elliot, baronet, the hints of Mr Sheppard, his agent, was very unwelcome

• Commitment and Consistency - Once people commit to what they think is right, orally or in writing, they are more likely to honor that commitment, even if the original incentive or motivation is subsequently removed. For example, in car sales, suddenly raising the price at the last moment works because buyers have already decided to buy. • Social Proof - People will do things that they see other people are doing. For example, in one experiment, if one or more confederates would look up into the sky, bystanders would then look up into the sky to see what they could see. At one point this experiment was aborted, as so many people looked up that they stopped traffic. See conformity, and the Asch conformity experiments. • Authority - People will tend to obey authority figures, even if they are asked to perform objectionable acts. Cialdini cites incidents, such as the Milgram experiments in the early 1960s and the My Lai massacre in 1968. • Liking - People are easily persuaded by other people whom they like. Cialdini cites the marketing of Tupperware which might now be called viral marketing. People were more likely to buy from people they like. Some of the many biases favoring more attractive people are discussed, but generally more aesthetically pleasing people tend to use this influence excellently over others. See physical attractiveness stereotype. • Scarcity - Perceived scarcity will generate demand. For example, saying that offers are available for a "limited time only" encourages sales.


Relationship based persuasion In their book The Art of Woo, G. Richard Shell and Mario Moussa present a four-step approach to strategic persuasion.[4] They explain that persuasion means to win others over, not to defeat them. Thus it is important to be able to see the topic from different angles in order to anticipate the reaction others have to a proposal. Step 1: Survey your situation This step includes an analysis of the persuader's situation, goals, and challenges that the persuader faces in his or her organization. Step 2: Confront the five barriers Five obstacles pose the greatest risks to a successful influence encounter: relationships, credibility, communication mismatches, belief systems, and interest and needs. Step 3: Make your pitch People need a solid reason to justify a decision, yet at the same time many decisions are made on the basis of intuition. This step also deals with presentation skills. Step 4: Secure your commitments In order to safeguard the longtime success of a persuasive decision, it is vital to deal with politics at both the individual and organizational level.

Culture It is through a basic cultural personal definition of persuasion that everyday people understand how others are attempting to influence them and then how they influence others. The dialogue surrounding persuasion is constantly evolving because of the necessity to use persuasion in everyday life. Persuasion tactics traded in society have influences from researchers, which may sometimes be misinterpreted. It is evolutionary advantageous, in the sense of wealth and survival, to persuade and not be persuaded. In order to understand persuasion, members of a culture will gather knowledge from domains such as “buying, selling, advertising, and shopping, as well as parenting and courting.”[5] Because people who studied persuasion in scholarly departments such as marketing and psychology, also brought with them their folk knowledge of persuasion, the scientific knowledge became intertwined with folk knowledge. The Persuasion Knowledge Model (PKM) was created by Friestad and Wright in 1994. This framework allows the researchers to analyze the process of gaining and using everyday persuasion knowledge. The researchers suggest the necessity of including “the relationship and interplay between everyday folk knowledge and scientific knowledge on persuasion, advertising, selling, and marketing in general.”[6] In order to educate the general population about research findings and new knowledge about persuasion, teacher must draw on their preexisting beliefs from folk persuasion in order to make the research relevant and informative to lay people, which creates “mingling of their scientific insights and commonsense beliefs.”[7] As a result of this constant mingling, the issue of persuasion expertise becomes messy. Expertise status can be interpreted from a variety of sources like job titles, celebrity, or published scholarship. It is through this multimodal process that we create concepts like ‘stay away from car salesman, they will try to trick you.” The kind of persuasion techniques blatantly employed by care salesman creates an innate distrust of them in popular culture. According to Psychology Today, they employ tactics raging from making personal life ties with the customer to altering reality by handing the customer the new car keys before the purchase.[8] The fact that this article was written in a secondary source, alludes to a primary source is the way in which culture and persuasion are interconnected.



Propaganda Propaganda is also closely related to Persuasion. It's a concerted set of messages aimed at influencing the opinions or behavior of large numbers of people. Instead of impartially providing information, propaganda in its most basic sense presents information in order to influence its audience. The most effective propaganda is often completely truthful, but some propaganda presents facts selectively to encourage a particular synthesis, or gives loaded messages in order to produce an emotional rather than rational response to the information presented. The desired result is a change of the cognitive narrative of the subject in the target audience. The term 'propaganda' first appeared in 1622 when Pope Gregory XV established the Sacred Congregation for Propagating the Faith. Propaganda was then as now about convincing large numbers of people about the veracity of a given set of ideas. Propaganda has been a human activity as far back as reliable recorded evidence exists. Conditioning plays a huge part in the concept of persuasion. It is more often about leading someone into taking certain actions of their own, rather than giving direct commands. In advertisements for example, this is done by attempting to connect a positive emotion to a brand/product logo. This is often done by creating commercials that make people laugh, using a sexual undertone, inserting uplifting images and/or music etc. and then ending the commercial with a brand/product logo. Great examples of this are professional athletes. They are paid to connect themselves to things that can be directly related to their roles; sport shoes, tennis rackets, golf balls, or completely irrelevant things like soft drinks, popcorn poppers and panty hose. The important thing for the advertiser is to establish a connection to the consumer.[9] The thought is that it will affect how people view certain products, knowing that most purchases are made on the basis of emotion. Just like you sometimes recall a memory from a certain smell or sound, the objective of some ads is solely to bring back certain emotions when you see their logo in your local store. The hope is that by repeating the message several times it will cause the consumer to be more likely to purchase the product because he/she already connects it with a good emotion and a positive experience. Stefano DellaVigna and Matthew Gentzkow did a comprehensive study on the effects of persuasion in different domains. They discovered that persuasion has little or no effect on advertisement; however, there was a substantial effect of persuasion on voting if there was face-to-face contact.[10]

List of methods By appeal to reason: • • • • •

Logic Logical argument Rhetoric Scientific evidence (proof) Scientific method

By appeal to emotion: • • • • • • •

Advertising Faith Presentation and Imagination Propaganda Pity Seduction Tradition

Aids to persuasion: • Body language • Communication skill or Rhetoric


Persuasion • Personality tests and conflict style inventory help devise strategy based on an individual's preferred style of interaction • Sales techniques Other techniques: • • • •

Deception Hypnosis Power (sociology) Subliminal advertising

Coercive techniques, some of which are highly controversial and/or not scientifically proven to be effective: • • • •

Brainwashing Coercive persuasion Mind control Torture

Neurobiology of persuasion Attitudes and persuasion are among the central issues of social behavior. One of the classic questions is when are attitudes a predictor of behavior. Previous research suggested that selective activation of left prefrontal cortex might increase the likelihood that an attitude would predict a relevant behavior. Using lateral attentional manipulation, this was supported.[11] An earlier article showed that EEG measures of anterior prefrontal asymmetry might be a predictor of persuasion. Research participants were presented with arguments that favored and arguments that opposed the attitudes they already held. Those whose brain was more active in left prefrontal areas said that they paid the most attention to statements with which they agreed while those with a more active right prefrontal area said that they paid attention to statements that disagreed.[12] This is an example of defensive repression, the avoidance or forgetting of unpleasant information. Research has shown that the trait of defensive repression is related to relative left prefrontal activation.[13] In addition, when pleasant or unpleasant words, probably analogous to agreement or disagreement, were seen incidental to the main task, an fMRI scan showed preferential left prefrontal activation to the pleasant words.[14] One way therefore to increase persuasion would seem to be to selectively activate the right prefrontal cortex. This is easily done by monaural stimulation to the contralateral ear. The effect apparently depends on selective attention rather than merely the source of stimulation. This manipulation had the expected outcome: more persuasion for messages coming from the left.[15]

References [1] Seiter, Robert H. Gass, John S. (2010). Persuasion, social influence, and compliance gaining (4th ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. pp. 33. ISBN 0-205-69818-2. [2] "Persuasion" (http:/ / www. businessdictionary. com/ definition/ persuasion. html). Business Dictionary. . Retrieved 9 May 2012. [3] Cialdini, R. B. (2001). Influence: Science and practice (4th ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. [4] The art of Woo by G. Richard Shell and Mario Moussa, New York 2007, ISBN 978-1-59184-176-0 [5] Friestad, Marian; Wright, Peter. Everyday persuasion knowledge. Psychology & Marketing16. 2 (Mar 1999) [6] Friestad, Marian; Wright, Peter. Everyday persuasion knowledge. Psychology & Marketing16. 2 (Mar 1999) [7] Friestad, Marian; Wright, Peter. Everyday persuasion knowledge. Psychology & Marketing16. 2 (Mar 1999) [8] Lawson, Willow. Persuasion:Battle on the Car Lot, Pyschology Today published on September 01, 2005 - last reviewed on July 31, 2009 [9] Cialdini, R.B. (2007). "Influence: The Psychology of Persuasion" New York: HarperCollins Publishers. [10] DellaVigna , S., & Gentzko, M. (2010). Persuasion: Empirical evidence. The Annual Review of Economics, 2, 643-69. doi: 10.1146/annurev.economics.102308.12430 [11] Drake, R. A., & Sobrero, A. P. (1987). Lateral orientation effects upon trait behavior and attitude behavior consistency. Journal of Social Psychology, 127, 639-651.


Persuasion [12] Cacioppo, J. T., Petty, R. E., & Quintanar, L. R. (1982). Individual differences in relative hemispheric alpha abundance and cognitive responses to persuasive communications. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 43, 623-636. [13] Tomarken, A. J., & Davidson, R. J. (1994). Frontal brain activity in repressors and nonrepressors. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 103, 339-349. [14] Herrington, J. D., Mohanty, A., Koven, N. S., Fisher, J. E., Stewart, J. L., Banich, M. T., et al. (2005). Emotion-modulated performance and activity in left dorsolateral prefrontal cortex. Emotion, 5, 200-207. [15] Drake, R. A., & Bingham, B. R. (1985). Induced lateral orientation and persuasibility. Brain and Cognition, 4, 156-164.

• Herbert I. Abelson, Ph D. Persuasion "How opinions and attitudes are changed" Copyright© 1959

Attitude (psychology) An attitude is an expression of favor or disfavor toward a person, place, thing, or event (the attitude object). Prominent psychologist Gordon Allport once described attitudes "the most distinctive and indispensable concept in contemporary social psychology."[1]

Definitions of attitude An attitude can be defined as a positive or negative evaluation of people, objects, event, activities, ideas, or just about anything in your environment, but there is debate about precise definitions. Eagly and Chaiken, for example, define an attitude "a psychological tendency that is expressed by evaluating a particular entity with some degree of favor or disfavor."[2] Though it is sometimes common to define an attitude as affect toward an object, affect (i.e., discrete emotions or overall arousal) is generally understood to be distinct from attitude as a measure of favorability.[3] This definition of attitude allows for one's evaluation of an attitude object to vary from extremely negative to extremely positive, but also admits that people can also be conflicted or ambivalent toward an object meaning that they might at different times express both positive and negative attitude toward the same object. This has led to some discussion of whether individual can hold multiple attitudes toward the same object.[4] Whether attitudes are explicit (i.e., deliberately formed) versus implicit (i.e., subconscious) has been a topic of considerable research. Research on implicit attitudes, which are generally unacknowledged or outside of awareness, uses sophisticated methods involving people's response times to stimuli to show that implicit attitudes exist (perhaps in tandem with explicit attitudes of the same object). Implicit and explicit attitudes seem to affect people's behavior, though in different ways. They tend not to be strongly associated with each other, although in some cases they are. The relationship between them is poorly understood.

Jung's definition Attitude is one of Jung's 57 definitions in Chapter XI of Psychological Types. Jung's definition of attitude is a "readiness of the psyche to act or react in a certain way" (Jung, [1921] 1971:par. 687). Attitudes very often come in pairs, one conscious and the other unconscious. Within this broad definition Jung defines several attitudes. The main (but not only) attitude dualities that Jung defines are the following. • Consciousness and the unconscious. The "presence of two attitudes is extremely frequent, one conscious and the other unconscious. This means that consciousness has a constellation of contents different from that of the unconscious, a duality particularly evident in neurosis" (Jung, [1921] 1971: par. 687). • Extraversion and introversion. This pair is so elementary to Jung's theory of types that he labeled them the "attitude-types". • Rational and irrational attitudes. "I conceive reason as an attitude" (Jung, [1921] 1971: par. 785). • The rational attitude subdivides into the thinking and feeling psychological functions, each with its attitude.


Attitude (psychology) • The irrational attitude subdivides into the sensing and intuition psychological functions, each with its attitude. "There is thus a typical thinking, feeling, sensation, and intuitive attitude" (Jung, [1921] 1971: par. 691). • Individual and social attitudes. Many of the latter are "isms". In addition, Jung discusses the abstract attitude. “When I take an abstract attitude...” (Jung, [1921] 1971: par. 679). Abstraction is contrasted with concretism. “CONCRETISM. By this I mean a peculiarity of thinking and feeling which is the antithesis of abstraction” (Jung, [1921] 1971: par. 696). For example: "I hate his attitude for being Sarcastic."

Measuring attitudes Many measurements and scales are used to examine attitudes. Attitudes can be difficult to measure because measurement is arbitrary, meaning people have to give attitudes a scale to measure it against, and attitudes are ultimately a hypothetical construct that cannot be observed directly. Following the explicit-implicit dichotomy, attitudes can be examined through direct and indirect measures. Explicit measures tend to rely on self-reports or easily observed behaviors. These tend to involve bipolar scales (e.g., good-bad, favorable-unfavorable, support-oppose, etc.).[5] Explicit measures can also be used by measuring the straightforward attribution of characteristics to nominate groups, such as "I feel that baptists are....?" or "I think that men are...?"[6] Likert scales and other self-reports are also commonly used. Implicit measures are not consciously directed and are assumed to be automatic, which may make implicit measures more valid and reliable than explicit measures (such as self-reports). For example, people can be motivated such that they find it socially desirable to appear to have certain attitudes. An example of this is that people can hold implicit prejudicial attitudes, but express explicit attitudes that report little prejudice. Implicit measures help account for these situations and look at attitudes that a person may not be aware of or want to show.[7] Implicit measures therefore usually rely on an indirect measure of attitude. For example, the Implicit Association Test (IAT) examines the strength between the target concept and an attribute element by considering the latency in which a person can examine two response keys when each has two meanings. With little time to carefully examine what the participant is doing they respond according to internal keys. This priming can show attitudes the person has about a particular object.[8]

Attitude structure The classic, tripartite view offered by William J. McGuire[9] is that an attitude contains cognitive, affective, and behavioral components. Empirical research, however, fails to support clear distinctions between thoughts, emotions, and behavioral intentions associated with a particular attitude.[10] A criticism of the tripartite view of attitudes is that it requires cognitive, affective, and behavioral associations of an attitude to be consistent, but this may be implausible. Thus some views of attitude structure see the cognitive and behavioral components as derivative of affect or affect and behavior as derivative of underlying beliefs.[11] Despite debate about the particular structure of attitudes, there is considerable evidence that attitudes reflect more than evaluations of a particular object that vary from positive to negative. Attitudes also have other characteristics, such as importance, certainty, or accessibility (measures of attitude strength) and associated knowledge.[12] There is also considerable interest in inter-attitudinal structure, which connects different attitudes to one another and to more underlying psychological structures, such as values or ideology.[13]


Attitude (psychology)

Attitude function Another classic view of attitudes is that attitudes serve particular functions for individuals. That is, researchers have tried to understand why individuals hold particular attitudes or why they hold attitudes in general by considering how attitudes affect the individuals who hold them.[14] Daniel Katz, for example, writes that attitudes can serve "instrumental, adjustive or utilitarian," "ego-defensive," "value-expressive," or "knowledge" functions.[15] The functional view of attitudes suggests that in order for attitudes to change (e.g., via persuasion), appeals must be made to the function(s) that a particular attitude serves for the individual. As an example, the "ego-defensive" function might be used to influence the racially prejudicial attitudes of an individual who sees themselves as open-minded and tolerant. By appealing to that individual's image of themselves as tolerant and open-minded, it may be possible to change their prejudicial attitudes to be more consistent with their self-concept. Similarly, a persuasive message that threatens self-image is much more likely to be rejected.[16]

Attitude formation According to Doob (1947), learning can account for most of the attitudes we hold. Theories of classical conditioning, instrumental conditioning and social learning are mainly responsible for formation of attitude. Unlike personality, attitudes are expected to change as a function of experience. Tesser (1993) has argued that hereditary variables may affect attitudes - but believes that they may do so indirectly. For example, consistency theories, which imply that we must be consistent in our beliefs and values. As with any type of heritability, to determine if a particular trait has a basis in our genes, twin studies are used.[17] The most famous example of such a theory is Dissonance-reduction theory, associated with Leon Festinger, which explains that when the components of an attitude (including belief and behavior) are at odds an individual may adjust one to match the other (for example, adjusting a belief to match a behavior).[18] Other theories include balance theory, origincally proposed by Heider (1958), and the self-perception theory, originally proposed by Daryl Bem.[19]

Attitude change Attitudes can be changed through persuasion and an important domain of research on attitude change focuses on responses to communication. Experimental research into the factors that can affect the persuasiveness of a message include: 1. Target Characteristics: These are characteristics that refer to the person who receives and processes a message. One such trait is intelligence - it seems that more intelligent people are less easily persuaded by one-sided messages. Another variable that has been studied in this category is self-esteem. Although it is sometimes thought that those higher in self-esteem are less easily persuaded, there is some evidence that the relationship between self-esteem and persuasibility is actually curvilinear, with people of moderate self-esteem being more easily persuaded than both those of high and low self-esteem levels (Rhodes & Woods, 1992). The mind frame and mood of the target also plays a role in this process. 2. Source Characteristics: The major source characteristics are expertise, trustworthiness and interpersonal attraction or attractiveness. The credibility of a perceived message has been found to be a key variable here; if one reads a report about health and believes it came from a professional medical journal, one may be more easily persuaded than if one believes it is from a popular newspaper. Some psychologists have debated whether this is a long-lasting effect and Hovland and Weiss (1951) found the effect of telling people that a message came from a credible source disappeared after several weeks (the so-called "sleeper effect"). Whether there is a sleeper effect is controversial. Perceived wisdom is that if people are informed of the source of a message before hearing it, there is less likelihood of a sleeper effect than if they are told a message and then told its source. 3. Message Characteristics: The nature of the message plays a role in persuasion. Sometimes presenting both sides of a story is useful to help change attitudes. When people are not motivated to process the message, simply the number of arguments presented in a persuasive message will influence attitude change, such that a greater number


Attitude (psychology) of arguments will produce greater attitude change.[20] 4. Cognitive Routes: A message can appeal to an individual's cognitive evaluation to help change an attitude. In the central route to persuasion the individual is presented with the data and motivated to evaluate the data and arrive at an attitude changing conclusion. In the peripheral route to attitude change, the individual is encouraged to not look at the content but at the source. This is commonly seen in modern advertisements that feature celebrities. In some cases, physician, doctors or experts are used. In other cases film stars are used for their attractiveness.

Emotion and attitude change Emotion is a common component in persuasion, social influence, and attitude change. Much of attitude research emphasized the importance of affective or emotion components. Emotion works hand-in-hand with the cognitive process, or the way we think, about an issue or situation. Emotional appeals are commonly found in advertising, health campaigns and political messages. Recent examples include no-smoking health campaigns and political campaign advertising emphasizing the fear of terrorism. Attitudes and attitude objects are functions of cognitive, affective and conative components. Attitudes are part of the brain’s associative networks, the spider-like structures residing in long term memory that consist of affective and cognitive nodes. By activating an affective or emotion node, attitude change may be possible, though affective and cognitive components tend to be intertwined. In primarily affective networks, it is more difficult to produce cognitive counterarguments in the resistance to persuasion and attitude change. Affective forecasting, otherwise known as intuition or the prediction of emotion, also impacts attitude change. Research suggests that predicting emotions is an important component of decision making, in addition to the cognitive processes. How we feel about an outcome may override purely cognitive rationales. In terms of research methodology, the challenge for researchers is measuring emotion and subsequent impacts on attitude. Since we cannot see into the brain, various models and measurement tools have been constructed to obtain emotion and attitude information. Measures may include the use of physiological cues like facial expressions, vocal changes, and other body rate measures. For instance, fear is associated with raised eyebrows, increased heart rate and increase body tension (Dillard, 1994). Other methods include concept or network mapping, and using primes or word cues in the era .

Components of emotion appeals Any discrete emotion can be used in a persuasive appeal; this may include jealousy, disgust, indignation, fear, blue, disturbed, haunted,and anger. Fear is one of the most studied emotional appeals in communication and social influence research. Important consequences of fear appeals and other emotion appeals include the possibility of reactance which may lead to either message rejections or source rejection and the absence of attitude change. As the EPPM suggests, there is an optimal emotion level in motivating attitude change. If there is not enough motivation, an attitude will not change; if the emotional appeal is overdone, the motivation can be paralyzed thereby preventing attitude change. Emotions perceived as negative or containing threat are often studied more than perceived positive emotions like humor. Though the inner-workings of humor are not agreed upon, humor appeals may work by creating incongruities in the mind. Recent research has looked at the impact of humor on the processing of political messages. While evidence is inconclusive, there appears to be potential for targeted attitude change is receivers with low political message involvement. Important factors that influence the impact of emotion appeals include self efficacy, attitude accessibility, issue involvement, and message/source features. Self efficacy is a perception of one’s own human agency; in other words, it is the perception of our own ability to deal with a situation. It is an important variable in emotion appeal messages because it dictates a person’s ability to deal with both the emotion and the situation. For example, if a person is not self-efficacious about their ability to impact the global environment, they are not likely to change their attitude or


Attitude (psychology) behavior about global warming. Dillard (1994) suggests that message features such as source non-verbal communication, message content, and receiver differences can impact the emotion impact of fear appeals. The characteristics of a message are important because one message can elicit different levels of emotion for different people. Thus, in terms of emotion appeals messages, one size does not fit all. Attitude accessibility refers to the activation of an attitude from memory in other words, how readily available is an attitude about an object, issue, or situation. Issue involvement is the relevance and salience of an issue or situation to an individual. Issue involvement has been correlated with both attitude access and attitude strength. Past studies conclude accessible attitudes are more resistant to change.

