FRÜHMITTELALTERLICHE STUDIEN

FRÜHMITTELALTERLICHE STUDIEN

FRÜHMITTELALTERLICHE STUDIEN Jahrbuch des Instituts für Frühmittelalterforschung der Universität Münster in Zusammenarbeit mit Arnold Angenendt, D...

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FRÜHMITTELALTERLICHE

STUDIEN

Jahrbuch des Instituts für Frühmittelalterforschung der Universität Münster

in Zusammenarbeit mit

Arnold Angenendt, Dietrich Hofmann, Volker Honemann, Albrecht Jockenhövel, Christel Meier, Friedrich Ohly und Ruth Schmidt-Wiegand

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Karl Hauck

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WALTER

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PHILIPPE

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Italian Hussies and German Matrons Liutprand of Cremona on Dynastic Legitimacy Liutprand (d. ca. 972), later bishop of Cremona, was a traitor. Chaplain to Hugh of Provence, king of Italy (926-945), he passed before his master's death in the service of Hugh's longtime rival, Berengar II (d. 966). He soon abandonned Berengar for the rising power in Lombard politics, the Saxon king of Germany, Otto I (d. 973), possibly becoming a member of the Royal Chapel'. This final shift in allegiancesmay have occured as early as 951, date of Otto's short-lived first expedition to Northern Italy2. From that year on, 951, Otto had cast a long shadow over Lombard politics: he had been received as king in Pavia and had issued diplomata for the regnumItaliae as rex Loitgobardorum. The Ottoman intervention south of the Alps was an almost unavoidable consequence of the Saxon kings' hegemonic status in the Test: Otto (and perhaps P. his father Henry I 936]) was a king with imperial stature and with imperial already pretensions. First, by at least 955, Otto could pose as victorious war-leader (imperator), `nations', his thanks to triumph over the pagan the Hungariangentes3.Second, Otto

Recent biography in JoNATHAN Su i-oUtin, Liudprand of Cremona, Bishop, Diplomat, Historian. Studies of the Man and his Age (Biblioteca degli ))Studi Medievalia 14) Spoleto 1988, as well as in KARL J. LEYsER,Ends and Means in Liudprand of Cremona, in: Byzantinische Forschungen 13,1988, pp. 119143 (reps in: IDEat, Communications and Power in Medieval Europe, 2 vols., London 1994,1, pp. 125142). Liutprand's membership in the Ottoman Royal Chapel is argued for (but circularily) by JOSEF FLECKENSTEIN, Die Hofkapelle der deutschen Könige (Schriften der MGH 16.1-2) 2 vols., Stuttgart 1959-1966,2, p. 46, p. 53.1 would like to thank here Dom Alibert, Gerry Caspar}; Patrick Geary, Igor Gorevich, Hagen Keller, Gavin Langmuir, Michael MacCormick and Barbara Rosenwein, as well as the Berkeley Medieval Circle in front of which I presented a draft of this paper in January 1994. 2 As surmised (but on slim grounds) by NIKoIAUs STAUBACH,Graecae Gloriae. Die Rezeption des Griechischen als Element spätkarolingisch-frühottonischer Hofkultur, in: ANTON voN EUW-PETER SCHREINER, Kaiserin Thcophanu. Begegnung des Ostens und Westens um die Wende des ersten Jahrtausends,2 vols., Cologne 1991,1, pp. 343-367, at p. 365. 3 On this and the following, see first and foremost the twinned essays of HEAtrr BEUMANN, Das Kaisertum Ottos des Großen, and HEINRICHBUrt: aEa, Der Weg Ottos des Großen zum Kaisertum, repr. in an amplified version in: Hu. anrr BEVatANNand HEINRICHBiirrNER, Das Kaisertum Ottos des Großen. Zwei Vorträge (Vorträge und Forschungen Sonderband 1) Sigmaringen 1963. Beumann's essay appears also in IDEat,Wissenschaft vom Mittelalter. Ausgewählte Aufsätze, Cologne 1972, pp. 411-458. HAGENKELLER,Jlarbaba orumpugrw Zum Stellenwert eines biblischen Vorbilds in Widukinds Deutung . der ottonischen Königsherrschaft, in: HAGENKmu.ER-Ntxouus STAUBACH, eds., Iconologia sacra. Mythos, Bildkunst und Dichtung in der Religions- und Sozialgeschichte Alteuropas. Festschrift für Karl Hauck zum 75. Geburtstag (Arbeiten zur Frühmittelalterforschung 23) Berlin 1994, pp. 417-437, has recently demonstrated the prcgnance of the Maccabees's model, champions of the pure faith versus idolatry after an era of political and religious decadence, for the young Ottoman dynasty.