Attitude-behavior relationship The effects of attitudes on behaviors represents a significant research enterprise within psychology. Two theoretical approaches have dominated this research: the theory of reasoned action[21] and, its theoretical descendant, the theory of planned behavior,[22] both of which are associated with Icek Ajzen. Both of these theories describe the link between attitude and behavior as a deliberative process, with an individual actively choosing to engage in an attitude-related behavior. An alternative model, called MODE for "Motivation and Opportunity as DEterminants" was proposed by Russell H. Fazio, which focuses on motivations and opportunities for deliberative attitude-related behavior to occur. MODE is a Dual process theory that expects deliberative attitude-behavior linkages - like those modeled by the theory of planned behavior - only occur when individuals have motivation to reflect upon their own attitudes.[23]

References [1] Allport, Gordon. (1935). "Attitudes," in A Handbook of Social Psychology, ed. C. Murchison. Worcester, MA: Clark University Press, 789–844. [2] Eagly, Alice H., and Shelly Chaiken. 1998. “Attitude Structure and Function.” In Handbook of Social Psychology, ed. D.T. Gilbert, Susan T. Fiske, and G. Lindzey, 269–322. New York: McGraw-Hill. [3] Ajzen, Icek. 2001. “Nature and Operation of Attitudes.” Annual Review of Psychology 52: 27–58. [4] Wood, Wendy. 2000. “Attitude Change: Persuasion and Social Influence.” Annual Review of Psychology 51: 539–70. doi:10.1146/annurev.psych.51.1.539. [5] Olson, James M., Zanna, Mark P. (1993). Attitudes and Attitude Change. Annual Review of Psychology, 44:117-54. [6] Ferguson, T. J., (2004). Perceiving Groups: Prejudice, Stereotyping, & Discrimination. Retrieved from: [7] Whitley, B. E. (2010). The Psychology of Prejudice & Discrimination. United States: Wadsworth Cengage Learning. [8] Fazio, R. H. & Olson, M. A., (2003). Implicit Measures in Social Cognition Research: Their Meaning and Use. Retrieved from: http:/ / commonsenseatheism. com/ wp-content/ uploads/ 2011/ 04/ Fazio-Olson-Implicit-measures-in-social-cognition-research-Their-meaning-and-uses. pdf [9] McGuire, W.J. (1969). The nature of attitudes and attitude change. In The Handbook of Social Psychology, eds, G. Lindzey, E Aronson, 3: 136-314. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. [10] Eagly, Alice H., and Shelly Chaiken. 1998. "Attitude Structure and Function." In Handbook of Social Psychology, ed. D.T. Gilbert, Susan T. Fiske, and G. Lindzey, 269–322. New York: McGraw-Hill. [11] Fazio, Russell H., and Michael A. Olson (2003). Attitudes: Foundations, Functions, and Consequences. The Sage Handbook of Social Psychology. London: Sage. [12] Visser, Penny S., Bizer, George Y., and Krosnick, Jon A. (2006). Exploring the Latent Structure of Strength-Related Attitude Attributes. Advances in Experimental Social Psychology 38: 1-67. [13] Tesser, A., and Shaffer, David R. (1990). Attitudes and Attitude Change. Annual Review of Psychology 41:479-523. [14] Eagly, Alice H., and Shelly Chaiken. 1998. “Attitude Structure and Function.” In Handbook of Social Psychology, ed. D.T. Gilbert, Susan T. Fiske, and G. Lindzey, 269–322. New York: McGraw-Hill. [15] Katz, Daniel. 1960. “The Functional Approach to the Study of Attitudes.” Public Opinion Quarterly 24(2): 163. http:/ / poq. oxfordjournals. org/ content/ 24/ 2/ 163. abstract. [16] Lapinski, Maria Knight, and Franklin J. Boster. (2001). Modeling the Ego-Defensive Function of Attitudes. Communication Monographs 68(3):314-324. [17] Brandt, M. J., & Wetherell, G. A. (2012). What attitudes are moral attitudes? the case of attitude heritability. Social Psychological and Personality Science, 3(2), 172-179 . Retrieved from http:/ / journals2. scholarsportal. info. myaccess. library. utoronto. ca/ tmp/


Attitude (psychology) 10766316054165146494. pdf [18] T.L. Brink (2008) Psychology: A Student Friendly Approach. "Unit 13: Social Psychology." pp 295 (http:/ / www. saylor. org/ site/ wp-content/ uploads/ 2011/ 01/ TLBrink_PSYCH13. pdf) [19] Carlson, for most (2010). Psychology: the Science of Behaviour. New Jersey, USA: Pearson Education. pp. 488. ISBN 978-0-205-64524-4. [20] Petty, R.E. & Cacioppo, J.T. (1984). The effects of involvement on responses to argument quantity and quality: Central and peripheral routes to persuasion. ' 'Journal of Personality and Social Psychology' ', 46, 69-81. [21] Ajzen I, Fishbein M. 1980. Understanding Attitudes and Predicting Social Behavior. Englewood-Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall [22] Ajzen I. 1991. The theory of planned behavior. Organization Behavior and Human Decision Process. 50:179–211 [23] Fazio, Russell H., and Tamara Towles-Schwen. (1999). The MODE Model of Attitude-Behavior Processes. In Chaiken, Shelly, and Trope, Yaacov, Dual Process Theories in Social Psychology, New York: Guilford Press.

Further reading • Breckler, S. J., & Wiggins, E. C. (1992). On defining attitude and attitude theory: Once more with feeling. In A. R. Pratkanis, S. J. Breckler, & A. C. Greenwald (Eds.), Attitude structure and function. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. pp. 407–427 • Eagly, A., & Chaiken, S. (1995). Attitude strength, attitude structure and resistance to change. In R. Petty and J. Kosnik (Eds.), Attitude Strength. (pp. 413–432). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. • Fazio, R. H. (1986). How do attitudes guide behavior? In R. M. Sorrentino & E. T. Higgins (Eds.), The handbook of motivation and cognition: Foundations of social behavior (pp 204–243). New York: Guilford Press. • Fazio, R., & Williams, C. (1986). Attitude accessibility as a moderator of attitude-perception and attitude-behavior relation: An investigation of the 1984 presidential election. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 51, 505-514. • Tesser, A. (1993) On the importance of heritability in psychological research: The case of attitudes. Psychological Review, 100, 129-142. • Joseph P. Forgas, Joel Cooper, William D. Crano. 2010. The Psychology of Attitudes and Attitude Change. Publisher Routledge. ISBN 1848729081, 9781848729087 • Gerd Bohner. 2002. Attitudes and Attitude Change: Social Psychology. Publisher-Psychology Press. ISBN 0863777791, 9780863777790 • Greg Maio, Geoffrey Haddock. 2010. The Psychology of Attitudes and Attitude Change: Sage Social Psychology Program. Publisher SAGE. ISBN 141292975X, 9781412929752 • Dolores Albarraci, Blair T. Johnson, Mark P. Zanna. 2005. The Handbook of Attitudes. Publisher Routledge. ISBN 0805844937, 9780805844931 • Frank M. Andrews. 1991. Measures of Personality and Social Psychological Attitudes. Publisher-Gulf Professional Publishing. ISBN 0125902441, 9780125902441 • John P. Robinson, Phillip R. Shaver.1980. Measures of Social Psychological Attitudes. Publisher Survey Research Center, Institute for Social Research. ISBN 0879441305, 9780879441302 • Eagly, Alice H.; Chaiken, Shelly1993. The Psychology of Attitudes. Publishers-Harcourt Brace Jovanovich College. • Icek Ajzen. 2005. Attitudes, Personality, and Behavior. Publisher McGraw-Hill International. ISBN 0335224008, 9780335224005 • G. Haddock. 2004. Contemporary Perspectives on the Psychology of Attitudes. Publisher Taylor & Francis. ISBN 184169326X, 9781841693262



Belief Belief is the psychological state in which an individual holds a proposition or premise to be true.[1]

Belief, knowledge and epistemology The terms belief and knowledge are used differently in philosophy. Epistemology is the philosophical study of knowledge and belief. The primary problem in epistemology is to understand exactly what is needed in order for us to have true knowledge. In a notion derived from Plato's dialogue Theaetetus, philosophy has traditionally defined knowledge as "justified true belief". The relationship between belief and knowledge is that a belief is knowledge if the belief is true, and if the believer has a justification (reasonable and necessarily plausible assertions/evidence/guidance) for believing it is true. A false belief is not considered to be knowledge, even if it is sincere. A sincere believer in the flat earth theory does not know that the Earth is flat. Later epistemologists, for instance Gettier (1963)[2] and Goldman (1967),[3] have questioned the "justified true belief" definition.

Belief as a psychological theory Mainstream psychology and related disciplines have traditionally treated belief as if it were the simplest form of mental representation and therefore one of the building blocks of conscious thought. Philosophers have tended to be more abstract in their analysis, and much of the work examining the viability of the belief concept stems from philosophical analysis. The concept of belief presumes a subject (the believer) and an object of belief (the proposition). So, like other propositional attitudes, belief implies the existence of mental states and intentionality, both of which are hotly debated topics in the philosophy of mind, whose foundations and relation to brain states are still controversial. Beliefs are sometimes divided into core beliefs (that are actively thought about) and dispositional beliefs (that may be ascribed to someone who has not thought about the issue). For example, if asked "do you believe tigers wear pink pajamas?" a person might answer that they do not, despite the fact they may never have thought about this situation before.[4] That a belief is a mental state has been seen by some as contentious. While some have argued that beliefs are represented in the mind as sentence-like constructs, others have gone as far as arguing that there is no consistent or coherent mental representation that underlies our common use of the belief concept and that it is therefore obsolete and should be rejected. This has important implications for understanding the neuropsychology and neuroscience of belief. If the concept of belief is incoherent, then any attempt to find the underlying neural processes that support it will fail. Philosopher Lynne Rudder Baker has outlined four main contemporary approaches to belief in her controversial book Saving Belief:[5] • Our common-sense understanding of belief is correct - Sometimes called the "mental sentence theory", in this conception, beliefs exist as coherent entities and the way we talk about them in everyday life is a valid basis for scientific endeavour. Jerry Fodor is one of the principal defenders of this point of view. • Our common-sense understanding of belief may not be entirely correct, but it is close enough to make some useful predictions - This view argues that we will eventually reject the idea of belief as we use it now, but that there may be a correlation between what we take to be a belief when someone says "I believe that snow is white" and how a future theory of psychology will explain this behaviour. Most notably, philosopher Stephen Stich has argued for this particular understanding of belief.


Belief • Our common-sense understanding of belief is entirely wrong and will be completely superseded by a radically different theory that will have no use for the concept of belief as we know it - Known as eliminativism, this view, (most notably proposed by Paul and Patricia Churchland), argues that the concept of belief is like obsolete theories of times past such as the four humours theory of medicine, or the phlogiston theory of combustion. In these cases science hasn't provided us with a more detailed account of these theories, but completely rejected them as valid scientific concepts to be replaced by entirely different accounts. The Churchlands argue that our common-sense concept of belief is similar in that as we discover more about neuroscience and the brain, the inevitable conclusion will be to reject the belief hypothesis in its entirety. • Our common-sense understanding of belief is entirely wrong; however, treating people, animals, and even computers as if they had beliefs is often a successful strategy - The major proponents of this view, Daniel Dennett and Lynne Rudder Baker, are both eliminativists in that they believe (?) that beliefs are not a scientifically valid concept, but they don't go as far as rejecting the concept of belief as a predictive device. Dennett gives the example of playing a computer at chess. While few people would agree that the computer held beliefs, treating the computer as if it did (e.g. that the computer believes that taking the opposition's queen will give it a considerable advantage) is likely to be a successful and predictive strategy. In this understanding of belief, named by Dennett the intentional stance, belief-based explanations of mind and behaviour are at a different level of explanation and are not reducible to those based on fundamental neuroscience, although both may be explanatory at their own level.

How beliefs are formed Psychologists study belief formation and the relationship between beliefs and actions. Beliefs form in a variety of ways: M • We tend to internalise the beliefs of the people around us during childhood. Albert Einstein is often quoted as having said that "Common sense is the collection of prejudices acquired by age eighteen." Political beliefs depend most strongly on the political beliefs most common in the community where we live.[6] Most individuals believe the religion they were taught in childhood.[7] • People may adopt the beliefs of a charismatic leader, even if those beliefs fly in the face of all previous beliefs, and produce actions that are clearly not in their own self-interest.[8] Is belief voluntary? Rational individuals need to reconcile their direct reality with any said belief; therefore, if belief is not present or possible, it reflects the fact that contradictions were necessarily overcome using cognitive dissonance. • The primary thrust of the advertising industry is that repetition forms beliefs, as do associations of beliefs with images of sex, love, and other strong positive emotions.[9] • Physical trauma, especially to the head, can radically alter a person's beliefs.[10] However, even educated people, well aware of the process by which beliefs form, still strongly cling to their beliefs, and act on those beliefs even against their own self-interest. In Anna Rowley's Leadership Theory, she states "You want your beliefs to change. It's proof that you are keeping your eyes open, living fully, and welcoming everything that the world and people around you can teach you." This means that peoples' beliefs should evolve as they gain new experiences.[11]



Belief-in To "believe in" someone or something is a distinct concept from "believe-that". There are two types of belief-in:[12] • Commendatory - an expression of confidence in a person or entity, as in, "I believe in his ability to do the job". • Existential claim - to claim belief in the existence of an entity or phenomenon with the implied need to justify its claim to existence. It is often used when the entity is not real, or its existence is in doubt. "He believes in witches and ghosts" or "many children believe in fairies" are typical examples.[13]

Delusional beliefs Delusions are defined as beliefs in psychiatric diagnostic criteria (for example in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders). Psychiatrist and historian G.E. Berrios has challenged the view that delusions are genuine beliefs and instead labels them as "empty speech acts", where affected persons are motivated to express false or bizarre belief statements due to an underlying psychological disturbance. However, the majority of mental health professionals and researchers treat delusions as if they were genuine beliefs. In Lewis Carroll's Through the Looking-Glass the White Queen says, "Why, sometimes I've believed as many as six impossible things before breakfast." This is often quoted in mockery of the common ability of people to entertain beliefs contrary to fact.

Notes [1] Schwitzgebel, Eric (2006), "Belief" (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ belief/ ), in Zalta, Edward, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Stanford, CA: The Metaphysics Research Lab, , retrieved 2008-09-19 [2] Gettier, E. L. (1963). "Is justified true belief knowledge?". Analysis 23 (6): 121–123. JSTOR 3326922. [3] Goldman, A. I. (1967). "A causal theory of knowing". The Journal of Philosophy 64 (12): 357–372. JSTOR 2024268. [4] Bell, V.; Halligan, P. W.; Ellis, H. D. (2006). "A Cognitive Neuroscience of Belief". In Halligan, Peter W.; Aylward, Mansel. The Power of Belief: Psychological Influence on Illness, Disability, and Medicine. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0198530102. [5] Baker, Lynne Rudder (1989). Saving Belief: A Critique of Physicalism. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0691073201. [6] Gelman, Andrew; Park, David; Shor, Boris; Bafumi, Joseph; Cortina, Jeronimo (2008). Red State, Blue State, Rich State, Poor State: Why Americans Vote the Way They Do. Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691139272. [7] Argyle, Michael (1997). The Psychology of Religious Behaviour, Belief and Experience. London: Routledge. p. 25. ISBN 0415123305. "Religion, in most cultures, is ascribed, not chosen." [8] Hoffer, Eric (2002). The True Believer. New York: Harper Perennial Modern Classics. ISBN 0060505915. [9] Kilbourne, Jane; Pipher, Mary (2000). Can't Buy My Love: How Advertising Changes the Way We Think and Feel. Free Press. ISBN 0684866005. [10] Rothschild, Babette (2000). The Body Remembers: The Psychophysiology of Trauma and Trauma Treatment. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 0393703274. [11] Rowley, Anna (2007). Leadership Therapy: Inside the Mind of Microsoft. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 69. ISBN 1403984034. [12] MacIntosh, J. J. (1994). "Belief-in Revisited: A Reply to Williams" (http:/ / www. accessmylibrary. com/ article-1G1-15948893/ belief-revisited-reply-williams. html). Religious Studies 30 (4): 487–503. doi:10.1017/S0034412500023131. . [13] Macintosh, Jack. "Belief-in". The Oxford Companion to Philosophy. p. 86. ISBN 978-0-19-926479-7.

External links • Belief ( entry by Eric Schwitzgebel in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy • How Belief Works ( - an article on how beliefs form. • William Kingdon Clifford. Ethics of Belief ( Classic essay that belief by its nature is not ethical, with counterpoint by "The Will to Believe" of William James


Sleeper effect


Sleeper effect The sleeper effect is a psychological phenomenon whereby a highly persuasive message, paired with a discounting cue, causes an individual to be more persuaded by the message (rather than less persuaded) over time.

The sleeper effect When people are normally exposed to a highly persuasive message (such as an engaging or persuasive television ad), their attitudes toward the advocacy of the message display a significant increase. Over time, however, their newly formed attitudes seem to gravitate back toward the position held prior to receiving the message, almost as if they were never exposed to the communication in the first place. This pattern of normal decay in attitudes has been documented as the most frequently observed longitudinal pattern in persuasion research (Eagly & Chaiken, 1993). In contrast, some messages are often accompanied with a discounting cue (e.g., a message disclaimer, a low-credibility source) that would arouse a recipient’s suspicion of the validity of the message and suppress any attitude change that might occur with exposure to the message alone. Furthermore, when people are exposed to a persuasive message followed by a discounting cue, people tend to be more persuaded over time; this is referred to as the sleeper effect (Hovland & Weiss, 1951; Cook & Flay, 1978).

Figure A: Normal Decay Figure B: Sleeper Effect

For example, in political campaigns during important elections, undecided voters often see negative advertisements about a party or candidate running for office. At the end of the advertisement, they also might notice that the opposing candidate paid for the advertisement. Presumably, this would make voters question the truthfulness of the advertisement, and consequently, they may not be initially persuaded. However, even though the source of the advertisement lacked credibility, voters will be more likely to be persuaded later (and ultimately, vote against the candidate in the advertisement). This pattern of attitude change has puzzled social psychologists for nearly half a century, primarily due to its counter-intuitive nature and for its potential to aid in understanding attitude processes (Eagly & Chaiken, 1993). In addition, it has been the most widely studied phenomenon in persuasion research (Kumkale & Albarracín, 2004; see also Cook & Flay, 1978).

Controversy surrounding the existence of a "sleeper effect" One of the more challenging aspects that the sleeper effect posed to some researchers in early studies was the sheer difficulty in obtaining the effect (e.g. Capon & Hulbert, 1973; Gillig & Greenwald, 1974). After attempting to replicate the effect and failing, some researchers went as far as suggesting that it might be better to accept the null hypothesis and conclude that the sleeper effect does not exist (Gillig & Greenwald, 1974). However, Cook and his associates (Cook, Gruder, Hennigan, & Flay, 1979) responded by suggesting that previous studies failed to obtain the sleeper effect because the requirements for a strong test were not met. Specifically, they argued that the sleeper effect will occur only if: (a) the message is persuasive;

Sleeper effect


(b) the discounting cue has a strong enough impact to suppress initial attitude change; (c) enough time has passed between immediate and delayed post-tests; and (d) the message itself still has an impact on attitudes during the delayed post-test. Experimental studies conducted did, in fact, provide support for the sleeper effect occurring under such theoretically relevant conditions (Gruder, Cook, Hennigan, Flay, Alessis, & Halamaj, 1978). Furthermore, the sleeper effect did not occur when any of the four requirements were not met.

Past hypotheses on how the sleeper effect occurs Because the sleeper effect has been considered to be counter-intuitive at face value, researchers since the early 1950s have attempted to explain how and why it occurs.

Forgetting and dissociation Hovland, Lumsdaine, and Sheffield (1949) first discovered the effect in a well-known study that demonstrated the delayed impact of a World War II propaganda film on American soldiers. In a subset of conditions that caused participants to question the credibility of the source in the film, participants later reported a slight increase in persuasion (much to the researchers’ surprise). After examining the results, they initially hypothesized that forgetting of the discounting cue (in this case, the non-credible source) was driving the effect.

Figure A: Forgetting Figure B: Dissociation Figure C: Differential-Decay

However, this premise turned out to be incorrect, because the recall measures indicated that recipients of the message were remembering the source of the communication. Consequently, Hovland and Weiss (1951) modified the forgetting hypothesis to one of dissociation. According to this reasoning, the sleeper effect occurs because the association between the discounting cue and the message in one’s memory becomes severed over time; hence, when the message is recalled for purposes of producing an attitude, the source is not readily associated.

Differential decay Years later, Pratkanis, Greenwald, Leippe, and Baumgardner (1988) offered an alternative hypothesis that differed from Hovland and his colleagues. They argued that the conditions under which the sleeper effect is more likely to occur were not highlighted under the dissociation hypothesis. In addition, the requirements for a sleeper effect laid out by Gruder et al. (1978) did not detail the empirical conditions necessary to observe the sleeper effect. Based on a series of 17 experiments, the researchers proposed a theory of differential decay; that is, they suggested that the sleeper effect occurs because the impact of the cue decays faster than the impact of the message. Consequently, an overall increase in attitude change is observed at a later time. Moreover, they found that a critical requirement needed to observe the sleeper effect included the discounting cue following (rather than preceding) the message. This relatively complicated literature has been synthesized recently in a meta-analysis (see Kumkale & Albarracin, 2004).

Sleeper effect

In Popular Culture • "The Sleeper Effect" is also the title of a Manchester based science-fiction series.[1] • "Sleeper Effect" is also a London rock band formed in 2009.

Footnotes [1] http:/ / www. thesleepereffect. com

References • Capon, N. & Hulbert, J., "The Sleeper Effect — An Awakening", Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol.37, No.3, (Autumn 1973), pp. 333–358. • Cook, T. D. & Flay, B. R., "The Persistence of Experimentally-Induced Attitude Change", Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, Vol.11, (1978), pp. 1–57. • Cook, T. D., Gruder, C. L., Hennigan, K. M., & Flay, B. R., "History of the Sleeper Effect: Some Logical Pitfalls in Accepting the Null Hypothesis", Psychological Bulletin, Vol.86, No.4, (July 1979), pp. 662–679. • Eagly, A.K., & Chaiken, S., The Psychology of Attitudes, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, (Fort Worth), 1993. • Gillig, P.M., & Greenwald, A.G. (1974), "Is it Time to Lay the Sleeper Effect to Rest?", Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol.29, No.1, (January 1974), pp. 132–139. • Gruder, C.L., Cook, T.D., Hennigan, K.M., Flay, B.R., Alessis, C., & Halamaj, J. "Empirical Tests of the Absolute Sleeper Effect Predicted from the Discounting Cue Hypothesis", Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol.36, No.10, (October 1978), pp. 1061–1074. • Hovland, C.I., Lumsdale, A.A. & Sheffield, F.D, Experiments on Mass Communication: Studies in Social Psychology in World War II: Volume III, Princeton University Press, (Princeton), 1949. • Hovland, C.I., Weiss, W., "The Influence of Source Credibility on Communication Effectiveness", Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol.15, No.4, (Winter 1951), pp. 635–650. • Kumkale, G.T., & Albarracín, D., "The Sleeper Effect in Persuasion: A Meta-Analytic Review", Psychological Bulletin, Vol.130, 1, (January 2004), pp. 143–172. • Pratkanis, A.R., Greenwald, A.G., Leippe, M.R. & Baumgardner, M.H., "In Search of Reliable Persuasion Effects: III. The Sleeper Effect is Dead. Long Live the Sleeper Effect", Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol.54, No.2, (February 1988), pp. 203–218.

Further reading • Ajzen, I., "Persuasive Communication Theory in Social Psychology: A Historical Perspective", pp. 1–27 in Manfredo, M.J. (ed.), Influencing Human Behavior: Theory and Applications in Recreation, Tourism, and Natural Resources Management, Sagamore Publishing, (Champaign), 1992. ( ~psyc661/pdf/persuasion.pdf) • Catton, W.R., "Changing Cognitive Structure as a Basis for the “Sleeper Effect”", Social Forces, Vol.38, No.4, (May 1960), pp.348-354. • Cohen, A.R., "Need for Cognition and Order of Communication as Determinants of Opinion Change", pp. 79–97 in Hovland, C.I. (ed.), The Order of Presentation in Persuasion, Yale University Press, (New Haven), 1957. • Hannah, D.B. & Sternthal, B., "Detecting and Explaining the Sleeper Effect", The Journal of Consumer Research, Vol.11, No.2, (September 1984), pp. 632–642. • Hovland, C.I., "Introduction", pp. 1–10 in Hovland, C.I. (ed.), The Order of Presentation in Persuasion, Yale University Press, (New Haven), 1957. • Hovland, C., "Reconciling Conflicting Results Derived From Experimental and Survey Studies of Attitude Change", American Psychologist, Vol.14, No.1, (January 1959), pp. 8–17.


Sleeper effect • Hovland, C.I., Janis, I.L. & Kelley, H.H., Communication and Persuasion: Psychological Studies of Opinion Change, Yale University Press, (New Haven), 1953. • Lariscy, R.A.W. & Tinkham, S.F., "The Sleeper Effect and Negative Political Advertising", Journal of Advertising, Vol.28, No.4, (Winter 1999), pp. 13–30. • Mazursky, D. & Schul, Y., "In the Aftermath of Invalidation: Shaping Judgment Rules on Learning that Previous Information was Invalid", Journal of Consumer Psychology, Vol.9, No.4, (2000), pp. 213–222. • Mazursky, D. & Schul, Y., "The Effects of Advertisement Encoding on the Failure to Discount Information: Implications for the Sleeper Effect", Journal of Consumer Research, Vol.15, No.1, (June 1988), pp. 24–36. • McGuire, W.J., "Creative Hypothesis Generating in Psychology: Some Useful Heuristics", Annual Review of Psychology, Vol.48, No.1, (February 1997), pp. 1–30. • Priester, J., Wegener, D., Petty, R. & Fabrigar, L., "Examining the Psychological Process Underlying the Sleeper Effect: The Elaboration Likelihood Model Explanation", Media Psychology, (1999), Vol.1, No.1, pp. 27–48. • Schulman, G.I. & Worrall, C., "Salience Patterns, Source Credibility, and the Sleeper Effect", Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol.34, No.3, (Autumn 1970), pp. 371–382. • Sitton, S.C. & Griffin, S., "The Sleeper Effect in Reconstructive Memory", Journal of General Psychology, Vol.103, No.1, (July 1980), pp. 21–25. • Underwood, J. & Pezdek, K., "Memory Suggestibility as an Example of the Sleeper Effect", Psychonomic Bulletin and Review, Vol.5, No.3, (September 1998), pp. 449–453. • Weiss, W., "A “Sleeper” Effect in Opinion Change", Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, Vol.48, No.2, (April 1953), pp. 173–180. • Wilson, T.D., Lindsey, S. & Schooler, T.Y., "A Model of Dual Attitudes", Psychological Review, Vol.107, No.1, (January 2000), pp. 101–126.

Social influence Social influence occurs when one's emotions, opinions, or behaviors are affected by others.[1] Social influence takes many forms and can be seen in conformity, socialization, peer pressure, obedience, leadership, persuasion, sales, and marketing. In 1958, Harvard psychologist, Herbert Kelman identified three broad varieties of social influence.[2] 1. Compliance is when people appear to agree with others, but actually keep their dissenting opinions private. 2. Identification is when people are influenced by someone who is liked and respected, such as a famous celebrity. 3. Internalization is when people accept a belief or behavior and agree both publicly and privately. Morton Deutsch and Harold Gerard described two psychological needs that lead humans to conform to the expectations of others. These include our need to be right (informational social influence), and our need to be liked (normative social influence).[3] Informational influence (or social proof) is an influence to accept information from another as evidence about reality. Informational influence comes into play when people are uncertain, either because stimuli are intrinsically ambiguous or because there is social disagreement. Normative influence is an influence to conform to the positive expectations of others. In terms of Kelman's typology, normative influence leads to public compliance, whereas informational influence leads to private acceptance.


Social influence

Types Social Influence is a broad term that relates to many different phenomena. Below are some major types of social influence that are being researched in the field of social psychology. For more information, follow the main article links provided.

Kelman's varieties There are three processes of attitude change as defined by Harvard psychologist Herbert Kelman in his 1958 paper in the Journal of Conflict Resolution.[2] The purpose of defining these processes was to help determine the effects of social influence: for example, to separate public conformity (behavior) from private acceptance (personal belief). Compliance Compliance is the act of responding favorably to an explicit or implicit request offered by others. Technically, compliance is a change in behavior but not necessarily attitude- one can comply due to mere obedience, or by otherwise opting to withhold one’s private thoughts due to social pressures.[4] According to Kelman’s 1958 paper, the satisfaction derived from compliance is due to the social effect of the accepting influence (i.e. people comply for an expected reward or punishment-aversion).[2] Identification Identification is the changing of attitudes or behaviors due to the influence of someone that is liked. Advertisements that rely upon celebrities to market their products are taking advantage of this phenomenon. The desired relationship that the identifier relates with the behavior or attitude change is the “reward”, according to Kelman.[2] Internalization Internalization is the process of acceptance of a set of norms established by people or groups which are influential to the individual. The individual accepts the influence because the content of the influence accepted is intrinsically rewarding. It is congruent with the individual’s value system, and according to Kelman the “reward” of internalization is “the content of the new behavior”.[2]

Conformity Conformity is a type of social influence involving a change in belief or behavior in order to fit in with a group. It is the most common and pervasive form of social influence. Social Psychology research in conformity tends to distinguish between two varieties: informational conformity (also called social proof, or "internalization" in Kelman's terms ) and normative conformity ("compliance" in Kelman's terms).[4] There are naturally more than two or three variables in society influential on human psychology and conformity; the notion of "varieties" of conformity based upon "social influence" is ambiguous and undefinable in this context. In the case of peer pressure, a person is convinced to do something (such as illegal drugs) which they might not want to do, but which they perceive as "necessary" to keep a positive relationship with other people, such as their friends. Conformity from peer pressure generally results from identification within the group members, or from compliance of some members to appease others.

Minority influence Minority influence takes place when a majority is influenced to accept the beliefs of behaviors of a minority. Minority influence can be affected by the sizes of majority and minority groups, the level of consistency of the minority group and situational factors (such as the affluence or social importance of the minority).[5] Minority influence most often operates through informational social influence (as opposed to normative social influence) because the majority may be indifferent to the liking of the minority.[6]


Social influence

Self-fulfilling prophecy A self-fulfilling prophecy is a prediction that directly or indirectly causes itself to become true, due to a positive feedback between belief and behavior. A prophecy declared as truth (when it is actually false) may sufficiently influence people, either through fear or logical confusion, so that their reactions ultimately fulfill the once-false prophecy. The term is credited to sociologist Robert K. Merton and is defined in his book Social Theory and Social Structure.[7]

Reactance Reactance is the adoption or a view contrary to the view that they are being pressured to accept, perhaps due to the perceived threat to behavioral freedoms. This behavior has also been called anticonformity. While the results are the opposite of what the influencer intended, this reactive behavior is the result of social pressure.[8] It is notable that anticonformity does not necessarily mean independence. In many studies, reactance manifests itself in a deliberate rejection of an influence, even when the influence is clearly correct.[9]

Obedience Obedience is a form of social influence that derives from an authority figure. The Milgram Experiment, Zimbardo’s Stanford prison experiment, and the Hofling hospital experiment are three particularly well-known experiments on obedience, and they all conclude that humans behave surprisingly obedient in the presence of perceived legitimate authority figures.

Persuasion Persuasion is the process of guiding oneself or another toward the adoption of some attitude by some rational or symbolic means. Robert Cialdini defined six “weapons of influence”: reciprocity, commitment, social proof, authority, liking, and scarcity. These “weapons of influence” attempt to bring about conformity by directed means. Persuasion can occur through appeals to reason or appeals to emotion.[10]

Antecedents Many factors can affect the strength of social influence.

Social impact theory Social Impact Theory was developed by Bibb Latané in 1981. It states that there are three factors which will increase people's likelihood to respond to social influence[11]: • Strength: The importance of the influencing group to the individual. • Immediacy: Physical (and temporal) proximity of the influencing group to the individual at the time of the influence attempt. • Number: The number of people in the group.


Social influence

Cialdini's "Weapons of Influence" In his work, Robert Cialdini defines six "Weapons of Influence" that can contribute to an individual's propensity to be influenced by a persuader[10]: • Reciprocity: People tend to return a favor. • Commitment and Consistency: People do not like to be self-contradictory. Once they commit to an idea or behavior, they are averse to changing their minds without good reason. • Social Proof: People will be more open to things they see others doing. • Authority: People will tend to obey authority figures. • Liking: People are more easily swayed by people they like. • Scarcity: A perceived limitation of resources will generate demand.

Unanimity Social Influence is strongest when the group perpetrating it is consistent and committed. Even a single instance of dissent can greatly wane the strength of an influence. For example, in Milgram's first set of obedience experiments, 65% of participants complied with fake authority figures to administer "maximum shocks" to a confederate. In iterations of the Milgram experiment where three people administered shocks (two of whom were confederates), once one confederate disobeyed, only 10% of subjects administered the maximum shocks.[12]

Status Those perceived as experts may exert social influence as a result of their perceived expertise. This involves credibility, a tool of social influence from which one draws upon the notion of trust. People believe an individual to be credible for a variety of reasons, such as perceived experience, attractiveness, knowledge, etc. Additionally, pressure to maintain one's reputation and not be viewed as fringe may increase the tendency to agree with the group, known as groupthink.[13] Appeals to authority may also especially affect norms of obedience. The compliance of normal humans to authority in the famous Milgram experiment demonstrate the power of perceived authority. Those with access to the media may use this access in an attempt to influence the public. For example, a politician may use speeches to persuade the public to support issues that he or she does not have the power to impose on the public. This is often referred to as using the "bully pulpit". Likewise, celebrities don't usually possess any political power but are familiar to many of the world's citizens, and therefore possess social status. Power was found to be one of the most effective reasons as to why an individual feels the need to follow through with what another says to them. If someone of more authority or someone that is believed to be more powerful than the other is an icon or most "popular" within a group, they have the most control over influencing others. For example, in a child's school life, if there are those people who seem to control the perception of the other students at school, then they are most powerful in having a social influence over the other children. [14]

Culture Culture appears to play a role in willingness to conform to a group. Stanley Milgram found that conformity was higher in Norway than in France.[15] This has been attributed to Norway's longstanding tradition of social responsibility, as compared to France's cultural focus on individualism. Japan likewise has a collectivist culture and thus a higher propensity to conform; however, in a 1970 Asch-style study, it was found that, when alienated, Japanese students would be susceptible to anticonformity (giving answers that were incorrect even when the group had coincided on correct answers) one third of the time- significantly higher than has been seen in replications of Asch studies before.[9] While gender does not significantly affect likelihood to conform, gender roles will in the right conditions. For example, studies from the 1950s and 1960s concluded that women were more likely to conform than men. However,


Social influence in a 1971 study it was found that there was experimenter bias involved (all of the researchers were male). Studies thereafter found that likelihood to conform was close to equal and that, furthermore, men would conform more often on feminine topics, as women would conform more often on masculine topics- ignorance on a subject can lead to deferral to "social proof".[16]

Emotions Emotion and disposition may affect likelihood of conformity or anticonformity.[8] In 2009, a study concluded that fear increases the chance of agreeing with the group, while romance or lust increases the chance of going against the group.[17]

Musicological Influence "Music" and the study of "Musicology" is an art from that is constantly evolving, for it is always in a state of motion through the influence of other composer, genres or time periods. This can be done through specific techniques, through a replication of complete phrases or it can be heard through the overall theme. Lectures from "Cardiff University" David Beard and Kenneth Gloag define influence from a musicological standpoint as follows. “influence is interpreted as a consequence of similarity or resemblance…” (p. 91) They continue to give examples of influence and compare the works of two composers. • Author Kevin Korsyn describes influence through the discussion of "intertextuality". He goes further by explaining that the model to help map out influence as a term deals completely with the relationship between musical works and ideas. EX: "Johannes Brahms" Op. 4, 1851 and "Frederic Chopin" Op. 31, 1837 two of their musical compositions in the form of a "scherzo". Brahms scherzo resembles the theme of Chopin at the opening, which Korsyn classifies as a type of imitation. • Author Joseph Straus delves further into the term influence touching upon the idea of modernism. Composers like "Bartok", "Berg", "Schoenberg", "Stravinsky" and "Webern" have ties to genres and different techniques of the past through tones and various tonal traditions. EX: "Alan Berg"’s Violin Concerto (1935) represents modernism in a very direct way through its use of serialism and “strong echoes of the tonal past” (p. 92)

Social structure Social networks A social network is a social structure made up of nodes (representing individuals or organizations) which are connected (through ties, also called edges, connections, or links) by one or more types of interdependency (such as friendship, common interests or beliefs, sexual relations, or kinship). Social network analysis uses the lens of network theory to view social relationships. Social network analysis as a field has become more prominent since the mid-20th century in determining the channels and effects of social influence. For example, Christakis and Fowler found that social networks transmit states and behaviors such as obesity,[18] smoking,[19][20] drinking[21] and happiness.[22]


Social influence

References [1] http:/ / qualities-of-a-leader. com/ personal-mbti-type-analysis/ [2] Kelman, H. (1958). Compliance, identification, and internalization: Three processes of attitude change. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 1, 51-60. [3] Deutsch, M. & Gerard, H. B. (1955). A study of normative and informational social influences upon individual judgment. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 51, 629-636. [4] Aronson, Elliot, Timothy D. Wilson, and Robin M. Akert. Social Psychology. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2010. Print. [5] Moscovici, S. and Nemeth (1974) Minority influence. In C. Nemetn (ed.), Social psychology: Classic and contemporary integrations (pp. 217-249), Chicago: Rand McNally [6] Wood, W., Lundgren, S., Ouellette, J., Busceme, S., & Blackstone, T. (1994). "Minority Influence: A Meta-Analytic Review of Social Influence Processes". Psychological Bulletin. Vol 115, No 3. Page 323-345. [7] Merton, Robert K (1968). Social Theory and Social Structure. New York: Free Press. [8] Brehm, J. W. (1966). A theory of psychological reactance. Academic Press [9] Frager, R. (1970). Conformity and anti-conformity in Japan. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 15, 203-210. [10] Cialdini, Robert B. (2001). ‘‘Influence: Science and practice (4th ed.)’’. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. ISBN 0-321-01147-3 [11] Latané, B. (1981). The psychology of social impact. American Psychologist, 36, 343-356. [12] Milgram, Stanley (1963). "Behavioral Study of Obedience" (http:/ / content. apa. org/ journals/ abn/ 67/ 4/ 371). Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 67 (4): 371–378. doi:10.1037/h0040525. PMID 14049516. . Full-text PDF. (http:/ / www. garfield. library. upenn. edu/ classics1981/ A1981LC33300001. pdf) [13] Ivory Tower Unswayed by Crashing Economy (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2009/ 03/ 05/ books/ 05deba. html?scp=5& sq=Shiller groupthink& st=cse). New York Times. [14] C. Mugny; L Souchet; C Codaccioni; A Quiamzade (2008). Social Representation and Social Influence. 53 (2), pg 223-237. [15] Blass, T. (2004). The man who shocked the world: The life and legacy of Stanley Milgram. New York: Basic Books. [16] Sistrunk, Frank; McDavid, John W.; Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol 17(2), Feb, 1971. pp. 200-207. [17] EurekAlert. (2009). Fear or romance could make you change your mind, U of Minnesota study finds (http:/ / www. eurekalert. org/ pub_releases/ 2009-03/ uom-for032309. php). [18] N.A. Christakis and J.H. Fowler, "The Spread of Obesity in a Large Social Network Over 32 Years," New England Journal of Medicine 357(4): 370-379 (July 2007) (http:/ / content. nejm. org/ cgi/ content/ full/ 357/ 4/ 370) [19] N.A. Christakis and J.H. Fowler, "The Collective Dynamics of Smoking in a Large Social Network," New England Journal of Medicine, 358(21): 2249-2258 (May 2008) (http:/ / content. nejm. org/ cgi/ content/ full/ 358/ 21/ 2249) [20] Gina Kolata, "Study Finds Big Social Factor in Quitting Smoking," The New York Times, May 22, 2008. (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2008/ 05/ 22/ science/ 22smoke. html?scp=2& sq=nicholas christakis& st=cse) [21] J.N. Rosenquist, J. Murabito, J.H. Fowler, and N.A. Christakis, "The Spread of Alcohol Consumption Behavior in a Large Social Network," Annals of Internal Medicine 152(7): 426-433 (April 2010) (http:/ / www. annals. org/ content/ 152/ 7/ 426. abstract) [22] J.H. Fowler and N.A. Christakis, "The Dynamic Spread of Happiness in a Large Social Network: Longitudinal Analysis Over 20 Years in the Framingham Heart Study," British Medical Journal 2008; 337: a2338 (http:/ / www. bmj. com/ cgi/ content/ full/ 337/ dec04_2/ a2338)

Further reading • Cialdini, Robert B. (2001). ‘‘Influence: Science and practice (4th ed.)’’. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. ISBN 0-321-01147-3. • Ellul, Jacques. Propaganda: The Formation of Men's Attitudes. Trans. Konrad Kellen & Jean Lerner. New York: Knopf, 1965. New York: Random House/ Vintage 1973 • Hogan, Kevin (2004) The Science of Influence: How to Get Anyone to Say "Yes" in 8 Minutes or Less! (ISBN 978-0-471-67051-3 ). • Kaiser, C., Kröckel, J., Bodendorf, F. (2010): " Ant-Based Simulation of Opinion Spreading in Online Social Networks (". Proceedings of the 2010 IEEE/WIC/ACM International Conference on Web Intelligence and Intelligent Agent Technology, pp. 537–540.


Social influence

External links • Sociology paper about influence (PDF) ( pdf)

Cognitive dissonance Cognitive dissonance is the term used in modern psychology to describe the state of people when holding two or more conflicting cognitions (e.g., ideas, beliefs, values, emotional reactions) simultaneously. In a state of dissonance, people may sometimes feel surprise, dread, guilt, anger, or embarrassment.[1] The theory of cognitive dissonance in social psychology proposes that people have a motivational drive to reduce dissonance by altering existing cognitions, adding new ones to create a consistent belief system, or alternatively by reducing the importance of any one of the dissonant elements.[1] It is the distressing mental state that people feel when they "find themselves doing things that don't fit with what they know, or having opinions that do not fit with other opinions they hold." [2] A key assumption is that people want their expectations to meet reality, creating a sense of equilibrium. [3] An example of this would be the conflict between wanting to smoke and knowing that smoking is unhealthy; a person may try to change their feelings about the odds that they will actually suffer the consequences, or they might decide that the health risks outweigh the pleasure they receive from smoking.This would include ignoring health issues such as lung cancer, emphysema, and an increase of heart disease. The need to avoid cognitive The Fox and the Grapes by Aesop. When the fox fails dissonance may bias one towards a certain decision even though to reach the grapes, he decides he does not want them after all. Rationalization (making excuses) is often other factors favour an alternative.[4] Festinger said the involved in reducing anxiety about conflicting contradiction is so clear and uncomfortable that something has to cognitions. give-either the use of cigarettes or the belief that smoking them will hurt. Perhaps the most typical way for the smoker to avoid mental anguish is to trivialize or simply deny the link between smoking and cancer. The phrase was coined by Leon Festinger in his 1956 book When Prophecy Fails, which chronicled the followers of a UFO cult as reality clashed with their fervent belief in an impending apocalypse.[5][6] Festinger subsequently published a book called "A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance", published in 1957, in which he outlines the theory. Cognitive dissonance is one of the most influential and extensively studied theories in social psychology. Cognitive dissonance theory warns that people have a bias to seek consonance among their cognitions. According to Festinger, we engage in a process he termed "dissonance reduction", which he said could be achieved in one of three ways: lowering the importance of one of the discordant factors, adding consonant elements, or changing one of the dissonant factors.[7] This bias gives the theory its predictive power, shedding light on otherwise puzzling, irrational, and even destructive behavior.