Philippe Buc

208

Saxon One 925) father the his (like was critical: regruumr ruled over several regnna4. after kings had control over Lotharingia, heartland of the Carolingian empire, and therefore Otto in Aachen It in Aachen. that was Charlemagne's tomb palace, church, and of in his Lotharingia; had Henry 920s, 936. In in king been acquired the had crowned last years, he may already have planned an expedition to Italy5. Were the Saxon rulers drawn there by the possession of the Holy Lance? It has been argued that this reliking had Rudolf BurItalian to transmitted of nobles quary-insignia, which rebellious hands, Italy6. Or Henry's in had to a claim conveyed then passed gundy, and which dukes by kings just drawn the combination of and other there as so many were they family bonds harkening back for of and rulers outside a power-vacuum which called had Northern Italy's been imperial Carolingian nobility aristocracy? the to the age of implanted there by Charlemagne, in a move to displace the original Lombard ruling it still saw itself as ethnically Frankish, first half In the tenth century, the of group. Burgundian, or Alemannian. It readily called on transalpine relatives for help in civil 'Reichsaribe Otto Henry Now the original considered scions of nor can neither wars. family ties with the aristocracy south of the Alps. But have did Nor they stokratie'. kings Burgundy Provence the of of and their and rivals neighbors the maneuvers of dukes Bavaria Swabia independent highly the and of vassals their - sucked even of

4 The epithet invictissinrus proclaimed the military legitimacy of the Saxon kings from Otto's first diplomata diplomata in 931 932, in Henry's It had and and was used steadily after 934 - his great appeared on. See dates 933. KURT-ULRICH Königskanzlei imperiales JiCHKE, Hungarians to the und victory against Königtum im zehnten Jahrhundert, in: Historisches Jahrbuch 84,1964, pp. 288-333, repr. in: HARALD ZIMMERMANN,Otto der Große (Wege der Forschung 450) Darmstadt 1976, pp. 137-199, esp. pp. 170189. Retroactively, Liutprand would make Henry I into a quasi-imperial ruler over the Bavarians, SwabiSaxons imperial Franks Lotharingians, as well as an conqueror of, and tribute receiver from and ans, BECKER, Die Werke Liudprands von Cremona the Danes and Slavs.SeeAntapodosis 3.48, ed. by JOSEPH (MGH Scriptores reuen germanicarum in usum scholarum) Hannover 31915, p. 82:12-18. S According to the famous and much disputed passagein Widukind, Rerum gestarum Saxonicarum 1.40, (MGH SS Hannover 1935, p. 59:9-10: in ) LOHMANN HIRSCH-H. PAUL germ. schol. rer. us. ed. -E. `Having subjugated all the surrounding nations, at last (portrenro)he made arrangements to set out for Rome, but stuck by illness he interrupted his journey (iterj.' Cf. BEUMANN(as n. 3) p. 428, pp. 445446. doubts See debated the oversceptical of EUGENio DUPRETHESEIDER, Otto I. und argument. much Ottos des Großen (Mitteilungen des Italien, in: Festschrift zur Jahrtausendfeier der Kaiserkrönung Ergänzungsband 20.1) Vienna 1962, pp. 53-69, at Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung,

6A

See ADOLF HOFMEISTER,Die heilige Lanze, ein Abzeichen 57, consensus. p. against an over-enthusiastic des alten Reiches (Untersuchungen zur deutschen Staats- und Rechtsgeschichte 96) Breslau 1908; ALder heiligen Lanze Heinrichs I., in: Deutsches Archiv 6,1943, Zur Geschichte BRACKMANN, BERT heilige Lanze Heinrichs I., in: Deutsches Archiv 6,1943, Die KLEwrrz, HANS-WALTER 400-411; pp. der heiligen Lanze durch Heinrich I., in: Historische Erwerbung LINTZEL, Zur MARTIN 42-58; pp. Schriften, 1961, in Ausgewählte Berlin IDEM, 303-310, 171.2,1951, Zeitschrift pp. 85-91; repr. pp. PERCY ERNST SCHRAMM, Die »Heilige Lanze«, in: Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik. Beiträge zu ihrer Geschichte vom dritten bis zum sechzehnten Jahrhundert (Schriften der MGH 13/II) Stuttgart 1955,2, c. 22, pp. 492-537; HLAWITSCHKA (as n. 7) p. 84; JosEF HöRLE, Die sogenannte »Beschreibung der heiligen Lanze« bei Liutprand von Cremona (Antapodosis IV 24 u. 25), in: Archiv für mittelrheiBÜTTNER, Heinrichs I. Südwest- und Westpoli63-80; HEINRICH 14,1962, Kirchengeschichte pp. nische 50-56; 1964, KARL HAUCK, Erzbischof Constance 2) Forschungen, Sonderband (Vorträge pp. tik und Adalbert von Magdeburg als Geschichtsschreiber, in: HELMUT BEUMANN, ed., Festschrift Walter Schle306, 316. 276-353, 1973-1974,2, Cologne 2 p. p. at pp. vols., singer,

Italian Hussies and German Matrons

209

the Saxons southward as well. The logic inherent to hegemonic power and the need to play a blocking game against neighboring competitors thus conspired to pull the Ottonians across the Alps7. Italy was a fractious land. Liutprand's first masters, Hugh and Berengar, were related by marriage: Hugh's niece Willa (d. 966), daughter of another Willa and of Hugh's full brother Boso, was Berengar'swife. Yet they were bitter competitors; marital alliances did not successfully paper over conflicts heightened by exalted ancestry. Both Hugh and Berengar belonged to established lines of the Carolingian imperial aristocracy. The marquessesof Friuli had attained the royal and imperial crown with BerenEberhard (d. 924), I of son marquess and of the Carolingian princess Gisla/Gisela. gar Berengar II was this first Berengar's grandson. Hugh was descended as well from a Carolingian princess, his mother Bertha, daughter of Lothar II. His original powerbase vas outside Italy proper, in Provence, but over his years as king of Italy he had managed to uproot his half-brothers from the marquisate of Tuscany, there to establish his illegitimate son Hubert as princeps.`Italians always seek to have the use of two masters, in order to coerce the one by the fear of the other': 8 Liutprand's famous hints inversion a shameful at of the normal order in potestar,in which kings sentence fear. For the modern historian, it also their to through coerce subjects virtue should emblematizes the multi-dimensionality of tenth-century peninsular politics. Indeed, besides the house of Friuli and the so-called 'Hugonides', yet other figures peopled the Italian chessboard - the Burgundian king Rudolf II (d. 937) or the marquessesof Tuscany, and interlopers from the two South German duchies, Swabia and Bavaria, as distant Byzantine Any as emperors. well would-be rulers also had to contend with the lust for power of lesser, but no less hungry, men and women, the Roman aristocracy `senatress' its famous Theodora and the pope-maker \farozia. Even counts, with bishops and judges had to be placated and bribed - ever insecurely - with gifts of lands and privileges9. 7

8 9

See B&rrNEx and BEUMtANN(as n. 3), as well as HAGEN Rua , Das Kaisertum Ottos des Großen im Verständnis seiner Zeit, in: Deutsches Archiv 201,1964, pp. 325-388, repr. in: ZIMMERMANN(as n. 4) pp. 218-295, who shows that, for later historiography at least, from at least ca. 950 (that is well before his imperial coronation) Otto had had imperial power if not the imperial name. EDUARDHIAwrrscHEA, Franken, Alemannen, Bayern und Burgunder in Oberitalien (774-962). Zum Verständnis der fränkischen Königsherrschaft in Italien (Forschungen zur oberrheinischen Landesgeschichte 8) Freiburg im Breisgau 1960, has analysed the transalpine bonds which fostered outside intervention in Italy; see also PANKRAZFRIED,Alemannen und Italien vom 7. bis 10. Jahrhundert, in: Die transalpinen Verbindungen der Bayern, Alemannen und Franken bis zum 10.Jahrhundert, ed. HELMUTBEUMANN-WERNER SCHRÖDER (Nationen 6) Sigmaringen 1987, pp. 347-358, and Awls SCHMID,Bayern und Italien vom 7. bis zum 10. Jahrhundert, in: ibid. pp. 51-91. Antapodosis 1.37 (as n. 4) p. 27:30-31. Terrorand timor: from at least Isidore of Seville, Sententiae 3.47.1-3.51.4, JEAN-PAULMIGNE (PL 83) SiüxNr, Peaatamund potutax Der Sündenfall und die Entstecols. 720-723, on whom see WOLFGANG hung der herrscherlichen Gewalt im mittelalterlichen Staatsdenken (Beiträge zur Geschichte und Quellenkunde des Mittelalters 11) Sigmaringen 1987, pp. 95-102, to High Medieval exegesis,on which see PHILIPPEBuc, L'ambiguüte du Lives Prince, pouvoir et peuple dans les commentaires de la Bible (Theologie Historique 95) Paris 1994, p. 105, p. 117, p. 136, p. 180, pp. 197-205. On the constellation of forces, see GINA FASOU,I re d'Italia (888-962), Florence 1949; Giovi. i, I TAa. cco, Egemonie sociale e strutture del potere net mcdiocvo italiano, Torino 1974, pp. 189-218 (English translation: The Struggle for Power in Medieval Italy, Cambridge [UKj 1989, pp. 151-176); and (still) ADOLF HornIEIsTEa,Markgrafen und Markgrafschaften im Italischen Königreich in der Zeit von Karl dem Großen bis