Cognitive dissonance

Examples A classic illustration of cognitive dissonance is expressed in the fable The Fox and the Grapes by Aesop (ca. 620–564 BCE). In the story, a fox sees some high-hanging grapes and wishes to eat them. When the fox is unable to think of a way to reach them, he decides that the grapes are probably not worth eating, with the justification the grapes probably are not ripe or that they are sour (hence the common phrase "sour grapes"). This example follows a pattern: one desires something, finds it unattainable, and reduces one's dissonance by criticizing it. Jon Elster calls this pattern "adaptive preference formation".[8] Perhaps the most famous case in the early study of cognitive dissonance was described by Leon Festinger and others in the book When Prophecy Fails.[9] The authors infiltrated a religious group that was expecting the imminent end of the world on a certain date. When that date passed without the world ending, the movement did not disband. Instead, the group came to believe that they had been spared in order to spread their teachings to others, a justification that resolved the conflict between their previous expectations and reality. Smoking is a common example of cognitive dissonance because it is widely accepted that cigarettes can cause lung cancer, and smokers must reconcile their habit with the desire to live long and healthy lives. In terms of the cognitive dissonance theory, the desire to live a long life is dissonant with the activity of doing something that is likely to shorten one's life. The tension produced by these contradictory ideas can be reduced by any number of changes in cognitions and behaviors, including quitting smoking, denying evidence linking smoking to lung cancer, or justifying one's smoking through rationalization.[10] For example, smokers could rationalize their behavior by concluding that only a few smokers become ill, that it only happens to very heavy smokers, or that if smoking does not kill them, something else will.[11] This case of dissonance could also be interpreted in terms of a threat to the self-concept.[12] The thought, "I am increasing my risk of lung cancer" can be dissonant with the self-related belief, "I am an intelligent, reasonable person who makes good decisions." As it is often easier to make excuses or pass judgment than it is to change behavior or values, cognitive dissonance research contributes to the abundance of evidence in social psychology that humans are not always rational beings.

Other related phenomena Cognitive dissonance has also been demonstrated to occur when people seek to: • Explain unexplained feelings: When a disaster occurs in a community, irrationally fearful rumors spread in nearby communities not involved in the disaster because of the need of those who are not threatened to justify their anxieties [13] • Minimize regret of irrevocable choices: Bettors at a racetrack are more confident in their chosen horse just after placing the bet because they cannot change it (the bettors felt "post-decision dissonance").[14] • Justify behavior that opposed their views: Students judge cheating less harshly after being induced to cheat on a test [15] • Align one's perceptions of a person with one's behaviour toward that person: the Ben Franklin effect refers to that statesman's observation that the act of performing a favour for a rival leads to increased positive feelings toward that individual. There are other ways that cognitive dissonance is involved in shaping our views about people, as well as our own identities (as discussed more in the sections below). For instance, Self-evaluation maintenance theory suggests that people feel dissonance when their cherished skills or traits are outmatched by close social ties (e.g. Jill the painter feels dissonance because she is friends with a master painter - Jill can either care less about painting, or justify her inferiority in some other way). Balance theory suggests people have a general tendency to seek consonance between our views, and the views or characteristics of others (e.g., a religious believer may feel dissonance if his partner does not believe in the same


Cognitive dissonance beliefs as he does, thus motivating the believer to justify or rationalize this incongruence). People may self handicap so that any failures during an important task are easier to justify (e.g., the student who drinks the night before an important exam in response to his fear of performing poorly).

Theory and research Most of the research on cognitive dissonance takes the form of one of four major paradigms. Important research generated by the theory has been concerned with the consequences of exposure to information inconsistent with a prior belief, what happens after individuals act in ways that are inconsistent with their prior attitudes, what happens after individuals make decisions, and the effects of effort expenditure.

Belief Disconfirmation Paradigm Dissonance is aroused when people are confronted with information that is inconsistent with their beliefs. If the dissonance is not reduced by changing one's belief, the dissonance can result in restoring consonance through misperception or rejection or refutation of the information, seeking support from others who share the beliefs, and attempting to persuade others. An early version of cognitive dissonance theory appeared in Leon Festinger's 1956 book, When Prophecy Fails. This book gave an inside account of the increasing belief that sometimes follows the failure of a cult's prophecy. The believers met at a pre-determined place and time, believing they alone would survive the Earth's destruction. The appointed time came and passed without incident. They faced acute cognitive dissonance: had they been the victim of a hoax? Had they donated their worldly possessions in vain? Most members chose to believe something less dissonant: the aliens had given earth a second chance, and the group was now empowered to spread the word: earth-spoiling must stop. The group dramatically increased their proselytism despite the failed prophecy.[16]

Induced-Compliance Paradigm In Festinger and Carlsmith's classic 1959 experiment, students were asked to spend an hour on boring and tedious tasks (e.g., turning pegs a quarter turn, over and over again). The tasks were designed to generate a strong, negative attitude. Once the subjects had done this, the experimenters asked some of them to do a simple favour. They were asked to talk to another subject (actually an actor) and persuade the impostor that the tasks were interesting and engaging. Some participants were paid $20 (inflation adjusted to 2010, this equates to $150) for this favour, another group was paid $1 (or $7.50 in "2010 dollars"), and a control group was not asked to perform the favour.


Cognitive dissonance


When asked to rate the boring tasks at the conclusion of the study (not in the presence of the other "subject"), those in the $1 group rated them more positively than those in the $20 and control groups. This was explained by Festinger and Carlsmith as evidence for cognitive dissonance. The researchers theorized that people experienced dissonance between the conflicting cognitions, "I told someone that the task was interesting", and "I actually found it boring." When paid only $1, students were forced to internalize the attitude they were induced to express, because they had no other justification. Those in the $20 condition, however, had an obvious external justification for their behaviour, and thus experienced less dissonance.[17] In subsequent experiments, an alternative method of inducing dissonance has become common. In this research, experimenters use counter-attitudinal essay-writing, in which people are paid varying amounts of money (e.g. $1 or $10) for writing essays expressing opinions contrary to their own. People paid only a small amount of money have less external justification for their inconsistency and must produce internal justification in order to reduce the high degree of dissonance that they are experiencing.

After someone has performed dissonant

A variant of the induced-compliance paradigm is the forbidden toy behavior, they may find external consonant elements. A snake oil salesman may find a paradigm. An experiment by Aronson and Carlsmith in 1963 examined justification for promoting falsehoods (e.g. [18] self-justification in children. In this experiment, children were left in a large personal gain), but may otherwise need room with a variety of toys, including a highly desirable toy steam-shovel to change his views about the falsehoods (or other toy). Upon leaving the room, the experimenter told half the themselves. children that there would be a severe punishment if they played with that particular toy and told the other half that there would be a mild punishment. All of the children in the study refrained from playing with the toy.[18] Later, when the children were told that they could freely play with whatever toy they wanted, the ones in the mild punishment condition were less likely to play with the toy, even though the threat had been removed. The children who were only mildly threatened had to justify to themselves why they did not play with the toy. The degree of punishment by itself was not strong enough, so the children had to convince themselves that the toy was not worth playing with in order to resolve their dissonance.[18]

Free-Choice Paradigm In a different type of experiment conducted by Jack Brehm, 225 female students rated a series of common appliances and were then allowed to choose one of two appliances to take home as a gift. A second round of ratings showed that the participants increased their ratings of the item they chose, and lowered their ratings of the rejected item.[19] This can be explained in terms of cognitive dissonance. When making a difficult decision, there are always aspects of the rejected choice that one finds appealing and these features are dissonant with choosing something else. In other words, the cognition, "I chose X" is dissonant with the cognition, "There are some things I like about Y." More recent research has found similar results in four-year-old children and capuchin monkeys.[20] In addition to internal deliberations, how others the structuring of decisions among individuals may play a role in how an individual acts. Researchers in a 2010 study examined social preferences and norms as related to wage giving in a linear manner among three individuals. The first participant’s actions influenced the second’s own wage giving. The researchers argue that inequity aversion is the paramount concern of the participants. [21]

Cognitive dissonance


Effort-Justification Paradigm Further information: Effort justification Dissonance is aroused whenever individuals voluntarily engage in an unpleasant activity to achieve some desired goal. Dissonance can be reduced by exaggerating the desirability of the goal. Aronson & Mills[22] had individuals undergo a severe or mild "initiation" in order to become a member of a group. In the severe-initiation condition, the individuals engaged in an embarrassing activity. The group they joined turned out to be very dull and boring. The individuals in the severe-initiation condition evaluated the group as more interesting than the individuals in the mild-initiation condition. All of the above paradigms continue to be used in fruitful research. Washing one's hands has been shown to eliminate post-decisional dissonance, presumably because the dissonance is often caused by moral disgust (with oneself) which is related to disgust from unsanitary conditions.[23][24]

Applications of research In addition to explaining certain counter-intuitive human behaviour, the theory of cognitive dissonance has practical applications in several fields.

Education Creating and resolving cognitive dissonance can have a powerful impact on students’ motivation for learning.[25] For example, researchers have used the effort justification paradigm to increase students’ enthusiasm for educational activities by offering no external reward for students’ efforts: preschoolers who completed puzzles with the promise of a reward were less interested in the puzzles later, as compared to preschoolers who were offered no reward in the first place.[26] The researchers concluded that students who can attribute their work to an external reward stop working in the absence of that reward, while those who are forced to attribute their work to intrinsic motivation came to find the task genuinely enjoyable.

An educator might introduce topics by challenging students' intuitions. For instance, a student may be more willing to learn the real cause of the seasons after wrongly guessing that it has something to do with changes in the Earth's distance from the Sun.

Psychologists have incorporated cognitive dissonance into models of basic processes of learning, notably constructivist models. Several educational interventions have been designed to foster dissonance in students by increasing their awareness of conflicts between prior beliefs and new information (e.g., by requiring students to defend prior beliefs) and then providing or guiding students to new, correct explanations that will resolve the conflicts.[27] For example, researchers have developed educational software that incorporates these principles in order to facilitate student questioning of complex subject matter.[28] Meta-analytic methods suggest that interventions that provoke cognitive dissonance to achieve directed conceptual change have been demonstrated across numerous studies to significantly increase learning in science and reading.[27]

Cognitive dissonance

Therapy The general effectiveness of psychotherapy and psychological intervention has been explained in part through cognitive dissonance theory.[29] Some social psychologists have argued that the act of freely choosing a specific therapy, together with the effort and money invested by the client in order to continue to engage in the chosen therapy, positively influences the effectiveness of therapy.[30] This phenomenon was demonstrated in a study with overweight children, in which causing the children to believe that they freely chose the type of therapy they received resulted in greater weight loss.[31] In another example, individuals with ophidiophobia (fear of snakes) who invested significant effort to engage in activities without therapeutic value for their condition, but which had been framed as legitimate and relevant therapy, showed significant improvement in phobic symptoms.[32] In these cases and perhaps in many real-world treatments, patients came to feel better in order to justify their efforts and to ratify their choices. Beyond these observed short-term effects, effort expenditure in therapy also predicts long-term therapeutic change.[33]

Promoting healthy and pro-social behavior It has also been demonstrated that cognitive dissonance can be used to promote desirable behaviour such as increased condom use.[34] Other studies suggest that cognitive dissonance can also be used to encourage individuals to engage in prosocial behaviour under various contexts such as campaigning against littering,[35] reducing prejudice to racial minorities,[36] and compliance with anti-speeding campaigns.[37]

Marketing Research and understanding of cognitive dissonance in consumers reveals potential for developing marketing practices. Body of literature agree that three main conditions exists for arousal of dissonance in purchases: the decision involved in the purchase must be important, such as, involvement of a lot of money or psychological cost and be personally relevant to the consumer; the consumer has a freedom in selecting among the alternatives, finally; the decision involvement must be irreversible.[38] When a state of discomfort arises in consumers it leads to a drive like motivation to restore harmony by shifting beliefs to realign them with behaviour. A study performed by Lindsay Mallikin [39] shows that when consumers experience an unexpected price encounter they adopt three methods to reduce dissonance. Consumers may employ the strategy of constant information, they may have a change in attitude, or they may engage in trivialization. Consumers employ the strategy of constant information by engaging in bias and search for information that will support their prior beliefs. Consumers might search for information about other retailers and substitute products consistent with their states. Alternatively, consumers may show change in attitude such as re-evaluate price in relation to external reference prices or attribute high or low prices with quality. Lastly, trivialization may occur and the importance of the elements of the dissonant relationship is reduced and consumer tend to trivialize importance of money, and thus, of shopping around, saving, and receiving a better deal. Cognitive dissonance is also useful to explain and manage post-purchase concerns. If a consumer feels that an alternate purchase would have been better it is likely he will not buy the product again. To counter this marketers have to convince the buyer constantly that the product satisfies his or her need and thereby help to reduce his cognitive dissonance and ensure repurchase of the same brand in the future. At times cognitive resonance is induced rather than resolved to market products. The Hallmark Cards tag line “When you care enough to send the very best.” is an example of a marketing strategy that creates guilt in the buyer if he or she goes for a less expensive card. The aggressive marketing ensures that the recipient also is aware that the product has a premium price. This encourages the consumer to buy the expensive cards on special occasions.


Cognitive dissonance


Social engineering Social engineering as applied to security is the exploitation of various social and psychological weaknesses in individuals and business structures, sometimes for penetration testing but more often for nefarious purposes, such as espionage against businesses, agencies, and individuals, typically toward the end of obtaining some illegal gain, either of useful but restricted or private information or for monetary gain through such methods as phishing to obtain banking account access, or for purposes of identity theft, blackmail, and so forth. Exploitation of weaknesses caused by inducing cognitive dissonance in targets is one of the techniques used by perpetrators.

Challenges and qualifications Daryl Bem was an early critic of cognitive dissonance theory. He proposed self-perception theory as a more parsimonious alternative explanation of the experimental results. According to Bem, people do not think much about their attitudes, let alone whether they are in conflict. Bem interpreted people in the Festinger and Carlsmith study or the induced-compliance paradigm as inferring their attitudes from their behavior. Thus, when asked "Did you find the task interesting?" they decided that they must have found it interesting because that is what they told someone. Bem suggested that people paid $20 had a salient, external incentive for their behavior and were likely to perceive the money as their reason for saying the task was interesting, rather than concluding that they actually found it interesting.[40][41] In many experimental situations, Bem's theory and Festinger's dissonance theory make identical predictions, but only dissonance theory predicts the presence of unpleasant tension or arousal. Lab experiments have verified the presence of arousal in dissonance situations.[42][43] This provides support for cognitive dissonance theory and makes it unlikely that self-perception by itself can account for all the laboratory findings.

A lawyer may experience the negative tension of dissonance if they must defend, and call "innocent", a client that they think is actually guilty. On Aronson's view, however, the lawyer may feel dissonance specifically because falsely calling the defendant "innocent" conflicts with the lawyer's own self-concept of being an honest person.

In 1969, Elliot Aronson reformulated the theory by linking it to the self-concept, clarifying that cognitive dissonance arises from conflicts between cognitions when those conflicts threaten a person's normally positive self-image. Thus, Aronson reinterpreted the findings of the original Festinger and Carlsmith study using the induced-compliance paradigm, stating that the dissonance was between the cognition, "I am an honest person" and the cognition, "I lied to someone about finding the task interesting."[12] Other psychologists have argued that maintaining cognitive consistency is a way to protect public self-image, rather than private self-concept.[44] However, a recent result [45] seems to rule out such an explanation by showing revaluation of items following a choice even when people have forgotten their choices. During the 1980s, Cooper and Fazio argued that dissonance was caused by aversive consequences, rather than inconsistency. According to this interpretation, the fact that lying is wrong and hurtful, not the inconsistency between cognitions, is what makes people feel bad.[46] Subsequent research, however, found that people experience dissonance even when they feel they have not done anything wrong. For example, Harmon-Jones and colleagues showed that people experience dissonance even when the consequences of their statements are beneficial—as when they convince sexually active students to use condoms, when they, themselves are not using condoms.[47] Chen and colleagues have criticized the free-choice paradigm and have suggested that the "Rank, choice, rank" method of studying dissonance is invalid.[48] They argue that research design relies on the assumption that, if the

Cognitive dissonance subject rates options differently in the second survey, then the subject's attitudes towards the options have therefore changed. They show that there are other reasons one might get different rankings in the second survey—perhaps the subjects were largely indifferent between choices. Although some follow-up studies have found supportive evidence for Chen's concerns,[49] other studies that have controlled for Chen's concerns have not, instead suggesting that the mere act of making a choice can indeed change preferences.[20][50][51] Nevertheless, this issue remains under active investigation.[52]

Brain Using fMRI, Van Veen and colleagues investigated the neural basis of cognitive dissonance in a modified version of the classic induced compliance paradigm. While in the scanner, participants "argued" that the uncomfortable MRI environment was nevertheless a pleasant experience. The researchers replicated the basic induced compliance findings; participants in an experimental group enjoyed the scanner more than participants in a control group who simply were paid to make their argument.[53] Importantly, responding counter-attitudinally activated the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex and the anterior There is evidence suggesting that the more the anterior cingulate insular cortex; furthermore, the degree to which these cortex signals conflict, the more dissonance a person experiences and regions were activated predicted individual participants' the more their attitudes may change. degree of attitude change. Van Veen and colleagues argue that these findings support the original dissonance theory by Festinger, and support the "conflict theory" of anterior cingulate functioning.[54] Using the free choice paradigm, Sharot and colleagues have shown that after making a choice, activity in the striatum changes to reflect the new evaluation of the choice object, increasing if the object was chosen and decreasing if it was rejected.[55] Follow-up studies have largely confirmed these results.[50][56] There may be evolutionary forces behind cognitive dissonance reduction. Researchers in a 2007 study examined how preschool children and capuchin monkeys reacted when offered the choice between two similar options. The researchers had the two subject groups choose between two different kinds of stickers and candies. After choosing, the two groups were offered a new choice between the item not chosen and a similarly attractive option as the first. In line with cognitive dissonance theory, the children and the monkeys chose the “novel” option over their originally unchosen option, even though all had similar values. The researchers concluded that there were possible development and evolutionary forces behind cognitive dissonance reduction.[57]


Cognitive dissonance

Modeling in neural networks Neural network models of cognition have provided the necessary framework to integrate the empirical research done on cognitive dissonance and attitudes into one model of explanation of attitude formation and change.[58] Various neural network models have been developed to predict how cognitive dissonance will influence an individual's attitude and behavior. These include: • • • •

Parallel Constraint Satisfaction Processes[58] The Meta-Cognitive Model (MCM) of attitudes[59] Adaptive connectionist model of cognitive dissonance[60] Attitudes as constraint satisfaction model[61]

References [1] Festinger, L. (1957). A theory of cognitive dissonance. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. [2] Spencer, David G. Myers, Steven (2006). Social psychology (3rd Canadian ed. ed.). Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson. ISBN 0-07-095202-7. [3] Michael Ryan, ed. (2010). Introducing Communication Theory: Analysis and Application. Boston: McGraw-Hill. pp. 113-116. ISBN 978-0-07-338507-5. [4] Griffin, Em (2012). A First Look At Communication Theory (3rd Canadian ed. ed.). Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson. ISBN 0-07-095202-7. [5] http:/ / www. publicgood. org/ wic/ Quickly/ CognitiveDissonance. html [6] [7] [8] [9]

http:/ / psychcentral. com/ blog/ archives/ 2008/ 10/ 19/ fighting-cognitive-dissonance-the-lies-we-tell-ourselves/ Carlson, Neil R.; Heth, C. Donald. Psychology: The Science of Behaviour. Fourth Canadian Edition. Pearson Canada: Toronto, 2010/ Elster, Jon. Sour Grapes: Studies in the Subversion of Rationality. Cambridge 1983, p. 123ff. Festinger, L. (1956). When Prophecy Fails: A Social and Psychological Study of A Modern Group that Predicted the Destruction of the World, by Leon Festinger, Henry Riecken, and Stanley Schachter. Harper-Torchbooks, Jan. 1956. ISBN 0-06-131132-4 [10] Aronson, E., Akert, R.D., & Wilson, T.D. (2006). Social psychology (6th Ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Prentice Hall. [11] Baron, R.A., & Byrne, D. (2004). Social Psychology (10th Ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson Education, Inc. [12] Aronson, E. (1969). The theory of cognitive dissonance: A current perspective. In L. Berkowitz (Ed.). Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, Vol. 4, pp. 1–34. New York: Academic Press. [13] Prasad, J. (1950). A comparative study of rumours and reports in earthquakes. (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1111/ j. 2044-8295. 1950. tb00271. x) British Journal of Psychology, 41(3-4), 129-144. [14] Knox, R. E., & Inkster, J. A. (1968). Postdecision dissonance at post time. (http:/ / commonsenseatheism. com/ wp-content/ uploads/ 2011/ 09/ Knox-Inkster-Postdecision-dissonance-at-post-time. pdf) Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 8(4), 319-323. [15] Mills, J. (1958). Changes in moral attitudes following temptation. (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1111/ j. 1467-6494. 1958. tb02349. x) Journal of Personality, 26(4), 517-531. [16] Festinger, L., Riecken, H.W., & Schachter, S. (1956). When prophecy fails. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. [17] Festinger, L., & Carlsmith, J.M. (1959). Cognitive consequences of forced compliance. (http:/ / psychclassics. yorku. ca/ Festinger/ index. htm) Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 58(2), 203–210. [18] Aronson, E., & Carlsmith, J.M. (1963). Effect of the severity of threat on the devaluation of forbidden behavior. (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1037/ h0039901) Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 66(6), 584–588. [19] Brehm, J. (1956). Post-decision changes in desirability of alternatives. (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1037/ h0041006) Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 52(3), 384–389. [20] Egan, L.C., Bloom, P., & Santos, L.R. (2010). Choice-induced preferences in the absence of choice: Evidence from a blind two choice paradigm with young children and capuchin monkeys. (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1016/ j. jesp. 2009. 08. 014) Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 46(1), 204-207. [21] "Peer effects in pro-social behavior: Social norms or social preferences?" (http:/ / hdl. handle. net/ 10419/ 49694). CeDEx Discussion Paper Series series 2010-23. The University of Nottingham. 2010. . Retrieved 12 October 2012. [22] Aronson, E. & Mills, J. (1956). The effect of severity of initiation on liking for a group. (http:/ / faculty. uncfsu. edu/ tvancantfort/ Syllabi/ Gresearch/ Readings/ A_Aronson. pdf) Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 59, 177–181. [23] Lee, S.W.S., & Schwartz, N. (2010) Washing away postdecisional dissonance. (http:/ / www. sciencemag. org/ cgi/ content/ abstract/ 328/ 5979/ 709) Science, 328(5979), 709. [24] Zhong, C.B. & Liljenquist, K. (2006). Washing away your sins: Threatened morality and physical cleansing. (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1126/ science. 1130726) Science, 313(5792), 1451-1452. [25] Aronson, E. (1995). The Social Animal. New York: W.H. Freeman and Co. [26] Lepper, M. R. & Greene, D. (1975). Turning play into work: Effects of adult surveillance and extrinsic rewards on children’s intrinsic motivation. (http:/ / www. jwalkonline. org/ docs/ Grad Classes/ Fall 07/ Org Psy/ Cases/ motivation articles/ PERUSED/ effects of surveillance. pdf) Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 31, 479-486.