210

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After having served Hugh as a chaplain, Berengar as counsellor, envoy, notary10, Constantinople, Liutprand his Empire Eastern the to of offered skills and ambassador to the Northern hegemon. He would later become Otto's own emissary to the Byzantines. But he first served his Saxon master through his writings. Diplomatic office could only sharpen Liutprand's political acumen. Political envoys - one will think of Philippe de Commynes and Nicolo Machiavelli - tend to be sharp analysts of the first Commynes, Like to Charles the Bold of Burgundy and servant power-systemll. then to the Burgundian duke's arch-enemy, Louis XI of France, the traitor Liutprand destroy he had felt betrayed12. have The first the the those to repute of need may `Antapodosis' is dedicated to a Mozarabic bishop, Recemund of Elvira; his preface of it presents the work as a straightforward history of the kingdoms North of the Pyrebetween itself Italy, Germany, Indeed, the weaves narrative and Byzantium. But nees. the third book explicitly frames it as a literary revenge for some unknown slights Berengar had inflicted upon Liutprand. Antapodosi.: in Greek, retribution13. Generations of positivistic historians found this quest for vengeance one of the grounds to dismiss the `Antapodosis' (like Liutprand's two other surviving historical works, the `Historia Ottonis' and the `Legatio Constantinopolitana') as an unreliable historical however, in identifying Their key points where he twisted reality, very work, source14. provides the solid basis of an assessment of Ljutprand's techniques and purposes. We can now move on to examine the interplay between means and ends, hoping in the process to clarify both.

auf Otto den Großen (774-962), in: Mitteilungen des Instituts fur österreichische Geschichtsforschung, Ergänzungsband 7.1, Vienna 1907, pp. 215-435, esp. p. 371 f. On Berengar I, we are waiting for Barbara Rosenwein's study; on Hugh, see now PATRICKJ. GEARY,Phantoms of Remembrance. Memory and Oblivion at the End of the First Millenium, Princeton 1994, pp. 135 f 10 This is probably how one ought to gloss tecretorumclot contciatat cphtolarum tignator- Antapodosis ... 5.30 (as n. 4) p. 149:4-7. My thanks to John C. Robinson on this. Under Otto II, chaplains were often (as n. 1) 2, p. 76. used as envoys and called consiliariiand contecretalet, see FLECKENSTEIN 11 SeeJEAN DUFOURNET,La destruction des Mythes dans les Memoires de Ph. de Commynes (Publications romanes et franfaises 89) Geneva 1966. GIRo1i to ARNALDI,Liurprando e la storiografia contemporanea nell'Italia centro-settentrionale, in: La Storiograßa altomedievale, 2 vols. (Settimane di Studio 17) Spoleto 1970,2, pp. 497-519, at pp. 505-507, notes how Liutprand's experience in the politics of the royal court at Pavia accounts for his cynical keennessas an observer of Byzantine politics. 12 DUFOURNET'S argument (as n. 11). 13 Antapodosis 1.1 (as n. 4) pp. 3-5 and 3.1, pp. 73-74; LEYSER(as n. 1), argues for the importance of the first dedication; for him, the 'Antapodosis' called on the Mozarabs to renounce peaceful accomodaHistoria oder Satira? Zur literarischen tion with their Muslim lords in Spain. NIKOLAUSSTAUBACH, Stellung der AntapodosisLiudprands von Cremona, in: Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 24-25,1989-1990, pp. 461-487, esp. pp. 467-469, underlining the similarities in contents and form with Rather of Verona, reads 'retribution' in the wide senseof providential rewards and punishments for good and bad kings. (as n. 6) p. 7: "..., das zum großen Teile mehr einer Anekdotensammlung mit 14 See, e.g., HOFMEISTER ". A kinder assessment (and historischem Hintergrunde, als wirklicher Geschichtserzählung gleicht ... Liudprand of Cremona, Preacher and Homilist, in: K constructive historiography) in KARL J. LEYSER, WALSH-DIANAWOOD,The Bible in the Medieval World. Essays in memory of Beryl Smalley (Studies in Church History, subsidia 4) Oxford 1985, pp. 45-60, at pp. 55-56 (repr. in: IDEAL,Communications (as n. 13) summarizes and Power in Medieval Europe, 2 vols., London 1994,1, pp. 111-124). STAUBACH JOHANN the positions of different historians on Liutprand's reliability and purposes. CARLDÄNDLIKER JACOBMüLLER,Liudprand von Cremona und seine Quellen (Untersuchungen zur mittleren Geschichte 1) Leipzig 1871, remains the classic and most useful positivistic study of the 'Antapodosis'.

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The prime purpose of Liutprand's work was service to Otto I. Like contemporary `Antapodosis' first in their manuscripts, presented miniature to a ruler or a saint15, the was a servitium. A senitiunr with specific political intentions, directed at a specific (and in the tenth century necessarily narrow) audience: no wonder that all its surviving manuscripts are to be found North of the Alps (none in Italy), and that its diffusion seems to have been at first (in the tenth and eleventh century) limited to the Ottonian kingdoms". In the later 'Historia Ottonis', Liutprand would devote himself to assassi`Legatio' deposition; his (besides justifying the the nating character of a pope and justifying Liutprand's failure as ambassador) would ridicule Byzantine claims to cultural and political hegemony. Both works would target a clear and single enemy: one pope `Antapodosis' is confusing to The his East Roman state. and allies, one monocentric its readers precisely because it aims at a confused set of multiple enemies. The multiAtto Italian itself factor is the political system. the of confusing structure plicity a of A for it: Vercelli plicant polycentric sophistael'. non cbaos e,. of would renounce accounting kings, involving, their councillors, peers, as and almost polity an unstable equilibrium marquesses, bishops ... 18 The Ottomans did not compete against a single rival, but rather against an aristocratic plurality.