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Do decisions shape preference? Evidence from blind choice. (http:/ / pss. sagepub. com/ content/ 21/ 9/ 1231. abstract) Psychological Science, 21(9), 1231-1235. [52] Risen J.L. & Chen, M.K. (2010) How to study choice-induced attitude change: Strategies for fixing the free-choice paradigm. (http:/ / www. som. yale. edu/ faculty/ keith. chen/ papers/ Final_SPPC10. pdf) Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 4(12), 1151–1164. [53] Van Veen, V., Krug, M.K., Schooler, J.W., & Carter, C.S. (2009). Neural activity predicts attitude change in cognitive dissonance. (http:/ / www. psych. ucsb. edu/ research/ meta/ publications/ 11,21/ nerual activity and cognitive dissonance. pdf) Nature Neuroscience, 12(11), 1469–1474.


Cognitive dissonance [54] Van Veen, V., Krug, M.K., Schooler, J.W., & Carter, C.S. (2009). Neural activity predicts attitude change in cognitive dissonance. (http:/ / www. psych. ucsb. edu/ research/ meta/ publications/ 11,21/ nerual activity and cognitive dissonance. pdf) Nature Neuroscience, 12(11), 1469–1474. [55] Sharot, T., De Martino, B., & Dolan, R.J. (2009). How choice reveals and shapes expected hedonic outcome (http:/ / www. fil. ion. ucl. ac. uk/ ~tsharot/ Sharot_JofN_2009. pdf) Journal of Neuroscience, 29(12), 3760–3765. [56] Qin, J., Kimel, S., Kitayama, S., Wang, X., Yang, X., & Han, S. (2011). How choice modifies preference: Neural correlates of choice justification (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1016/ j. neuroimage. 2010. 11. 076) Neuroimage, 55(1), 240–246. [57] "The Origins of Cognitive Dissonance: Evidence From Children and Monkeys". Psychological Science (Yale University) 8 (11). 2007. [58] Read, S.J., Vanman, E.J., & Miller L.C. (1997). Connectionism, parallel constraint satisfaction processes, and Gestalt principles: (Re)Introducing cognitive dynamics to social psychology. (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1207/ s15327957pspr0101_3) Personality and Social Psychology Review, 1(1), 26–53. [59] Petty, R.E., Briñol, P., & DeMarree, K.G. (2007). The Meta-Cognitive Model (MCM) of attitudes: Implications for attitude measurement, change, and strength. (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1521/ soco. 2007. 25. 5. 657) Social Cognition, 25(5), 657–686. [60] Van Overwalle, F., & Jordens, K. (2002). An adaptive connectionist model of cognitive dissonance. (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1207/ S15327957PSPR0603_6) Personality and Social Psychology Review, 6(3), 204–231. [61] Monroe, B.M., & Read, S.J. (2008). A general connectionist model of attitude structure and change: The ACS (Attitudes as Constraint Satisfaction) Model (http:/ / www. ncbi. nlm. nih. gov/ pubmed/ 18729597), Psychological Review, 115(3), 733–759.

Further reading • Cooper, J. (2007). Cognitive dissonance: 50 years of a classic theory. London: Sage publications. • Gawronski, B., & Strack, F. (Eds.). (2012). Cognitive consistency: A fundamental principle in social cognition. New York: Guilford Press. • Harmon-Jones, E., & J. Mills. (Eds.) (1999). Cognitive Dissonance: Progress on a Pivotal Theory in Social Psychology. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. • Matin, I., and Metin, S. (June 2011). The Advances in the History of Cognitive Dissonance Theory. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, Vol. 1 No. 6. • Tavris, C.; Aronson, E. (2007). Mistakes were made (but not by me): Why we justify foolish beliefs, bad decisions, and hurtful acts. Orlando, FL: Harcourt. ISBN 978-0-15-101098-1.

External links • Cognitive dissonance entry in The Skeptic's Dictionary ( • Festinger and Carlsmith's original paper (




Propaganda Propaganda is a form of communication that is aimed at influencing the attitude of a community toward some cause or position by presenting only one side of an argument. Propaganda is usually repeated and dispersed over a wide variety of media in order to create the chosen result in audience attitudes. As opposed to impartially providing information, propaganda, in its most basic sense, presents information primarily to influence an audience. Propaganda often presents facts selectively (thus possibly lying by omission) to encourage a particular synthesis, or uses loaded messages to produce an emotional rather than rational response to the information presented. The desired result is a change of the attitude toward the subject in the target audience to further a political or religious agenda. Propaganda can be used as a form of political warfare. While the term propaganda has justifiably acquired a strongly negative connotation by association with its most manipulative and jingoistic examples (e.g. Nazi Propaganda used to justify the Holocaust), propaganda in its original sense was neutral, and could refer to uses that were generally benign or innocuous, such as public health recommendations, signs encouraging citizens to participate in a census or election, or messages encouraging persons to report crimes to the police, among others.

Italian/French Propaganda Postcard from World War I era showing a caricature of Kaiser Wilhelm II biting into the world

Etymology The term started to gain currency in 1622, when a new branch of the Catholic Church was created, called the Congregatio de Propaganda Fide (Congregation for Propagating the Faith), or informally simply Propaganda.[1][2] Its activity consisted in a group of cardinals pitching Catholicism in non Catholic countries.[1] From the 1790s, the term began being used also for propaganda in secular activities.[1] The term began taking a pejorative connotation in mid 19th century, when it was appropriated from religion to the political sphere.[1] Its political use became particularly significant during World War I. Poster for Thirteenth Naval District, United States Navy, showing a rat representing Japan, approaching a mousetrap labeled "Army, Navy, Civilian", on a background map of the Alaska Territory



Types Defining propaganda has always been a problem. The main difficulties have involved differentiating propaganda from other types of persuasion, and avoiding an "if they do it then that's propaganda, while if we do it then that's information and education" biased approach. Garth Jowett and Victoria O'Donnell have provided a concise, workable definition of the term: "Propaganda is the deliberate, systematic attempt to shape perceptions, manipulate cognitions, and direct behavior to achieve a response that furthers the desired intent of the propagandist."[3] More comprehensive is the description by Richard Alan Nelson: "Propaganda is neutrally defined as a systematic form of purposeful persuasion that attempts to influence the emotions, attitudes, opinions, and actions of specified target audiences for ideological, political or commercial purposes through the controlled transmission of one-sided messages (which may or may not be factual) via mass and direct media channels. A propaganda organization employs propagandists who engage in propagandism—the applied creation and distribution of such forms of persuasion."[4]

Poster of the 19th century Scandinavist movement

Both definitions focus on the communicative process involved — or more precisely, on the purpose of the process, and allow "propaganda" to be considered objectively and then interpreted as positive or negative behavior depending on the perspective of the viewer or listener. Propaganda is generally an appeal to emotion, not intellect. It shares techniques with advertising and public relations, each of which can be thought of as propaganda that promotes a commercial product or shapes the perception of an organization, person, or brand. In post–World War II usage the word "propaganda" more typically refers to political or nationalist uses of these techniques or to the promotion of a set of ideas, since the term had gained a pejorative meaning. The refusal phenomenon was eventually to be seen in politics itself by the substitution of "political marketing" and other designations for "political propaganda".

American recruiting poster depicting Uncle Sam

Propaganda was often used to influence opinions and beliefs on religious issues, particularly during the split between the Roman Catholic Church and the Protestant churches. Propaganda has become more common in political contexts, in particular to refer to certain efforts sponsored by governments, political groups, but also often covert interests. In the early 20th century, propaganda was exemplified in the form of party slogans. Also in the early 20th century the term propaganda was used by the founders of the nascent public relations industry to refer to their activities. This usage died out around the time of World War II, as the industry started to avoid the word, given the pejorative connotation it had acquired. Literally translated from the Latin gerundive as "things that must be disseminated", in some cultures the term is neutral or even positive, while in others the term has acquired a strong negative connotation. The connotations of the term "propaganda" can also vary over time. For example, in Portuguese and

Wartime poster called "We Can Do It!" encouraging workers at Westinghouse to maintain war production



some Spanish language speaking countries, particularly in the Southern Cone, the word "propaganda" usually refers to the most common manipulative media — "advertising". In English, propaganda was originally a neutral term for the dissemination of information in favor of any given cause. During the 20th century, however, the term acquired a thoroughly negative meaning in western countries, representing the intentional dissemination of often false, but certainly "compelling" claims to support or justify political actions or ideologies. This redefinition arose because both the Soviet Union and Germany's government under Hitler admitted explicitly to using propaganda favoring, respectively, communism and Nazism, in all forms of public expression. As these ideologies were repugnant to liberal western societies, the negative feelings toward them came to be projected into the word "propaganda" itself. However, Harold Lasswell observed, as early as 1928, that, "Propaganda has become an epithet of contempt and hate, and the propagandists have sought protective coloration in such names as 'public relations council,' 'specialist in public education,' 'public relations adviser.' "[5] Roderick Hindery argues[6] that propaganda exists on the political left, and right, and in mainstream centrist parties. Hindery further argues that debates about most social issues can be productively revisited in the context of asking "what is or is not propaganda?" Not to be overlooked is the link between propaganda, indoctrination, and terrorism/counterterrorism. He argues that threats to destroy are often as socially disruptive as physical devastation itself.

Anti-communist propaganda in a 1947 comic book published by the Catechetical Guild Educational Society warning of "the dangers of a Communist takeover".

Propaganda also has much in common with public information campaigns by governments, which are intended to encourage or discourage certain forms of behavior (such as wearing seat belts, not smoking, not littering and so forth). Again, the emphasis is more political in propaganda. Propaganda can take the form of leaflets, posters, TV and radio broadcasts and can also extend to any other medium. In the case of the United States, there is also an important legal (imposed by law) distinction between advertising (a type of overt propaganda) and what the Government Accountability Office (GAO), an arm of the United States Congress, refers to as "covert propaganda".

Journalistic theory generally holds that news items should be objective, giving the reader an accurate background and analysis of the subject at hand. On the other hand, advertisements evolved from the traditional commercial advertisements to include also a new type in the form of paid articles or broadcasts disguised as news. These generally present an issue in a very subjective and often misleading light, primarily meant to persuade rather than inform. Normally they use only subtle propaganda techniques and not the more obvious ones used in traditional commercial advertisements. If the reader believes that a paid advertisement is in fact a news item, the message the advertiser is trying to communicate will be more easily "believed" or "internalized". Such advertisements are considered obvious examples of "covert" propaganda because they take on the appearance of objective information rather than the appearance of propaganda, which is misleading. Federal law specifically mandates that any advertisement appearing in the format of a news item must state that the item is in fact a paid advertisement.


37 The propagandist seeks to change the way people understand an issue or situation for the purpose of changing their actions and expectations in ways that are desirable to the interest group. Propaganda, in this sense, serves as a corollary to censorship in which the same purpose is achieved, not by filling people's minds with approved information, but by preventing people from being confronted with opposing points of view. What sets propaganda apart from other forms of advocacy is the willingness of the propagandist to change people's understanding through deception and confusion rather than persuasion and understanding. The leaders of an organization know the information to be one sided or untrue, but this may not be true for the rank and file members who help to disseminate the propaganda.

More in line with the religious roots of the term, it is also used widely in the debates about new religious movements (NRMs), both by people who defend them and by people who oppose them. The latter US Office for War Information poster implying pejoratively call these NRMs cults. Anti-cult activists and countercult that working less helped the Axis powers. activists accuse the leaders of what they consider cults of using propaganda extensively to recruit followers and keep them. Some social scientists, such as the late Jeffrey Hadden, and CESNUR affiliated scholars accuse ex-members of "cults" who became vocal critics and the anti-cult movement of making these unusual religious movements look bad without sufficient reasons.[7][8] Propaganda is a powerful weapon in war; it is used to dehumanize and create hatred toward a supposed enemy, either internal or external, by creating a false image in the mind. This can be done by using derogatory or racist terms, avoiding some words or by making allegations of enemy atrocities. Most propaganda wars require the home population to feel the enemy has inflicted an injustice, which may be fictitious or may be based on facts. The home population must also decide that the cause of their nation is just. Propaganda is also one of the methods used in psychological warfare, which may also involve false flag operations. The term propaganda may also refer to false information meant to reinforce the mindsets of people who already believe as the propagandist wishes. The assumption is that, if people believe something false, they will constantly be assailed by doubts. Since these doubts are unpleasant (see cognitive dissonance), people will be eager to have them extinguished, and are therefore receptive to the reassurances of those in power. For this reason propaganda is often addressed to people who 1914 "Lord Kitchener Wants You!" poster are already sympathetic to the agenda. This process of reinforcement uses an individual's predisposition to self-select "agreeable" information sources as a mechanism for maintaining control.


38 Propaganda can be classified according to the source and nature of the message. White propaganda generally comes from an openly identified source, and is characterized by gentler methods of persuasion, such as standard public relations techniques and one-sided presentation of an argument. Black propaganda is identified as being from one source, but is in fact from another. This is most commonly to disguise the true origins of the propaganda, be it from an enemy country or from an organization with a negative public image. Grey propaganda is propaganda without any identifiable source or author. A major application of grey propaganda is making enemies believe falsehoods using straw arguments: As phase one, to make someone believe "A", one releases as grey propaganda "B", the opposite of "A". In phase two, "B" is discredited using some strawman. The enemy will then assume "A" to be true.

In scale, these different types of propaganda can also be defined by the potential of true and correct information to compete with the propaganda. For example, opposition to white propaganda is often Britannia arm-in-arm with Uncle Sam symbolizes the British-American alliance in World War I. readily found and may slightly discredit the propaganda source. Opposition to grey propaganda, when revealed (often by an inside source), may create some level of public outcry. Opposition to black propaganda is often unavailable and may be dangerous to reveal, because public cognizance of black propaganda tactics and sources would undermine or backfire the very campaign the black propagandist supported. Propaganda may be administered in insidious ways. For instance, disparaging disinformation about the history of certain groups or foreign countries may be encouraged or tolerated in the educational system. Since few people actually double-check what they learn at school, such disinformation will be repeated by journalists as well as parents, thus reinforcing the idea that the disinformation item is really a "well-known fact", even though no one repeating the myth is able to point to an authoritative source. The disinformation is then recycled in the media and in the educational system, without the need for direct governmental intervention on the media. Such permeating propaganda may be used for political goals: by giving citizens a false impression of the quality or policies of their country, they may be incited to reject certain proposals or certain remarks or ignore the experience of others. See also: black propaganda, marketing, advertising.



Techniques Common media for transmitting propaganda messages include news reports, government reports, historical revision, junk science, books, leaflets, movies, radio, television, and posters. Less common nowadays are letterpost envelopes examples of which of survive from the time of the American Civil War. (Connecticut Historical Society; Civil War Collections; Covers.) In principle any thing that appears on a poster can be produced on a reduced scale on a pocket-style envelope with corresponding proportions to the poster. The case of radio and television, propaganda can exist on news, current-affairs or talk-show segments, as advertising or public-service announce "spots" or as long-running advertorials. Propaganda campaigns often follow a strategic transmission pattern to indoctrinate the target group. This may begin with a simple transmission such as a leaflet dropped from a plane or an advertisement. Generally these messages will contain directions Anti-capitalist propaganda on how to obtain more information, via a web site, hot line, radio program, et cetera (as it is seen also for selling purposes among other goals). The strategy intends to initiate the individual from information recipient to information seeker through reinforcement, and then from information seeker to opinion leader through indoctrination. A number of techniques based in social psychological research are used to generate propaganda. Many of these same techniques can be found under logical fallacies, since propagandists use arguments that, while sometimes convincing, are not necessarily valid. Some time has been spent analyzing the means by which the propaganda messages are transmitted. That work is important but it is clear that information dissemination strategies become propaganda strategies only when coupled with propagandistic messages. Identifying these messages is a necessary prerequisite to study the methods by which those messages are spread. Below are a number of techniques for generating propaganda: Ad hominem A Latin phrase that has come to mean attacking one's opponent, as opposed to attacking their arguments. Ad nauseam This argument approach uses tireless repetition of an idea. An idea, especially a simple slogan, that is repeated enough times, may begin to be taken as the truth. This approach works best when media sources are limited or controlled by the propagator. Appeal to authority Appeals to authority cite prominent figures to support a position, idea, argument, or course of action. Appeal to fear Appeals to fear and seeks to build support by instilling anxieties and panic in the general population, for example, Joseph Goebbels exploited Theodore Kaufman's Germany Must Perish! to claim that the Allies sought the extermination of the German people. Appeal to prejudice

Propaganda to urge immigrants to move to California, 1876

Propaganda Using loaded or emotive terms to attach value or moral goodness to believing the proposition. Used in biased or misleading ways. Bandwagon Bandwagon and "inevitable-victory" appeals attempt to persuade the target audience to join in and take the course of action that "everyone else is taking". Inevitable victory Invites those not already on the bandwagon to join those already on the road to certain victory. Those already or at least partially on the bandwagon are reassured that staying aboard is their best course of action. Join the crowd This technique reinforces people's natural desire to be on the winning side. This technique is used to convince the audience that a program is an expression of an irresistible mass movement and that it is in their best interest to join. Beautiful people The type of propaganda that deals with famous people or depicts attractive, happy people. This makes other people think that if they buy a product or follow a certain ideology, they too will be happy or successful. The Lie The repeated articulation of a complex of events that justify subsequent action. The descriptions of these events have elements of truth, and the "big lie" generalizations merge and eventually supplant the public's accurate perception of the underlying events. After World War I the German Stab in the back explanation of the cause of their defeat became a justification for Nazi re-militarization and revanchist aggression. Black-and-white fallacy Presenting only two choices, with the product or idea being propagated as the better choice. For example: "You're either with us, or against us...." Classical conditioning Getting What He Deserves. Heroes of the Fiery All vertebrates, including humans, respond to classical Cross 1928. conditioning. That is, if object A is always present when object B is present and object B causes a negative physical reaction (e.g., disgust, pleasure) then we will when presented with object A when object B is not present, we will experience the same feelings.

Cognitive dissonance People desire to be consistent. Suppose a pollster finds that a certain group of people hates his candidate for senator but loves actor A. They use actor A's endorsement of their candidate to change people's minds because people cannot tolerate inconsistency. They are forced to either to dislike the actor or like the candidate. Common man "The "plain folks" or "common man" approach attempts to convince the audience that the propagandist's positions reflect the common sense of the people. It is designed to win the confidence of the audience by communicating in the common manner and style of the target audience. Propagandists use ordinary language




and mannerisms (and clothe their message in face-to-face and audiovisual communications) in attempting to identify their point of view with that of the average person. With the plain folks device, the propagandist can win the confidence of persons who resent or distrust foreign sounding, intellectual speech, words, or mannerisms."[9] For example, a politician speaking to a Southern United States crowd might incorporate words such as "Y'all" and other colloquialisms to create a perception of belonging. Cult of personality A cult of personality arises when an individual uses mass media to create an idealized and heroic public image, often through unquestioning flattery and praise. The hero personality then advocates the positions that the propagandist desires to promote. For example, modern propagandists hire popular personalities to promote their ideas and/or products. Demonizing the enemy Making individuals from the opposing nation, from a different ethnic group, or those who support the opposing viewpoint appear to be subhuman (e.g., the Vietnam War-era term "gooks" for National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam aka Vietcong, or "VC", soldiers), worthless, or immoral, through suggestion or false accusations. Dehumanizing is also a termed used synonymously with demonizing, the latter usually serves as an aspect of the former. Dictat This technique hopes to simplify the decision making process by using images and words to tell the audience exactly what actions to take, eliminating any other possible choices. Authority figures can be used to give the order, overlapping it with the Appeal to authority technique, but not necessarily. The Uncle Sam "I want you" image is an example of this technique. Disinformation The creation or deletion of information from public records, in the purpose of making a false record of an event or the actions of a person or organization, including outright forgery of photographs, motion pictures, broadcasts, and sound recordings as well as printed documents. Door-in-the-face technique Is used to increase a person's latitude of acceptance. For example, if a salesperson wants to sell an item for $100 but the public is only willing to pay $50, the salesperson first offers the item at a higher price (e.g., $200) and subsequently reduces the price to $100 to make it seem like a good deal.