Be it as it may, the struggle could be fitted within a binary (or ternary) structure. The `Antapodosis' is crafted as an implicit dyptich opposing Lombardy and Saxony. It is actually a tryptich if one considers the information Liutprand gives on Byzantium. In the `Legatio', but in the `Antapodosis' as well, the Byzantine political system is subtly denigrated by one who knew it well. Liutprand may have been constituting an denial for Otto's Constantinopolitan of armory potential counter-attack against any imperial titles". The contrast between Italy and Germany, on which I shall concentrate, 15 Examples in HENRYMAtR-HA1cnNC,Ottonian Book Illumination. An Historical Study, 2 vols., London 1991,2, pp. 57-60, pp. 96-98. 16 Cf. JosEF BECKER,Textgeschichte Liutprands von Cremona (Quellen und Untersuchungen zur lateinischen Philologie des Mittelalters 3.2) Munich 1908, pp. 42-43, and InEM, introduction to his edition (as n. 4) pp. xx ii-xxxiii. This faintly suggests that Iiutprand's prime audience was German. The Metz fragment could derive from an exemplar brought by bishop Theoderic after his Italian journey in the Die Vita des Johannes service of Otto I (970-972), sec BECKER,p. 43, and PETERCHRtsrtANJACOBSEN, de Gorze 1` GERHARD OEXLE, in: PARtssE-Orin L'abbaye Gorze, Mict-sE. au siecle, Nancy 1993, von `propaganda'. for issue below, 21, 25-50, See 41. the and pp. at n. of audience at p. 17 Attonis qui fertur Polipticum quod appellatur Perpendiculum, 'argumentum', ed. and German translation by GEORGGoEtz (Abhandlungen der philologisch-historischen Klasse der sächsischenAkademie der Wissenschaften 372) Leipzig 1922, p. 14:10. 18 Cf. GIOVANNtTABAcco, Regno, impero ed aristocrazie nell'Italia postcarolingia, in: 11secolo di ferro. Mito e rea16 del secolo X, 2 vols. (Settimane di Studio 38) Spoleto 1991,1, pp. 243-271. Correspondingly, Liutprand spares no Italian magnate, c£ M1cHAEt.RE1-rscHtER,Liudprand von Cremona. Eine Studie zum ost-westlichen Kulturgefäie im Mittelalter (Frankfurter wissenschaftliche Beiträge, Kulturwissenschaftliche Reihe 14) Frankfurt 1981, pp. 16-17. 19 RENTSCHi ER (as n. 18) p. 14, shows that almost all the emperors in the 'Antapodosis' are negative figures. But one cannot follow him in arguing that Liutprand exemplifies a growing lack of understanding between East and West. The ambassador was efficient in denigrating because he knew only too well what he was denigrating, sec ARNAtnt (as n. 11) pp. 505-507; JOHANNES KODER-THOMAS WEBER, Untersuchungen Liutprand von Cremona in Konstantinopel. zum griechischen Sprachschatz und zu 13) Vienna 1980, p. 99; and Aussagen in seinen Werken (B)zantina Vindobonensia realienkundlichen LEYsER (as n. 1). Sc; c. &, Antapodosis 4.6 (as n. 4) pp. 154: 5-155: 15: '\Vhen I came in [the palace of Magnaura] the [mechanical] lions roared, and the birds I remained unmoved either by terror sang, ...

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Philippe Buc

serves similar ends. Through this dyptich, Liutprand aims at undermining the legitimacy of the greatest magnates implanted in Lombardy, Otto's rivals from 951 on for the title of rex Langobardorum - for convenience's sake I shall call Otto's competitors `Italians' or `Lombards', although this does not necessarily correspond to their selfascribed ethnic identity or geographical origin20. Conversely; the dyptich sacralizes the Saxon ruler's family, papering over its numerous internal conflicts and presenting it in the context of providential history. Liutprand's book should thus be seen as a document arguing for the greater legitimacy of the Ottonians, composed as the Saxon king's plans for the conquest of the imperial crown were crystallizing. Perhaps the work aimed at legitimizing the new course in Ottonian policy (incepted with Liudolf's 956/957 intervention in Italy) for a specific (and given the limits of Early Medieval limited) public: those members of the aristocracy who had of communication, means backed and warranted the Augsburg pact of 952 by which Otto had invested Berengar and Adalbert

with Italy. Indeed, the geographical location of the earliest surviving manuscripts hints that the intended public was German. That Liutprand stopped writing around the imperial coronation of 962 (devoting himself instead to the `Historia Ottonis') may indicate that the `Antapodosis' had lost its usefulness after the success of Otto's Italian plans21.

How does Liutprand compose his dypdch? The strategiesare many. There is, for instance, the constant tendency attributed to Lombard dynasts: they ally with pagan or amazement, because I had previously inquired about all those things from people who well knew them. ' By the tenth century, the 'nations' knew well that the Byzantines would try to impress them through ceremonies, and alternately played, or refused to play, the game. On Byzantine-Ottonian relaDas Zweikaiserproblem im früheren Mitteltions in the 950s and early 960s, see WERNEROHNSORGE, alter. Die Bedeutung des byzantinischen Reiches für die Entwicklung der Staatsideein Europa, Hildesheim 1947, pp. 49-58; IDEM,Abendland und Byzanz. Gesammelte Aufsätze, Weimar 1958; and recently STAUBACH (as n. 2) pp. 353-367. The era was one of redefinition; the Ottonians and their Byzantine counterparts watched one another with great care. RUDOLFHIESTAND,Byzanz und das Regnurn Italicum im 10. Jahrhundert. Ein Beitrag zur ideologischen und machtpolitischen Auseinandersetzung zwischen Osten und Westen, Zürich 1964, paints a good portrait of Italy's situation between Eastern and Western powers. 20 On this question, see HLAWITSCHKA (as n. 7) passim. The best English-language discussion of ethnogenHistory of the Goths, esis is in the introductory remarks to the American version of HERWIGWOLFRAM, J. GEARY,Before France and Germany. translated by THOMASDuNLAr, Berkeley 1988; see also PATRICK The Creation and Transformation of the Merovingian World, New York 1988, ch. 1. 21 For HAUCK (as n. 6) p. 303, from 960 on (I would argue, possibly earlier), once Otto had been called into Italy, the 'Antapodosis' became much more than the private polemics of a disgruntled cleric against Berengar II, it became "ottonenfreundliche Propaganda". For \V VON STErrEN, Der Niederschlag liudolfingischer Hausüberlieferung in den ersten Werken der ottonischen Geschichtsschreibung, Diss. Erlangen 1954, p. 25 f., the 'Antapodosis' aimed at leading Otto to intervene in Italy. It is more probable that it aimed at justifying such an intervention. See MARTIN LINTZEL, Studien über Liudprand von Cremona, in: Historische Studien 233,1933, pp. 57-76, at p. 61, repr. in: IDEM, Ausgewählte Schriften, 2 vols., Berlin 1961,2, pp. 384-398, at p. 388. As argued in a recent article, one cannot think of 'propaganda' in the modern sense of the term, directed at a wide-ranging political class - FELICELIFSHITZ,Dudo's Historical Narrative and the Norman Succession of 996, in: Journal of Medieval History 20,1994, pp. 101-120, at pp. 106-107.1 thank Hagen Keller (letter of 27/07/94) for his suggestions on the function of the 'Antapodosis' and its aristocratic audience in the context of 952-962. One detects the need to justify the new turn in Otto's politics as well in Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim, Gesta Ottonis, vv. 481 ff., vv. 596 ff., vv. 696 ff., ed. HELENEHOMEYER, Hrotsvithae opera. Mit Einleitung und Kommentar, Munich-Paderborn 1970, pp. 424-425, pp. 428-429, pp. 432-433.