World War I poster by Winsor McCay, urging Americans to buy Liberty Bonds

Euphoria The use of an event that generates euphoria or happiness, or using an appealing event to boost morale. Euphoria can be created by declaring a holiday, making luxury items available, or mounting a military parade with marching bands and patriotic messages. Fear, uncertainty and doubt An attempt to influence public perception by disseminating negative and dubious/false information designed to undermine the credibility of their beliefs.



Flag-waving An attempt to justify an action on the grounds that doing so will make one more patriotic, or in some way benefit a country, group or idea the targeted audience supports. Foot-in-the-door technique Often used by recruiters and salesmen. For example, a member of the opposite sex walks up to the victim and pins a flower or gives a small gift to the victim. The victim says thanks and now they have incurred a psychological debt to the perpetrator. The person eventually asks for a larger favor (e.g., a donation or to buy something far more expensive). The unwritten social contract between the victim and perpetrator causes the victim to feel obligated to reciprocate by agreeing to do the larger favor or buy the more expensive gift. Glittering generalities Glittering generalities are emotionally appealing words that are applied to a product or idea, but present no concrete argument or analysis. This technique has also been referred to as the PT Barnum effect.

The Finnish Maiden - personification of Finnish nationalism

Half-truth A half-truth is a deceptive statement, which may come in several forms and includes some element of truth. The statement might be partly true, the statement may be totally true but only part of the whole truth, or it may utilize some deceptive element, such as improper punctuation, or double meaning, especially if the intent is to deceive, evade, blame or misrepresent the truth. Labeling A euphemism is used when the propagandist attempts to increase the perceived quality, credibility, or credence of a particular ideal. A Dysphemism is used when the intent of the propagandist is to discredit, diminish the perceived quality, or hurt the perceived righteousness of the Mark. By creating a "label" or "category" or "faction" of a population, it is much easier to make an example of these larger bodies, because they can uplift or defame the Mark without actually incurring legal-defamation. Example: "Liberal" is a dysphemism intended to diminish the perceived credibility of a particular Mark. By taking a displeasing argument presented by a Mark, the propagandist can quote that person, and then attack "liberals" in an attempt to both (1) create a political battle-ax of unaccountable aggression and (2) diminish the quality of the Mark. If the propagandist uses the label on too-many perceivably credible individuals, muddying up the word can be done by broadcasting bad-examples of "liberals" into the media. Labeling can be thought of as a sub-set of Guilt by association, another logical fallacy. Latitudes of acceptance If a person's message is outside the bounds of acceptance for an individual and group, most techniques will engender psychological reactance (simply hearing the argument will make the message even less acceptable). There are two techniques for increasing the bounds of acceptance. First, one can take a more even extreme position that will make more moderate positions seem more acceptable. This is similar to the Door-in-the-Face technique. Alternatively, one can moderate one's own position to the edge of the latitude of acceptance and then over time slowly move to the position that was previously.[10]



Love bombing Used to recruit members to a cult or ideology by having a group of individuals cut off a person from their existing social support and replace it entirely with members of the group who deliberately bombard the person with affection in an attempt to isolate the person from their prior beliefs and value system—see Milieu control. Lying and deception Lying and deception can be the basis of many propaganda techniques including Ad Homimen arguments, Big-Lie, Defamation, Door-in-the-Face, Half-truth, Name-calling or any other technique that is based on dishonesty or deception. For example, many politicians have been found to frequently stretch or break the truth.

"The Conquest or Arrival of Hernán Cortés in Veracruz", 1951, National Palace, Mexico City. Diego Rivera's political murals depict a modern interpretation of the Black Legend.

Managing the news According to Adolf Hitler "The most brilliant propagandist technique will yield no success unless one fundamental principle is borne in mind constantly - it must confine itself to a few points and repeat them over and over."[11][12] This idea is consistent with the principle of classical conditioning as well as the idea of "Staying on Message." Milieu control An attempt to control the social environment and ideas through the use of social pressure Name-calling Propagandists use the name-calling technique to incite fears and arouse prejudices in their hearers in the intent that the bad names will cause hearers to construct a negative opinion about a group or set of beliefs or ideas that the propagandist wants hearers to denounce. The method is intended to provoke conclusions about a matter apart from impartial examinations of facts. Name-calling is thus a substitute for rational, fact-based arguments against the an idea or belief on its own merits.[13] Obfuscation, intentional vagueness, confusion Generalities are deliberately vague so that the audience may supply its own interpretations. The intention is to move the audience by use of undefined phrases, without analyzing their Anti-Muslim propaganda in Germany produced validity or attempting to determine their reasonableness or during the Ottoman wars in Europe, 16th century application. The intent is to cause people to draw their own interpretations rather than simply being presented with an explicit idea. In trying to "figure out" the propaganda, the audience forgoes judgment of the ideas presented. Their validity, reasonableness and application may still be considered. Obtain disapproval or Reductio ad Hitlerum This technique is used to persuade a target audience to disapprove of an action or idea by suggesting that the idea is popular with groups hated, feared, or held in contempt by the target audience. Thus if a group that supports a certain policy is led to believe that undesirable, subversive, or contemptible people support the same policy, then the members of the group may decide to change their original position. This is a form of bad



logic, where a is said to include X, and b is said to include X, therefore, a = b. Operant conditioning Operant conditioning involves learning through imitation. For example, watching an appealing person buy products or endorse positions teaches a person to buy the product or endorse the position. Operant conditioning is the underlying principle behind the Ad Nauseam, Slogan and other repetition public relations campaigns. Oversimplification Favorable generalities are used to provide simple answers to complex social, political, economic, or military problems. Pensée unique Enforced reduction of discussion by use of overly simplistic phrases or arguments (e.g., "There is no alternative to war.") Quotes out of context Selectively editing quotes to change meanings—political documentaries designed to discredit an opponent or an opposing political viewpoint often make use of this technique. Rationalization (making excuses) Individuals or groups may use favorable generalities to rationalize questionable acts or beliefs. Vague and pleasant phrases are often used to justify such actions or beliefs. Red herring Presenting data or issues that, while compelling, are irrelevant to the argument at hand, and then claiming that it validates the argument. Repetition This is the repeating of a certain symbol or slogan so that the audience remembers it. This could be in the form of a jingle or an image placed on nearly everything in the picture/scene. Scapegoating

Illustration by Rev. Branford Clarke from Heroes of the Fiery Cross by Bishop Alma White published by the Pillar of Fire Church 1928 in Zarephath, NJ

Assigning blame to an individual or group, thus alleviating feelings of guilt from responsible parties and/or distracting attention from the need to fix the problem for which blame is being assigned. Slogans

A slogan is a brief, striking phrase that may include labeling and stereotyping. Although slogans may be enlisted to support reasoned ideas, in practice they tend to act only as Nationalist slogan "Brazil, love it or leave it", often used during the emotional appeals. Opponents of the US's Brazilian military dictatorship invasion and occupation of Iraq use the slogan "blood for oil" to suggest that the invasion and its human losses was done to access Iraq's oil riches. On the other hand, supporters who argue that the US should continue to fight in Iraq use the slogan "cut and run" to suggest withdrawal is cowardly or weak. Stereotyping

Propaganda This technique attempts to arouse prejudices in an audience by labeling the object of the propaganda campaign as something the target audience fears, hates, loathes, or finds undesirable. For instance, reporting on a foreign country or social group may focus on the stereotypical traits that the reader expects, even though they are far from being representative of the whole country or group; such reporting often focuses on the anecdotal. In graphic propaganda, including war posters, this might include portraying enemies with stereotyped racial features. Straw man A straw man argument is an informal fallacy based on misrepresentation of an opponent's position. To "attack a straw man" is to create the illusion of having refuted a proposition by substituting a superficially similar proposition (the "straw man"), and refuting it, without ever having actually refuted the original position. Testimonial Testimonials are quotations, in or out of context, especially cited to support or reject a given policy, action, program, or personality. The reputation or the role (expert, respected public figure, etc.) of the individual giving the statement is exploited. The testimonial places the official sanction of a respected person or authority on a propaganda message. This is done in an effort to cause the target audience to identify itself with the authority or to accept the authority's opinions and beliefs as its own. Third party technique Works on the principle that people are more willing to accept an argument from a seemingly independent source of information than from someone with a stake in the outcome. It is a marketing strategy commonly employed by Public Relations (PR) firms, that involves placing a premeditated message in the "mouth of the media." Third party technique can take many forms, ranging from the hiring of journalists to report the organization in a favorable light, to using scientists within the organization to present their perhaps prejudicial findings to the public. Frequently astroturf groups or front groups are used to deliver the message. Foreign governments, particularly those that own marketable commercial products or services, often promote their interests and positions through the advertising of those goods because the target audience is not only largely unaware of the forum as vehicle for foreign messaging but also willing to receive the "The Bulgarian Martyresses", 1877 painting by the Russian painter Konstantin Makovsky message while in a mental state of absorbing information from depicting the rape of Bulgarian women by advertisements during television commercial breaks, while Ottoman troops during the suppression of the reading a periodical, or while passing by billboards in public April Uprising a year earlier, served to mobilise spaces. A prime example of this messaging technique is public support for the Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878) waged with the proclaimed aim of advertising campaigns to promote international travel. While liberating the Bulgarians. advertising foreign destinations and services may stem from the typical goal of increasing revenue by drawing more tourism, some travel campaigns carry the additional or alternative intended purpose of promoting good sentiments or improving existing ones among the target audience towards a given nation or region. It is common for advertising promoting foreign countries to be produced and distributed by the tourism ministries of those countries, so these ads often carry political statements and/or depictions of the foreign government's desired


Propaganda international public perception. Additionally, a wide range of foreign airlines and travel-related services which advertise separately from the destinations, themselves, are owned by their respective governments; examples include, though are not limited to, the Emirates airline (Dubai), Singapore Airlines (Singapore), Qatar Airways (Qatar), China Airlines (Taiwan/Republic of China), and Air China (People's Republic of China). By depicting their destinations, airlines, and other services in a favorable and pleasant light, countries market themselves to populations abroad in a manner that could mitigate prior public impressions. See: Soft Power Thought-terminating cliché A commonly used phrase, sometimes passing as folk wisdom, used to quell cognitive dissonance. Transfer Also known as association, this is a technique that involves projecting the positive or negative qualities of one person, entity, object, or value onto another to make the second more acceptable or to discredit it. It evokes an emotional response, which stimulates the target to identify with recognized authorities. Often highly visual, this technique often utilizes symbols (e.g. swastikas) superimposed over other visual images (e.g. logos). These symbols may be used in place of words. Selective truth Richard Crossman, the British Deputy Director of Psychological Warfare Division (PWD) for the Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force (SHAEF) during the Second World War said "In propaganda truth pays... It is a complete delusion to think of the brilliant propagandist as being a professional liar. The brilliant propagandist is the man who tells the truth, or that selection of the truth which is requisite for his purpose, and tells it in such a way that the recipient does not think he is receiving any propaganda... [...] The art of propaganda is not telling lies, but rather selecting the truth you require and giving it mixed up with some truths the audience wants to hear."[14] Unstated assumption This technique is used when the idea the propagandist wants to plant would seem less credible if explicitly stated. The concept is instead repeatedly assumed or implied. Virtue words These are words in the value system of the target audience that produce a positive image when attached to a person or issue. Peace, happiness, security, wise leadership, freedom, "The Truth", etc. are virtue words. Many see religiosity as a virtue, making associations to this quality affectively beneficial. Their use is considered of the Transfer propaganda technique.

Models Social Psychology The field of Social Psychology includes the study of persuasion. Social psychologists can be sociologists or psychologists. The field includes many theories and approaches to understanding persuasion. For example, communication theory points out that people can be persuaded by the communicator's credibility, expertise, trustworthiness, and attractiveness. The elaboration likelihood model as well as heuristic models of persuasion suggest that a number of factors (e.g., the degree of interest of the recipient of the communication), influence the degree to which people allow superficial factors to persuade them. Nobel Prize winning psychologist Herbert A. Simon won the Nobel prize for his theory that people are cognitive misers. That is, in a society of mass information people are forced to make decisions quickly and often superficially, as opposed to logically. Social cognitive theories suggest that people have inherent biases in the way they perceive the world and these biases can be used to manipulate them. For example, people tend to believe that people's misfortune (e.g., poverty) is a result of the person and downplay external factors (e.g., being born into poverty). This bias is referred to as the




Fundamental Attribution Error. Self Fulfilling prophecies occur when people believe what they have been told they are. Propaganda frequently plays upon people's existing biases to achieve its end. For example, the illusion of control, refers to people's seemingly innate desire to believe they can and should control their lives. Propagandists frequently argue their point by claiming that the other side is attempting to take away your control. For example, Republicans frequently claim that Democrats are attempting to control you by imposing big government on your private life and take away your spending power by imposing higher taxes while Democrats frequently argue that they are reigning in big corporations that are attempting to influence elections with money, power and take away your job, health etc. ... According to bipartisan analysis, these claims are frequently untrue.[15] Role theory is frequently used to identify an idea as appropriate because it is associated with a role. For example, the public relations firm Leo Burnett Worldwide used the Marlboro Man to persuade males that Marlboro cigarettes were a part of being a cool, risk-taking, cowboy rebel who was fearless in the face of threats of cancer. The campaign quadrupled sales of their cigarettes. Of course, smoking has nothing to do with being a cowboy or a rebel. This is a fantasy but the campaign's success is consistent with the tenets of role theory. In fact, the three actors who played the Marlboro man died of lung cancer.

Herman and Chomsky's propaganda model The propaganda model is a theory advanced by Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky that alleges systemic biases in the mass media and seeks to explain them in terms of structural economic causes. The 20th century has been characterized by three developments of great political importance: the growth of democracy, the growth of corporate power, and the growth of corporate propaganda as a means of protecting corporate power against democracy. —[16][17] First presented in their 1988 book Manufacturing Consent: the Political Economy of the Mass Media, the propaganda model views the private media as businesses selling a product — readers and audiences (rather than news) — to other businesses (advertisers) and relying primarily on government and corporate information and propaganda. The theory postulates five general classes of "filters" that determine the type of news that is presented in news media: Ownership of the medium, the medium's Funding, Sourcing of the news, Flak, and Anti-communist ideology.

Early 20th century depiction of a "European Anarchist" attempting to destroy the Statue of Liberty.

The first three (ownership, funding, and sourcing) are generally regarded by the authors as being the most important. Although the model was based mainly on the characterization of United States media, Chomsky and Herman believe the theory is equally applicable to any country that shares the basic economic structure and organizing principles the model postulates as the cause of media biases. After the Soviet Union disintegrated, Chomsky said terrorism and Islam would be the new filter replacing communism.



Ross' epistemic merit model The epistemic merit model is a method for understanding propaganda conceived by Sheryl Tuttle Ross and detailed in her 2002 article for the Journal of Aesthetic Education entitled "Understanding Propaganda: The Epistemic Merit Model and Its Application to Art".[18] Ross developed the Epistemic merit model due to concern about narrow, misleading definitions of propaganda. She contrasted her model with the ideas of Pope Gregory XV, the Institute for Propaganda Analysis, Alfred Lee, F.C. Bartlett, and Hans Speier. Insisting that each of their respective discussions of propaganda are too narrow, Ross proposed her own definition. To appropriately discuss propaganda, Ross argues that one must consider a threefold communication model: that of Sender-Message-Receiver. "That is... propaganda involve[s]... the one who is persuading (Sender) [who is] doing so intentionally, [the] target for such persuasion (Receiver) and [the] means of reaching that target (Message)." There are four conditions for a message to be considered propaganda. Propaganda involves the intention to persuade. As well, propaganda is sent on behalf of a sociopolitical institution, organization, or cause. Next, the recipient of propaganda is a socially significant group of people. Finally, propaganda is an epistemic struggle to challenge others' thoughts.

American World War I poster: "Remember Your First Thrill of American Liberty"

Ross claims that it is misleading to say that propaganda is simply false, or that it is conditional to a lie, since often the propagandist believes in what he/she is propagandizing. In other words, it is not necessarily a lie if the person who creates the propaganda is trying to persuade you of a view that they actually hold. "The aim of the propagandist is to create the semblance of credibility." This means that they appeal to an epistemology that is weak or defective.

False statements, bad arguments, immoral commands as well as inapt metaphors (and other literary tropes) are the sorts of things that are epistemically defective... Not only does epistemic defectiveness more accurately describe how propaganda endeavors to function... since many messages are in forms such as commands that do not admit to truth-values, [but it] also accounts for the role context plays in the workings of propaganda.

Throughout history those who have wished to persuade have used art to get their message out. This can be accomplished by hiring artists for the express aim of propagandizing or by investing new meanings to a previously non-political work. Therefore, Ross states, it is important to consider "the conditions of its making [and] the conditions of its use."



History Ancient propaganda Propaganda has been a human activity as far back as reliable recorded evidence exists. The Behistun Inscription (c. 515 BC) detailing the rise of Darius I to the Persian throne is viewed by most historians as an early example of propaganda.[19] The Arthashastra written by Chanakya (c. 350 - 283 BC), a professor of political science at Takshashila University and a prime minister of the Maurya Empire in ancient India, discusses propaganda in detail, such as how to spread propaganda and how to apply it in warfare. His student Chandragupta Maurya (c. 340 - 293 BC), founder of the Maurya Empire, employed these methods during his rise to power.[20] The writings of Romans such as Livy (c. 59 BC - 17 AD) are considered masterpieces of pro-Roman propaganda. Another example of early propaganda is the 12th century work, The War of the Irish with the Foreigners, written by the Dál gCais to portray themselves as legitimate rulers of Ireland.

English Civil War cartoon entitled "The Cruel Practices of Prince Rupert" (1643)



in particular within Germany, caused new ideas, thoughts, and doctrine to be made available to the public in ways that had never been seen before the sixteenth century. The printing press was invented in approximately 1450 and quickly spread to other major cities around Europe; by the time the Reformation was underway in 1517 there were printing centers in over 200 of the major European cities.[23] These centers became the primary producers of both Reformation works by the Protestant Reformers and anti-Reformation works put forth by the Roman Catholics.

19th and 20th centuries

Propaganda With the beginnings of the mass media in the 19th century, war rape was sometimes used as propaganda by European colonialists to justify putting down rebellions. The most notable example was perhaps during the Indian Rebellion of 1857, known as "India's First War of Independence" to the Indians and as the "Sepoy Mutiny" to the British, where Indian sepoys rebelled against the British East India Company's rule in India. While incidents of rape committed by Indian rebels against English women or girls were generally uncommon during the rebellion, this was exaggerated to great effect by the British media to justify continued British colonialism in the Indian subcontinent.[24] At the time, British newspapers had printed various accounts about English women and girls being raped by the Indian rebels, but with little physical evidence to support these stories. It was later found that some of these accounts were false stories created to paint some of the native people of India as savages who need to be civilized by British colonialists, a mission sometimes known as "The White Man's Burden". One such account published by The Times, regarding an incident where 48 English girls as young as 10–14 were supposedly raped by the Indian rebels in Delhi, was criticized as a false propaganda story by Karl Marx, who pointed out that the story was reported by a clergyman in Bangalore, far from the events of the rebellion.[25] Gabriel Tarde's Laws of Imitation (1890) and Gustave Le Bon's The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind (1897) were two of the first codifications of propaganda techniques, which influenced many writers afterward, including Sigmund Freud. Hitler's Mein Kampf is heavily influenced by Le Bon's theories. Journalist Walter Lippmann, in Public Opinion (1922) also worked on the subject, as well as the American advertising pioneer and founder of the field of public relations Edward Bernays, a nephew of Freud, who wrote the book Propaganda early in the 20th century.[26] According to Alex Carey, one distinctive feature of the twentieth century was "the professionalizing and institutionalizing of propaganda", as it became an increasingly prominent, sophisticated, and self-conscious tactic of both government and business.[27] During World War I, President Woodrow Wilson hired Lippmann and Bernays to participate in the Creel Commission, which was to sway popular opinion in favor of entering the war on the side of the United Kingdom. The Creel Committee provided themes for speeches by "four-minute men" at public functions, and also encouraged censorship of the American press. Starting after World War I, propaganda had a growing negative connotation. This was due in part to the 1920 book "How We Advertised America: the First Telling of the Amazing Story of the Committee on Public Information that Carried the Gospel of Americanism to Every Corner of the Globe"[28] in which the impact of the Creel Committee, and the power of propaganda, was overemphasized. The Committee was so unpopular that after the war, Congress closed it down without providing funding to organize and archive its papers.




The war propaganda campaign of the Creel Committee "produced within six months such an intense anti-German hysteria as to permanently impress American business (and Adolf Hitler, among others) with the potential of large-scale propaganda to control public opinion."[30] Bernays coined the terms "group mind" and "engineering consent", important concepts in practical propaganda work. The file Century of the Self by Adam Curtis documents the immense influence of these ideas on public relations and politics throughout the last century. The current public relations industry is a direct outgrowth of Lippmann's and Bernays' work and is still used extensively by the United States government. For the first half of the 20th century Bernays and Lippmann themselves ran a very successful public relations firm. World War II saw continued use of propaganda as a weapon of war, both by Hitler's propagandist Joseph Goebbels and the British Political Warfare Executive, as well as the United States Office of War Information. Edward Bernays had major influence in the propaganda world. He created many campaigns that integrated the use of propaganda. Bernays wrote a book stating how he truly felt about the use of propaganda. He wrote:[31]

Northern propaganda in the American Civil War. A former slave showing keloid scars from whipping. This [29] famous photo was distributed by abolitionists.

The conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society. Those who manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which is the true ruling power of our country. We are governed, our minds are molded, our tastes formed, our ideas suggested, largely by men we have never heard of. This is a logical result of the way in which our democratic society is organized. Vast numbers of human beings must cooperate in this manner if they are to live together as a smoothly functioning society.

In the early 2000s, the United States government developed and freely distributed a video game known as America's Army. The stated intention of the game is to encourage players to become interested in joining the U.S. Army.