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Hungarians to unleash them against their own Christian rivals - and accessorily, but devastatingly, on the Italian cities and countryside22. Berengar II even used the pretext of paying tribute to the pagans to enrich himself by pocketing his subjects' contributions and handing over to the Magyars counterfeit bullion. This attitude would have carried negative meaning for a Saxon audience accustomed to consider its princes through the lenses of the story of the MaccabeesV3.Henry of Saxony was not such a falsifier of royal duties. He forced the heretofore indomitable Danes to give tribute. He refused to pay off the Hungarian raiders and defeated them in 933 to `the holy and wonderful (sanctaat mirabilis) battle-cry; Kyrie Eleison'. Inspired by the Lord, Henry had secured divine favor by promising to renounce simony forever24. Implicitly, the Lombard dynasts stood further condemned by Otto I's steadfast stand versus the Hungarians at the battle of the Lech (955) -a victory Liutprand's incomplete `Antapodosis' does not recount but which it alludes to25. On this particular point (the attitude toward the Hungarians) the dyptich was probably grounded in facts. A second opposition, much more constructed, contrasted manipulative Lombard political rituals and sanctifying Ottonian political rituals, setting up a radical contrast between selfserving, destructive politics and sacralizing, consensus-building power. This conscious `clean between and propagandistic opposition manipulation and power' shall provide the axis of another study. Liutprand's evident partisanship26 shall have allowed one, it is hoped, to uncover an important structure in medieval polemics, the dyadic pair good ritual - bad ritual. u See LEYsER(as n. 1) p. 126 and n. 21, for Hugh of Italy and the Carolingian emperor Arnulf, to which one should add Berengar 1, see Antapodosis 2.42 (as n. 4) p. 56:25-27. The Byzantines caused the Saracen invasion of Sicily and Southern Italy, see Antapodosis 2.45, pp. 57-58. Zs Antapodosis 5.33 (as n. 4) p. 151:8-17; the 'Historia Ottonis', 6, ed. BECYER(as n. 4) p. 163:5-23, would accuse Berengar II and his papal ally of summoning the Hungarians for armed help against the Ottonians. TutoTHy REUTER,Plunder and Tribute in the Carolingian Empire, in: Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 5'. s. 35,1985, pp. 75-94, has shown how the legitimacy of ninth-century rulers depended on their receiving, as opposed to giving, tribute to the 'nations'. On the confluence of religious and military legitimacy under the early Ottomans, see now KELLER(as n. 3), especially pp. 432-436, where the author surmises a Maccabean exemplariness in Saxon circles antedating Widukind's 'Rerum gestarum saxonicarum libri tres'. 24 Antapodosis 3.19 (adding the Slavs) and 3.48 (as n. 4) p. 82:12-18 and p. 100:8-12; Antapodosis 2.2431, pp. 49-52, esp. 2.27, p. 50:22-34 and 2.30, p. 51:22-25. For the kjrie in battle, see ALBERTMICHAEL KOENIGER,Die Militärseelsorge der Karolingerzeit (Veröffentlichungen aus dem kirchenhistorischen Seminar München 4.7) Munich 1918, pp. 56-57, and MICHAEL McColu ucr, Liturgie et guerre des Carolingiens ä la premiere croisade, in: ' 1fil1ia Cb,ici e Crociata nei secoli XI-XIII. Atti della undecima Settimana internazionale di studio, Mendola, 28/02-1/09 1989 (Miscellanea del Centro di studi medioevali 30) Milan 1992, pp. 211-240, here pp. 229-230. 25 Cf. BünrIER E does (as 3) 64 but Liutprand 950, to n. pp. not recount posterior events alludes to Otto's . victory in Antapodosis 1.5 (as n. 4) p. 7.1-4: a 'people, whose cruelty almost all nations experienced; by God's mercy it [now] does not dare even mutter, terrified by the power of the most holy and ... most victorious king Otto (as we shall elaborate later)'. By 962, Otto had obtained the imperial crown; Liutprand may no longer have found it necessaryto complete a work he had incepted to prepare for the Saxon take-over of Lombard Italy. 26 For LINTZEL (as n. 21) p. 59 resp. p. 386, Liutprand is the most clearly political author of the tenth century; and the one whose political aims and views are the clearest. I am working on a study of medieval theories of political ritual, tentatively entitled: The Dangers of Ritual. On the Politics of Medieval Anthropology; in which I shall deal with Liutprand.

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I shall concentrate in this article on a third contrast. The `Antapodosis' sets up German hussies Italian (morally between (morally and virtuous) corrupt) a comparison been have Italy Tenth-century is It may not regulated power. about of course matrons. by the political economy of love of Marshall Sahlins' Hawai. Nevertheless, if "the rank differentiate the claims of rival through their mothers transmitted respective tabu and lineage bound be heirs", to and are at the center of sexuality contending chiefs and political argument27. The most disquieting and unreliable aspects of Liutprand's `Antapodosis' owe defects in intelliform being to as opposed to authorial purpose, authorial their and This historians branded long been has Liutprand trait misogynist. some a attrigence. bute to his clerical estate; they see in it an ominous foreshadowing of eleventh-century `Antapodosis' deny denigrates One that the cannot on women28. attacks reformists' his Queen \Xrilla, her homonyfigures29. Liutprand female portraits of crafts powerful `the hussy', Roman Bertha, Tuscany, Marozia Ermengard Willa and of mous mother indiscriminate farcical the as charges of techniques as well scatology of using the from list Marozia's The male conquests seems culled the of polyandry or adultery. Who's Who of the Northern Italian aristocracy; the `shameless hussy' gives her favors to Pope Sergius III, Alberic marquess of Spoleto, \Vido marquess of Tuscany, and finally Hugh of Provence, king of Italy (926-945)30. Marozia's contemporary Willa of Tuscany, wife of King Hugh's disgraced brother Boso, having been captured by Hugh's men, attempts to preserve from plunder her husband's precious gem-studded baldric by hiding it in her private parts. In itself, the match of object (nrirae lougitudinis et balteunr) and place (secretion corporir parse) is both unlikely and salacious, latitudinis ... and hints at disorderly female sexuality. Willa is stripped naked, a scurrilous servant discovers the trick and proceeds to extract the girdle, slowly; ostentatiously and to the

27 MARSHALL SAHLINS, Islands of History,

Chicago 1985, pp. 20-21.