Russian revolution Further information: Propaganda in the Soviet Union, Agitprop, and Socialist realism Russian revolutionaries of the 19th and 20th centuries distinguished two different aspects covered by the English term propaganda. Their terminology included two terms: Russian: агитация (agitatsiya), or agitation, and Russian: пропаганда, or propaganda, see agitprop (agitprop is not, however, limited to the Soviet Union, as it was considered, before the October Revolution, to be one of the fundamental activities of any Marxist activist; this importance of agit-prop in Marxist theory may also be observed today in Trotskyist circles, who insist on the importance of leaflet distribution). Soviet propaganda meant dissemination of revolutionary ideas, teachings of Marxism, and theoretical and practical knowledge of Marxist economics, while agitation meant forming favorable public opinion and stirring up political unrest. These activities did not carry negative connotations (as they usually do in English) and were encouraged. Expanding dimensions of state propaganda, the Bolsheviks actively used transportation such as trains, aircraft and other means.



Joseph Stalin's regime built the largest fixed-wing aircraft of the 1930s, Tupolev ANT-20, exclusively for this purpose. Named after the famous Soviet writer Maxim Gorky who had recently returned from fascist Italy, it was equipped with a powerful radio set called "Voice from the sky", printing and leaflet-dropping machinery, radio stations, photographic laboratory, film projector with sound for showing movies in flight, library, etc. The aircraft could be disassembled and transported by railroad if needed. The giant aircraft set a number of world records.

"Long Live World October (revolution)!"

Bolshevik propaganda train, 1923.

ANT-20 "Maxim Gorky" propaganda aircraft in the Moscow sky.

Nazi Germany Most propaganda in Germany was produced by the Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda. Joseph Goebbels was placed in charge of this ministry shortly after Hitler took power in 1933. All journalists, writers, and artists were required to register with one of the Ministry's subordinate chambers for the press, fine arts, music, theatre, film, literature, or radio. The Nazis believed in propaganda as a vital tool in achieving their goals. Adolf Hitler, Germany's Führer, was impressed by the power of Allied propaganda during World War I and believed that it had been a primary cause of the collapse of morale and revolts in the German home front and Navy in 1918 (see also: Dolchstoßlegende). Hitler met nearly every day with Goebbels to discuss the news, and Goebbels would obtain Hitler's thoughts on the subject. Goebbels then met with senior Ministry officials to pass down the official Party line on world events. Broadcasters and journalists required prior approval before their works were disseminated. Along with posters, the Nazis produced a number of films and books to spread their beliefs.

Poster promoting eugenics and euthanasia of disabled people.

Lappland-Kurier soldiers newspaper



Cold War propaganda The United States and the Soviet Union both used propaganda extensively during the Cold War. Both sides used film, television, and radio programming to influence their own citizens, each other, and Third World nations. The United States Information Agency operated the Voice of America as an official government station. Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, which were, in part, supported by the Central Intelligence Agency, provided grey propaganda in news and entertainment programs to Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union respectively. The Soviet Union's official government station, Radio Moscow, broadcast white propaganda, while Radio Peace and Freedom broadcast grey propaganda. Both sides also broadcast black propaganda programs in periods of special crises. In 1948, the United Kingdom's Foreign Office created the IRD (Information Research Department), which took over from wartime and slightly post-war departments such as the Ministry of Information and dispensed propaganda via various media such as the BBC and publishing.[32][33] The ideological and border dispute between the Soviet Union and People's Republic of China resulted in a number of cross-border operations. One technique developed during this period was the "backwards transmission," in which the radio program was recorded and played backwards over the air. (This was done so that messages meant to be received by the other government could be heard, while the average listener could not understand the content of the program.)

A 1988 German Democratic Republic poster showing the increase of timber production from 7 million cubic metres in 1970 to 11 million in 1990

When describing life in capitalist countries, in the US in particular, propaganda focused on social issues such as poverty and anti-union action by the government. Workers in capitalist countries were portrayed as "ideologically close". Propaganda claimed rich people from the US derived their income from weapons manufacturing, and claimed that there was substantial racism or neo-fascism in the US. When describing life in Communist countries, western propaganda sought to depict an image of a citizenry held captive by governments that brainwash them. The West also created a fear of the East, by depicting an aggressive Soviet Union. In the Americas, Cuba served as a major source and a target of propaganda from both black and white stations operated by the CIA and Cuban exile groups. Radio Habana Cuba, in turn, broadcast original programming, relayed Radio Moscow, and broadcast The Voice of Vietnam as well as alleged confessions from the crew of the USS Pueblo.

Poster showing the increase of agricultural production in the German Democratic Republic from 1981 to 1983 and 1986

George Orwell's novels Animal Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four are virtual textbooks on the use of propaganda. Though not set in the Soviet Union, these books are about totalitarian regimes that constantly


corrupt language for political purposes. These novels were, ironically, used for explicit propaganda. The CIA, for example, secretly commissioned an animated film adaptation of Animal Farm in the 1950s with small changes to the original story to suit its own needs.[34]

Vietnam war Propaganda was used extensively by Communist forces in the Vietnam War as means of controlling peoples opinions.[35] Radio stations like Radio Hanoi were in an integral part of North Vietnamese propaganda operations. Communist Vietnamese politician Mai Chi Tho, commenting on the use of propaganda stated:[36] "Ho Chi Minh may have been an evil man; Nixon may have been a great man. The Americans may have had the just cause; we may not have had the just cause. But we Soldier loads a "leaflet bomb" during the Korean War. won and the Americans were defeated because we convinced the people that Ho Chi Minh is the great man, that Nixon is a murderer, and the Americans are the invaders... The key factor is how to control people and their opinions. Only Marxism-Leninism can do that."

Revolution in Central and Eastern Europe During the democratic revolutions of 1989 in Central and Eastern Europe the propaganda poster was an important weapon in the hand of the opposition. Printed and hand-made political posters appeared on the Berlin Wall, on the statue of St. Wenceslas in Prague and around the unmarked grave of Imre Nagy in Budapest and the role of them was important for the democratic change.

Yugoslav wars During the Yugoslav wars propaganda was used as a military strategy by governments of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Croatia. Propaganda was used to create fear and hatred and particularly incite the Serb population against the other ethnicities (Bosniaks, Croats, Albanians and other non-Serbs). Serb media made a great effort in justifying, revising or denying mass war crimes committed by Serb forces during the Yugoslav wars on Bosniaks and other non-Serbs.[37] According to the ICTY verdicts against Serb political and military leaders, during the Bosnian war, the propaganda was a part of the Strategic Plan by Serb leadership, aimed at linking Serb-populated areas in Bosnia and Herzegovina together, gaining control over these areas and creating a sovereign Serb nation state, from which most non-Serbs would be permanently removed. The Serb leadership was aware that the Strategic Plan could only be implemented by the use of force and fear, thus by the commission of war crimes.[38][39] Croats also used propaganda against Serbs throughout and against Bosniaks during the 1992–1994 Croat-Bosniak war, which was part of the larger Bosnian War. During Lašva Valley ethnic cleansing Croat forces seized the television broadcasting stations (for example at Skradno) and created its own local radio and television to carry propaganda, seized the public institutions, raised the Croatian flag over public institution buildings, and imposed the Croatian Dinar as the unit of currency. During this time, Busovača's Bosniaks were forced to sign an act of allegiance to the Croat authorities, fell victim to numerous attacks on shops and businesses and, gradually, left the area out of fear that they would be the victims of mass crimes.[40] According to ICTY Trial Chambers in Blaškić case Croat authorities created a radio station in Kiseljak to broadcast nationalist propaganda.[41] A similar pattern was applied in Mostar and Gornji Vakuf (where Croats created a radio station called Radio Uskoplje).[42] Local


Propaganda propaganda efforts in parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina controlled by the Croats, were supported by Croatian daily newspapers such as Večernji list and Croatian Radiotelevision, especially by controversial reporters Dijana Čuljak and Smiljko Šagolj who are still blamed by the families of Bosniak victims in Vranica case for inciting massacre of Bosnian POWs in Mostar, when broadcasting a report about alleged terrorists arrested by Croats who victimized Croat civilians. The bodies of Bosnian POWs were later found in Goranci mass grave. Croatian Radiotelevision presented Croat attack on Mostar, as a Bosnian Muslim attack on Croats in alliance with the Serbs. According to ICTY, in the early hours of May 9, 1993, the Croatian Defence Council (HVO) attacked Mostar using artillery, mortars, heavy weapons and small arms. The HVO controlled all roads leading into Mostar and international organisations were denied access. Radio Mostar announced that all Bosniaks should hang out a white flag from their windows. The HVO attack had been well prepared and planned.[43] During the ICTY trials against Croat war leaders, many Croatian journalists participated as the defence witnesses trying to relativise war crimes committed by Croatian troops against non-Croat civilians (Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Serbs in Croatia). During the trial against general Tihomir Blaškić (later convicted of war crimes), Ivica Mlivončić, Croatian columnist in Slobodna Dalmacija, tried to defend general Blaškić presenting number of claims in his book Zločin s pečatom about alleged genocide against Croats (most of it unproven or false), which was considered by the Trial Chambers as irrelevant for the case. After the conviction, he continued to write in Slobodna Dalmacija against the ICTY presenting it as the court against Croats, with chauvinistic claims that the ICTY cannot be unbiased because it is financed by Saudi Arabia (Muslims).[44][45]

Afghan War In the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan, psychological operations tactics were employed to demoralize the Taliban and to win the sympathies of the Afghan population. At least six EC-130E Commando Solo aircraft were used to jam local radio transmissions and transmit replacement propaganda messages. Leaflets were also dropped throughout Afghanistan, offering rewards for Osama bin Laden and other individuals, portraying Americans as friends of Afghanistan and emphasizing various negative aspects of the Taliban. Another shows a picture of Mohammed Omar in a set of crosshairs with the words "We are watching."




Iraq War The United States and Iraq both employed propaganda during the Iraq War. The United States established campaigns towards the American people on the justifications of the war while using similar tactics to bring down Saddam Hussein's government in Iraq.[46] Iraqi Propaganda The Iraqi insurgency's plan was to gain as much support as possible by using violence as their propaganda tool.[47] Inspired by the Vietcong's tactics,[48] insurgents were using rapid movement to keep the coalition off-balance.[47] By using low-technology strategies to convey their messages, they were able to gain support.[49] Graffiti slogans were used on walls and houses praising the virtues of many group leaders while condemning the Iraqi government. Others used flyers, leaflets, articles and self-published newspapers and magazines to get the point across.[49] Insurgents also produced CDs and DVDs and distributed them in communities that the Iraq and the U.S. Government were trying to influence.[50] The insurgents designed advertisements that cost a fraction of what the U.S. was spending on their ads aimed at the same [50] people in Iraq with much more success. In addition, the Iraqis also created and established an Arabic language television station to transmit information to the people of Iraq about the rumors and lies that the Americans were spreading about the war.[48] US PSYOP pamphlet disseminated in Iraq. Text: "This is your future al-Zarqawi" and shows al-Qaeda fighter al-Zarqawi caught in a rat trap.

American Propaganda in Iraq To achieve their aim of a moderate, pro-western Iraq, U.S. authorities were careful to avoid conflicts with Islamic culture that would produce passionate reactions from Iraqis, but differentiating between "good" and "bad" Islams has proved challenging for the U.S.[48] The U.S. implemented something called "Black Propaganda" by creating false radio personalities that would disseminate pro-American information but supposedly run by the supporters of Saddam Hussein. One radio station used was Radio Tikrit.[48] Another example of America's attempt with Black Propaganda is that the U.S. paid Iraqis to publish articles written by American troops in their newspapers under the idea that they are unbiased and real accounts; this was brought forth by the New York Times in 2005.[51] The article stated that it was the Lincoln Group who had been hired by the U.S. government to create the propaganda, however their names were later cleared from any wrongdoing.[51] The U.S. was more successful with the "Voice of America" campaign, which is an old Cold War tactic that exploited people's desire for information.[48] While the information they gave out to the Iraqis was truthful, they were in a high degree of competition with the opposing forces after the censorship of the Iraqi media was lifted with the removal of Saddam from power.[52] In November 2005, the Chicago Tribune and the Los Angeles Times, alleged that the United States military had manipulated news reported in Iraqi media in an effort to cast a favorable light on its actions while demoralizing the insurgency. Lt. Col. Barry Johnson, a military spokesman in Iraq, said the program is "an important part of countering misinformation in the news by insurgents", while a spokesman for former Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld said the allegations of manipulation were troubling if true. The Department of Defense confirmed the



existence of the program.[53][54] Propaganda aimed at Americans The extent to which the US government was guilty of propaganda aimed at its own people is a matter of discussion. The book Selling Intervention & War by Jon Western argued that president Bush was "selling the war" to the public.[55] President George W. Bush gave a talk at the Athena Performing Arts Center at Greece Athena Middle and High School Tuesday, May 24, 2005 in Rochester, NY. About halfway through the event Bush said, "See in my line of work you got to keep repeating things over and over and over again for the truth to sink in, to kind of catapult the propaganda." People had their initial reactions to the War on Terror, but with more biased and persuading information, Iraq as a whole has been negatively targeted.[56] America's goal was to remove Saddam Hussein's power in Iraq with allegations of possible weapons of mass destruction related to Osama Bin Laden.[57] Video and picture coverage in the news has shown shocking and disturbing images of torture and other evils being done under the Iraqi Government.[57]

News of the Bataan Death March sparked outrage in the US, as reflected in this poster.

North Korea Every year, a state-owned publishing house releases several cartoons (called geurim-chaek in North Korea), many of which are smuggled across the Chinese border and, sometimes, end up in university libraries in the United States. The books are designed to instill the Juche philosophy of Kim Il-sung (the 'father' of North Korea)—radical self-reliance of the state. The plots mostly feature scheming capitalists from the United States and Japan who create dilemmas for naïve North Korean characters.

Mexican drug cartels Drug cartels have been engaged in propaganda and psychological campaigns to influence their rivals and those within their area of influence. They use banners and "narcomantas" to threaten their rivals. Some cartels hand out pamphlets and leaflets to conduct public relation campaigns. They have been able to control the information environment by threatening journalists, bloggers, and others who speak out against them. They have elaborate recruitment strategies targeting young adults to join their cartel groups. They have successfully branded the word "narco", and the word has become part of Mexican culture. There is music, television shows, literature, beverages, food, and architecture that all have been branded "narco".[58][59]

Children Of all the potential targets for propaganda, children are the most vulnerable because they are the most unprepared for the critical reasoning and contextual comprehension required to determine whether a message is propaganda or not. Children's vulnerability to propaganda is rooted in developmental psychology. The attention children give their environment during development, due to the process of developing their understanding of the world, will cause them to absorb propaganda indiscriminately. Also, children are highly imitative: studies by Albert Bandura, Dorothea Ross and Sheila A. Ross in the 1960s indicated


58 To a degree, socialization, formal education, and standardized television programming can be seen as using propaganda for the purpose of indoctrination. The use of propaganda in schools was highly prevalent during the 1930s and 1940s in Germany, as well as in Stalinist Russia.

Anti-Semitic propaganda for children

Poster promoting the Nicaraguan Sandinistas. The text reads, "Sandinista children: Toño, Delia and Rodolfo are in the Association of Sandinista Children. Sandinista children use a neckerchief. They participate in the revolution and are very studious."

In Nazi Germany, the education system was thoroughly co-opted to indoctrinate the German youth with anti-Semitic ideology. This was accomplished through the National Socialist Teachers League, of which 97% of all German teachers were members in 1937. It encouraged the teaching of "racial theory." Picture books for children such as Don't Trust A Fox in A Green Meadow Or the Word of A Jew, The Poisonous Mushroom, and The Poodle-Pug-Dachshund-Pincher were widely circulated (over 100,000 copies of Don't Trust A Fox... were circulated during the late 1930s) and contained depictions of Jews as devils, child molesters, and other morally charged figures. Slogans such as "Judas the Jew betrayed Jesus the German to the Jews" were recited in class.[60] The following is an example of a propagandistic math problem recommended by the National Socialist Essence of Education: [61]

The Jews are aliens in Germany—in 1933 there were 66,606,000 inhabitants in the German Reich, of whom 499,682 (.75%) were Jews.

Tomorrow's Pioneers (Arabic: ‫ ;ﺭﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻐﺪ‬also The Pioneers of Tomorrow) is a children's program, broadcast since April 13, 2007 on the official Palestinian Hamas television station, Al-Aqsa TV (Arabic: ‫)ﻣﺮﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻷﻗﺼﻰ‬. The program deals with many life aspects Palestinian children face. Assoud (Arabic: ‫ ;ﺍﺳﻮﺩ‬also rendered as Assud), a Bugs Bunny-like rabbit character whose name means lion was introduced after his brother Nahoul, the previous co-host, died of illness.[62] In explaining why he is called Assoud (lion), when Arnoub (rabbit) would be more appropriate, Assoud explains that "A rabbit is a term for a bad person and coward. And I, Assoud, will finish off the Jews and eat them."[62][63] Before Nahoul's death, Assoud lived in Lebanon; he returned "in order to return to the homeland and liberate it."[63] Assoud has hinted in episode 113 that he will be replaced by a tiger when he is martyred.

Notes [1] Diggs-Brown, Barbara (2011) Strategic Public Relations: Audience Focused Practice (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=7c0ycySng4YC& pg=PA48& lpg=PA48) p.48 [2] http:/ / www. etymonline. com/ index. php?term=propaganda [3] Garth Jowett and Victoria O'Donnell, Propaganda and Persuasion, 4th ed. Sage Publications, p. 7 [4] Richard Alan Nelson, A Chronology and Glossary of Propaganda in the United States (1996) pp. 232-233 [5] pp. 260-261, "The Function of the Propagandist", International Journal of Ethics, 38 (no. 3): pp. 258-268. [6] Hindery, Roderick R., Indoctrination and Self-deception or Free and Critical Thought? (2001) [7] "The Religious Movements Page: Conceptualizing "Cult" and "Sect"" (http:/ / religiousmovements. lib. virginia. edu/ cultsect/ concult. htm). . Retrieved December 4, 2005. [8] "Polish Anti-Cult Movement (Koscianska) - CESNUR" (http:/ / www. cesnur. org/ conferences/ riga2000/ koscianska. htm). . Retrieved December 4, 2005. [9] Psychological Operations Field Manual No.33-1. Washington DC: Headquarters; Department of the Army. 1979. [10] unacceptable message (http:/ / www. jamescmccroskey. com/ publications/ 36. htm) [11] Joel H. Spring (2006). Pedagogies of globalization: the rise of the educational security state (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=0E_5dMU_zMQC& pg=PA60). Psychology Press. p. 60. ISBN 978-0-8058-5557-9. .

Propaganda [12] Hilmar Hoffmann; John Broadwin; Volker R. Berghahn (1997). The triumph of propaganda: film and national socialism, 1933-1945 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=tKftDBVbLAQC& pg=PA140). Berghahn Books. p. 140. ISBN 978-1-57181-122-6. . [13] Propaganda Techniques (http:/ / mason. gmu. edu/ ~amcdonal/ Propaganda Techniques. html) [14] Scot Macdonald (2007). Propaganda and information warfare in the twenty-first century: altered images and deception operations (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=8C51a3tv91QC& pg=PA35). Taylor & Francis. p. 35. ISBN 978-0-415-77145-0. . [15] http:/ / www. factcheck. org/ [16] "Letter from Noam Chomsky" to Covert Action Quarterly, quoting Alex Carey, Australian social scientist, http:/ / mediafilter. org/ caq/ CAQ54chmky. html [17] review of Carey, Alex (1995) Taking the Risk out of Democracy: Propaganda in the US and Australia, University of NSW Press. (http:/ / www. hartford-hwp. com/ archives/ 25/ 006. html) [18] Ross, Sheryl Tuttle. "Understanding Propaganda: The Epistemic Merit Model and Its Application to Art." Journal of Aesthetic Education, Vol. 36, No.1. pp. 16–30 [19] Nagle, D. Brendan; Stanley M Burstein (2009). The Ancient World: Readings in Social and Cultural History. Pearson Education. p. 133. ISBN 978-0-205-69187-6. [20] Boesche, Roger. "Kautilya's Arthasastra on War and Diplomacy in Ancient India", The Journal of Military History 67 (p. 9–38), January 2003. [21] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=kYbupalP98kC& pg=PA4& dq=%22the+ woodcuts+ by+ Lucas+ Cranach+ commissioned+ by+ Luther+ near+ the+ end+ of+ his+ life%22& hl=en& ei=7HtjTJP9BcL78AamrdzWCQ& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=2& ved=0CC8Q6AEwAQ#v=onepage& q=%22the%20woodcuts%20by%20Lucas%20Cranach%20commissioned%20by%20Luther%20near%20the%20end%20of%20his%20life%22& f=false [22] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=_leG5ztYoZwC& pg=PA61& lpg=PA61& dq=%22This+ woodcut+ sequence+ of+ 1545,+ usually+ referred+ to+ as+ the+ %22& source=bl& ots=v01iFZ5bbi& sig=z9acEc9elPY2wpgXGb0-Ylq2co8& hl=en& ei=2DxeTMOaA8OqlAeEh7CZCA& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum#v=onepage& q=%22This%20woodcut%20sequence%20of%201545%2C%20usually%20referred%20to%20as%20the%20%22& f=false [23] Mark U. Edwards, Printing Propaganda and Martin Luther 15; Louise W. Holborn, "Printing and the Growth of a Protestant Movement in Germany from 1517 to 1524", Church History, 11, no. 2 (1942), 123. [24] Beckman, Karen Redrobe (2003). Vanishing Women: Magic, Film, and Feminism. Duke University Press. pp. 31–3. ISBN 0822330741. [25] Beckman, Karen Redrobe (2003). Vanishing Women: Magic, Film, and Feminism. Duke University Press. pp. 33–4. ISBN 0822330741. [26] About Edward Berneys book chapter (http:/ / home. bway. net/ drstu/ chapter. html) [27] "Conspiracy Or Groundswell?", in Ken Coghill and McPhee Gribble (eds.), The New Right's Australian Fantasy, Penguin Books 1987, pp. 3-19. [28] Rogers, E.M. (1994). A history of communication study: A biographical approach. New York, NY: The Free Press. [29] Kathleen Collins, " The Scourged Back (http:/ / www. historybroker. com/ slavery/ slpage3. htm)," History of Photography 9 (January 1985): 43-45. [30] p. 22, Alex Carey, Taking the Risk Out of Democracy: Corporate Propaganda versus Freedom and Liberty, University of Illinois Press, 1997. [31] Bernays, Edward. Propaganda (1928) [32] "Records" (http:/ / www. catalogue. nationalarchives. gov. uk/ displaycataloguedetails. asp?CATID=7100& CATLN=3& Highlight=& FullDetails=True). . Retrieved December 4, 2005. [33] "Reports" (http:/ / www. catalogue. nationalarchives. gov. uk/ displaycataloguedetails. asp?CATID=6965& CATLN=3& Highlight=& FullDetails=True). . Retrieved December 4, 2005. [34] Guardian — The cartoon that came in from the cold - (http:/ / film. guardian. co. uk/ features/ featurepages/ 0,4120,908925,00. html) [35] (http:/ / sealang. net/ sala/ archives/ pdf8/ sophana2007vietnamese. pdf) Vietnamese propaganda reflections from 1945-2000 [36] New York Times Magazine, March 29, 1981 [37] "Serbian Propaganda: A Closer Look" (http:/ / www. bu. edu/ globalbeat/ pubs/ Pesic041299. html). April 12, 1999. . "NOAH ADAMS: The European Center for War, Peace and the News Media, based in London, has received word from Belgrade that no pictures of mass Albanian refugees have been shown at all, and that the Kosovo humanitarian catastrophe is only referred to as the one made up or overemphasized by Western propaganda. Also, and we quote from the report, "information programs are designed to present the illegitimacy of a NATO aggression on Yugoslavia, the unanimity of the Serbian people in resisting the enemy and Serbian invincibility. All three aims are wrapped in a nationalistic code, `most powerful Western nations, killers, death disseminators, fascists, dictators, criminals, villains, bandits, vandals, barbarians, gangsters, vampires, cowards, perverts, lunatics, scum and trash who want to destroy the small but honorable, dignified, freedom-loving Serbian nation." [38] "ICTY: Radoslav Brđanin verdict - 1. Joint Criminal Enterprise" (http:/ / www. un. org/ icty/ brdjanin/ trialc/ judgement/ brd-tj040901e1. htm#VIIA1). . [39] "ICTY: Radoslav Brđanin verdict — C. The implementation of the Strategic Plan in the Bosnian Krajina" (http:/ / www. un. org/ icty/ brdjanin/ trialc/ judgement/ brd-tj040901e1. htm#IVC). . [40] "ICTY: Blaškić verdict — A. The Lasva Valley: May 1992 – January 1993 - b) The municipality of Busovača" (http:/ / www. un. org/ icty/ blaskic/ trialc1/ judgement/ bla-tj000303e-3. htm#IIIA1b). .


Propaganda [41] "ICTY: Blaškić verdict — A. The Lasva Valley: May 1992 – January 1993 - c) The municipality of Kiseljak" (http:/ / www. un. org/ icty/ blaskic/ trialc1/ judgement/ bla-tj000303e-3. htm#IIIA1c). . [42] "ICTY: Kordić and Čerkez verdict — IV. Attacks on towns and villages: killings - 2. The Conflict in Gornji Vakuf" (http:/ / www. un. org/ icty/ kordic/ trialc/ judgement/ kor-tj010226e-5. htm#IVA2). . [43] "ICTY: Naletilić and Martinović verdict — Mostar attack" (http:/ / www. un. org/ icty/ naletilic/ trialc/ judgement/ nal-tj030331-1. htm#IIB2). . [44] Slobodna Dalmacija — NAJVEĆI DONATOR HAAŠKOG SUDA JE — SAUDIJSKA ARABIJA (http:/ / www. hsp1861. hr/ vijesti1/ 011228im. htm) [45] Igor Lasić — Izlog izdavačkog smeća (http:/ / www. aimpress. ch/ dyn/ pubs/ archive/ data/ 200110/ 11005-004-pubs-zag. htm) [46] Altheide, David L. "War and Mass Mediated Evidence." Cultural Studies — Critical Methodologies 9 (2009): 14-22. [47] Garfield, Andrew. "The U.S. Counter-propaganda Failure in Iraq." Middle East Quarterly 14 (2007): 23-32. [48] Schleifer, Ron. "Reconstructing Iraq: Winning the Propaganda War in Iraq." Middle East Quarterly (2005): 15-24. [49] Garfield, Andrew. "The U.S. Counter-propaganda Failure in Iraq." Middle East Quarterly 14 (2007): 24 [50] Garfield, Andrew. "The U.S. Counter-propaganda Failure in Iraq." Middle East Quarterly 14 (2007): 26 [51] Shah, Anup. Iraq War Media Reporting, Journalism and Propaganda. Aug 1, 2007. May 12, 2009. [52] Goldstein, Sol. "A Strategic Failure: American Information Control Policy in Occupied Iraq." Military Review 88.2 (Mar. 2008): 58-65. [53] Baldor, Lolita C. (November 30, 2005). "U.S. Military Unclear on 'Planted' Stories" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20060630204816/ http:/ / www. sfgate. com/ cgi-bin/ article. cgi?f=/ n/ a/ 2005/ 11/ 30/ national/ w140545S58. DTL). Associated Press. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. sfgate. com/ cgi-bin/ article. cgi?f=/ n/ a/ 2005/ 11/ 30/ national/ w140545S58. DTL) on June 30, 2006. . [54] Baldor, Lolita C. (December 2, 2005). "Pentagon describes Iraq propaganda plan" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20051205031408/ http:/ / www. miami. com/ mld/ miamiherald/ news/ 13305355. htm). Associated Press. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. miami. com/ mld/ miamiherald/ news/ 13305355. htm) on December 5, 2005. . [55] Thrall, A. Trevor. "A Review of: "Weapons of Mass Deception: The Uses of Propaganda in Bush's War on Iraq, by Sheldon Rampton and John Stauber Weapons of Mass Persuasion: Marketing the War Against Iraq, by Paul Rutherford Selling Intervention & War: The Presidency, the..." Political Communication 24.2 (Apr. 2007): 202-207. [56] John, Sue Lockett, et al. "Going Public, Crisis after Crisis: The Bush Administration and the Press from September 11 to Saddam." Rhetoric & Public Affairs 10.2 (Summer2007 2007): 195-219. [57] O'Shaughnessy, Nicholas. "Weapons of Mass Seduction: Propaganda, Media and the Iraq War." Journal of Political Marketing 3.4 (2004): 79-104. America: History & Life. [58] O'Connor, Mike (November 5, 2010). "Analysis: A PR department for Mexico's narcos" (http:/ / www. globalpost. com/ dispatch/ worldview/ 101026/ mexico-drug-war-cartels-newspapers). GlobalPost. . Retrieved 2012-03-28. [59] Beckhart, Sarah (February 21, 2011). "The Narco Generation" (http:/ / mexicoinstitute. wordpress. com/ 2011/ 02/ 21/ the-narco-generation/ ). AL DÍA (Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars's Mexico Institute). . Retrieved 2012-03-28. [60] Mills, Mary. "Propaganda and Children During the Hitler Years". Jewish Virtual Library. http:/ / www. jewishvirtuallibrary. org/ jsource/ Holocaust/ propchil. html [61] Hirsch, Herbert.|Genocide and the Politics of Memory. Chapel Hill & London: University of North Carolina Press, 1995. pg. 119 [62] "Assoud Arrives". Tomorrow's Pioneers. episode 11. season 1. 2008-02-01. [63] Nissan Ratzlav-Katz, " PA TV Bunny Rabbit Threatens to 'Eat the Jews' (http:/ / www. israelnationalnews. com/ News/ News. aspx/ 125227)", Arutz Sheva, February 12, 2008 (6 Adar 5768).

References • "Appendix I: PSYOP Techniques" ( Psychological Operations Field Manual No. 33-1. Washington, D.C.: Department of the Army. August 31, 1979. • Bytwerk, Randall L. (2004). Bending Spines: The Propagandas of Nazi Germany and the German Democratic Republic. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press. ISBN 0-87013-710-7. • Edwards, John Carver (1991). Berlin Calling: American Broadcasters in Service to the Third Reich. New York: Praeger. ISBN 0-275-93905-7. • Howe, Ellic (1982). The Black Game: British Subversive Operations Against the German During the Second World War. London: Futura. • Huxley, Aldous (1958). Brave New World Revisited. New York: Harper. ISBN 0-06-080984-1. • Hindery, Roderick. "The Anatomy of Propaganda within Religious Terrorism". Humanist (March–April 2003): 16–19. • O'Donnell, Victoria; Jowett, Garth S. (2005). Propaganda and Persuasion. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications, Inc. ISBN 1-4129-0897-3.


Propaganda • Le Bon, Gustave (1895). The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind. ISBN 0-14-004531-7. • Linebarger, Paul M. A. (1948). Psychological Warfare. Washington, D.C.: Infantry Journal Press. ISBN 0-405-04755-X.= • Nelson, Richard Alan (1996). A Chronology and Glossary of Propaganda in the United States. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. ISBN 0-313-29261-2. • Young, Emma (October 10, 2001). "Psychological warfare waged in Afghanistan" (http://www.newscientist. com/news/news.jsp?id=ns99991404). New Scientist. Retrieved 2010-08-05. • Shirer, William L. (1942). Berlin Diary: The Journal of a Foreign Correspondent, 1934–1941. New York: Albert A. Knopf. ISBN 5-9524-0081-7.

Further reading Books • Altheide, David L. & Johnson, John M. Bureaucratic Propaganda. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc. (1980) • Brown, J.A.C. Techniques of Persuasion: From Propaganda to Brainwashing Harmondsworth: Pelican (1963) • Chomsky, Noam and Herman, Edward. Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media. New York: Pantheon Books. (1988) • Cole, Robert. Propaganda in Twentieth Century War and Politics (1996) • Cole, Robert, ed. Encyclopedia of Propaganda (3 vol 1998) • Combs, James E. & Nimmo, Dan. The New Propaganda: The Dictatorship of Palaver in Contemporary Politics. White Plains, N.Y. Longman. (1993) • Cull, Nicholas John, Culbert, and Welch, eds. Propaganda and Mass Persuasion: A Historical Encyclopedia, 1500 to the Present (2003) • Cunningham, Stanley, B. The Idea of Propaganda: A Reconstruction. Westport, Conn.: Praeger. (2002) • Ellul, Jacques. Propaganda: The Formation of Men's Attitudes. Trans. Konrad Kellen & Jean Lerner. New York: Knopf, 1965. New York: Random House/ Vintage 1973 • Kingsbury, Celia Malone. For Home and Country: World War I Propaganda on the Home Front (University of Nebraska Press; 2010; 308 pages). Describes propaganda directed toward the homes of the American homefront in everything from cookbooks and popular magazines to children's toys. • Lasswell, Harold D.. Propaganda Technique in World War I. Cambridge, Mass: The M.I.T. Press. (1971) • Le Bon, Gustave, The Crowd: a study of the Popular Mind (1895) • MacArthur, John R.. Second Front: Censorship and Propaganda in the Gulf War. New York: Hill and Wang. (1992) • Marlin, Randal. Propaganda & The Ethics of Persuasion. Orchard Park, New York: Broadview Press. (2002) • McCombs M. E. & Shaw, D. L. (1972). The agenda-setting function of mass media. Public Opinion Quarterly, 36, 176-87. • Linebarger, Paul M. Psychological Warfare. International Propaganda and Communications. ISBN 0-405-04755-X (1948) • Pratkanis, Anthony & Aronson, Elliot. Age of Propaganda: The Everyday Use and Abuse of Persuasion. New York: W.H. Freeman and Company. (1992) • Rutherford, Paul. Endless Propaganda: The Advertising of Public Goods. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. (2000) • Rutherford, Paul. Weapons of Mass Persuasion: Marketing the War Against Iraq. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. (2004) • Snow, Nancy. Propaganda, Inc.: Selling America's Culture to the World. New York, NY: Seven Stories Press. (2010) • Sproule, J. Michael. Channels of Propaganda. Bloomington, IN: EDINFO Press. (1994)


Propaganda • Stauber, John, and Rampton, Sheldon Toxic Sludge Is Good for You! Lies, Damn Lies and the Public Relations Industry ( Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1995.

Essays/Articles • Bernays, Edward. "Propaganda" ( (1928) • Brown, John H.. "Two Ways of Looking at Propaganda" ( cpdblog_detail/060629_two_ways_of_looking_at_propaganda/) (2006) • Kosar, Kevin R., Public Relations and Propaganda: Restrictions on Executive Branch Activities (http://www., CRS Report RL32750, February 2005. • Snow, Nancy. "American Persuasion, Influence and Propaganda" (

External links Current propaganda • PR Watch ( • Is Government Propaganda Legal? Well... ( • Spinwatch ( • Propaganda Critic ( A website devoted to propaganda analysis. • How Americans are propagandized about Afghanistan ( glenn_greenwald/2010/04/05/afghanistan/index.html) by Glenn Greenwald, • Holmes, Jamie (December 28, 2009). "US military is meeting recruitment goals with video games – but at what cost?" ( US-military-is-meeting-recruitment-goals-with-video-games-but-at-what-cost). Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved 2010-07-09.

Historical propaganda • Documentation on Early Cold War U.S. Propaganda Activities in the Middle East ( ~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB78/) by the National Security Archive. Collection of 148 documents and overview essay. • Sacred Congregation of Propaganda ( from the Catholic Encyclopedia • World War II propaganda leaflets ( A website about airdropped, shelled or rocket fired propaganda leaflets. Some posters also. • Canadian Wartime Propaganda - Canadian War Museum ( propaganda/index_e.shtml) • Northern Vietnamese Propaganda from the U.S. Vietnam War ( The largest collection of North Vietnamese propaganda available on-line. • "North Korea's art of propaganda" (, BBC, July 29, 2007: images of North Korean propaganda posters • CBC Radio's "Nazi Eyes On Canada" (1942) (, series with Hollywood stars promoting Canadian War Bonds • America at War (, a digital collection of World War II–era American propaganda pamphlets and additional material • Over 400 posters from World Wars II & II ( (searchable facsimile at the University of Georgia Libraries; DjVu & layered PDF ( pdf) format)


Propaganda • ('s large collection of propaganda leaflets from various conflicts • Pyongyang Chronicles ( • WWII: Intense Propaganda Posters ( wwii-intense-propaganda-posters) - slideshow by Life magazine • US Central Command (CENTCOM) archive of propaganda leaflets dropped in Iraq ( galleries/leaflets/showleaflets.asp) • Stefan Landsberger's Chinese Propaganda Poster Pages ( • Bytwerk, Randall, " Nazi and East German Propaganda Guide Page ( gpa/index.htm)". Calvin College. • US Navy recruiting posters archive ( • Tim Frank Collection of WWII Propaganda Leaflets, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library (http://


Article Sources and Contributors

Article Sources and Contributors Persuasion  Source:  Contributors: -Ozone-, [email protected],, 5 albert square, Alro, Altenmann, Andrew Ross-Parker, Andycjp, Anonymi, Anypodetos, Ashenai, BD2412, Beatagreen, Bobo192, Bongwarrior, Bookandcoffee, Bytwerk, C14ism, CWSault, Camembert, Charlesatencio, ChrisGualtieri, Ciphergoth, Cleared as filed, Colin, Comm&emotion, Conversion script, Courcelles, Cybercobra, Dagoblin, Darkfred, Darth Panda, Decety, Decltype, Delicious carbuncle, Derekrogerson, Dresdnhope, Elmschrat, Emperorbma, Epbr123, Everyking, Exec second, Firsfron, Fluffernutter, GraemeL, Gregbard, Henninb, Hifrommike65, Hughcharlesparker, IGeMiNix, Icut4you, J.delanoy, Jackfork, Jan E. 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Livingston, PeterCanthropus, Phorque, Piano non troppo, Pinethicket, Poor Yorick, Pseudomonas, Ptanham, Randomusername1234, Rcsprinter123, Recognizance, Retirededitor12, RichardF, Rightbrainkid, Riverfield, Rsrikanth05, Ruhi bindal, Saarim cool, Sae Harshberger, Sceong naimes, Schwnj, Seaphoto, Seglea, Sergio.manzetti, Snowolf, Sockettome, Steve9821, Taak, Tango, Tbhotch, Tedickey, The Evil IP address, Thosjleep, Tpittinsky, Trade2tradewell, Transhumanist, Trickstar, UserDoe, Vaughan, Veloxsol, Vishnava, Wavelength, Whitmb11, Wikipelli, Woogee, Woohookitty, Wtmitchell, Wysdom, Xnuala, Y not math, YaegerJEUSMC, Yidisheryid, ZachCrichfield, 333 anonymous edits Belief  Source:  Contributors: 3manol, 666satan666 2, Aaron Kauppi, Ahoerstemeier, Alansohn, Aldux, Alexjohnc3, Allens, Ameanv,, Ancheta Wis, Andres, Andrewmarcum, Andries, Andy85719, AndyBloch, Andycjp, Areldyb, ArpadGabor, BD2412, Banno, Begoon, Ben Ben, Bender235, Bendykst, Berill, Big Bird, Bigwyrm, Bobo192, Bongwarrior, 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Howard Miller, artist employed by Westinghouse, poster used by the War Production Co-ordinating Committee File:Is this tomorrow.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Catechetical Guild File:AntiJapanesePropagandaTakeDayOff.gif  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Conscious, Infrogmation, Kintetsubuffalo, Nard the Bard, Ras67, SoIssetEben!, Themightyquill, Tm, Tony Wills, Wolfmann, 2 anonymous edits File:Kitchener-Britons.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Auntof6, Infrogmation, Jza84, Kelly, Kintetsubuffalo, Klare Kante, Lokal Profil, Quibik, Rcbutcher, Sandpiper, TT1, TeleComNasSprVen File:Britannialion.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: 84user, Infrogmation, KTo288, Liftarn, Mattes, Rave, Rcbutcher, 3 anonymous edits File:Anti-capitalism color.gif  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Pyramid of Capitalist System, issued by Nedeljkovich, Brashich, and Kuharich in 1911. Published by The International Pub. Co. , Cleveland OH File:Ca-cornucopia of the world.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: The Granger Collection, New York File:mexicospankingkkk.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Beao, Buz lightning, Kintetsubuffalo File:LibertyBond-WinsorMcCay.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Winsor McCay File:SuomiNeito.png  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Janneman, Man vyi, Pitke, Samulili, Überraschungsbilder, 1 anonymous edits File:Murales Rivera - Ausbeutung durch die Spanier 1 perspective.jpg  Source:  License: GNU Free Documentation License  Contributors: Murales_Rivera_-_Ausbeutung_durch_die_Spanier_1.jpg: Wolfgang Sauber derivative work: ecelan (talk) File:Die Osmanen.JPG  Source:  License: GNU Free Documentation License  Contributors: Orientalist, Samuraiantiqueworld, Takabeg, Ultimate Destiny, Wouterhagens File:Ballot1.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Bishop Alma White. Original uploader was Buz lightning at en.wikipedia File:Brasil ame-o ou deixe-o.png  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Brazilian government File:Konstantin Makovsky - The Bulgarian martyresses.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Konstantin Makovsky File:Come unto me, ye opprest.jpg  Source:,_ye_opprest.jpg  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Alley File:Novum Eboracum.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Sackett & Wilhelms Corp. N.Y. File:Prince Rupert - 1st English Civil War.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Ascilto, Gene.arboit, Gryffindor, Kintetsubuffalo, Ras67, 1 anonymous edits File:The Papal Belvedere.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Diwas, Editor at Large, Epiphyllumlover, Gnom, Infrogmation, Itu, Kintetsubuffalo, MPF, Micione, Ras67, Shakko, 14 anonymous edits File:Cicatrices de flagellation sur un esclave.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Unknown. Part of the Blakeslee Collection, apparently collected by John Taylor of Hartford, Connecticut, USA Image:World October revolution poster.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Alex Bakharev, Fallschirmjäger, FrancisTyers, Humus sapiens, Kintetsubuffalo, Man vyi, Ras67, Shakko, The Deceiver, Ustas, 1 anonymous edits Image:1923 Bolshevik propaganda train.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Augiasstallputzer, Butko, Humus sapiens, Infrogmation, Kenmayer, Radek Rassel Image:ANT-20.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: nevermore Image:EnthanasiePropaganda.jpg  Source:  License: unknown  Contributors: Unknown: "Rassenpolitischen Amtes der NSDAP" (German government at the time) Image:Bundesarchiv Bild 101I-107-1346-27A, Nordeuropa, Herstellung einer Feldzeitung.jpg  Source:,_Nordeuropa,_Herstellung_einer_Feldzeitung.jpg  License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0 Germany  Contributors: AndreasPraefcke, Docu, FA2010, Martin H., Ras67, Riisipuuro, TommyG File:Bundesarchiv Bild 183-1988-0126-018, Infografik, Rohholz für die Volkswirtschaft.jpg  Source:,_Infografik,_Rohholz_für_die_Volkswirtschaft.jpg  License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0 Germany  Contributors: Kintetsubuffalo, NSK Nikolaos S. Karastathis, Ras67 File:Bundesarchiv Bild 183-1987-0122-023, Infografik, Landwirtschaft der DDR Getreideerträge.jpg  Source:,_Infografik,_Landwirtschaft_der_DDR_Getreideerträge.jpg  License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0 Germany  Contributors: Groupsixty File:Korean-leaflet-bomb.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: User Taak on en.wikipedia File:your future al-Zarqawi.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Original uploader was Psywar at en.wikipedia


Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors File:Anti-Japan2.png  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Office for Emergency Management. Office of War Information. Domestic Operations Branch. Bureau of Special Services. File:Los Carlitos pag 73.jpg  Source:  License: Public Domain  Contributors: Cnyborg, Djembayz, Gohnarch, Hmorazan, J 1982, Kintetsubuffalo, Ras67, 4 anonymous edits



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