28 SUZANNEF. WEMPLE,Sanctity and Power. The Dual Pursuit of Early Medieval Women, in: RENATE BRIDENTHALet al., Becoming Visible. Women in European History; Boston 21987, pp. 131-151, at p. 148, calling Liutprand a "monkish [sic] chronicler ... utterly incapable of explaining the source of this power". No wonder. Earlier historians could take Liutprand's portrait seriously; and bemoan the "pornocracy" as a symptom of tenth-century barbarity and anarchy; thus LUDO HARTMANN,Geschichte Italiens im Mittelalter, Gotha 1911,3.2, p. 195: "Die Weiberpolitik dieser Zeit, die mit den am schwersten zu kontrollierenden Mitteln und durch die menschlich einfachsten Motive ohne jede Hemmung wirkte, ist auch ein Ausfluß der Anarchie jener barbarischen Zeit. " Ibid. p. 210, on Theodora and Marozia in Rome: "Man kann sie nicht mit dem üblichen sittlichen Maßstabe unserer Tage messen; um zur Macht zu gelangen und zu genießen, verwendeten sie ebenso unbedenklich die Mittel, die ihnen zu Gebote standen, wie ihre männlichen Zeitgenossen ihre Waffen, da das asketische Ideal der alten Kirchen verblaßt war und die anarchischen Zustände soziale Hemmungen bei den Machthabern nicht aufkommen ließen." The best analysis of Liutprand's women is ENZA COLONNA,Figure femminili in Liutprando di Cremona, in: Quaderni medievali 14,1982, pp. 29-60. 29 Neither for that matter can one deny the presence of reformist themes in the `Antapodosis'. \X'e saw how Henry I renounces simony (above, at n. 24). Yet this episode, just as Otto's refusal to give the abbey of Lorsch to a count whose military support he critically needed prior to Breisach (Antapodosis 4.28 [as n. 4] pp. 123:12-124: 27; see STAUBACH[as n. 13] p. 481), is as much a factor of Liutprand wanting to exalt the Saxon rulers as it is of his committment to reform. 30 Antapodosis 2.48,3.18,3.44-45 (as n. 4) p. 59:1-8, p. 81:19-22, pp. 96:12-97: 26.

Iuliin

Hussics and Gern=

\Istrons

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sound of his own ignoble guffaws (ha! ha! be.)31. We move from sexualized sword-belt to militarized sexual organ with her homonymous daughter. Queen Willa, wife of Liutprand's personal enemy King Berengar II, indulges in an adulterous liaison with her chaplain Dominic, 'a small priest, puny in height, soot-colored, rustic, hairy, intractable, rough, shaggy, wild, uncouth, crazy; rebellious, iniquitous, with a tail-like appendage'. The Queen saves herself by having spells cast upon her husband. Dominic undergoes castration, and those who perform the operation upon him reveal the reason of Willa's affections for such an unlikely creature: 'He who bore [such] Priapic arms was a worthy object of love for his mistress'32. Bertha (d. 925), widow of Adalbert of Tuscany (d. 915), and mother of King Hugh, is able to resist King Berengar I (888-924) through systematic infidelity; in Liurprand's words because she had 'made quite a few men her faithful (Adetu) through cunning and bribes as well as the exercise of the sweetness of love'. Her daughter Ermengard (d. 932) is 'her equal in Aphrodite's charms'33. \\rife of Adalbert of Ivrea (d. 923), Ermengard too maintains and even increases her power in her widowhood through judiciously distributed sexual favors. As Enza Colonna has pointed out, "the sexual democracy" Liutprand attributes to Ermengard could hardly meet with the approval of the aristocratic tenth century. 'obtained dominion over Once widowed, Ermengard, according to the 'Antapodosis', all Italy; and the reason for this power was that (which is most disgusting to say) she had carnal commerce with all, not only princes but even non-nobles'. A prime victim of her charms was King Rudolf of Burgundy; ruler of Italy from 924 to 92634.

That these vilified creatures stood high in importance and public recognition is attested to by contemporary sources. In one of Berengar II's diplomata, the reviled Willa appears as 'Queen \\rilla, our beloved wife, who shares in our governance (consors regna)'.The technical term corrrorrrt,grri implied an actual sharing in political power, traditional in Italy under certain circumstances; King Lothar used it both for his spouse Adelheid and for his partner-rival Bcrengar3S.As for Bertha, Hugh's mother, she was 31 Antapodosis 4.12 (as n. 4) pp. 110:6-111: 16. \Villa, sent bad: in Burrurdia, dequa criundafi eras(p. 110:12), bore a name attested in the Burgundian royal family: see Willa, Rudolph I's widow and Hugh's first wife, and \\'U42, niece of Rudolf 11, with RE.1E PourARDIN, Le royaume de Bourgogne (Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des Hautor Etudes 163) Paris 1907, p. 28 n. 2, pp. 42-43. But even though the reverse might strengthen this article's argument, one should follow HoFntctsrER (as n. 9) p. 406 n. 5: "Daß Willa eine Tochter König Rudolfs 1. von Hochburgund sei, ist nur eine Vermutung" against GEORGESDE MANTEYER,La Provence du premier au douzieme siede, Paris 1908, pp. 122-123 (see the same's flimsy justifications in his 'Les origins du duche dc Savoie', Paris 1899, pp. 160-162). 32 Antapodosis 5.32 (as n. 4) pp. 150:3-151: 7. For Dominic's portrait, I draw on the translation by F. A. WRIGHT,The Works of Liudprand of Cremona, London 1930, p. 199. 33 Antapodosis 2.55-56 (as n. 4) p. 63:3-9 and p. 63:12-13. 34 Antapodosis 3.7 (as is. 4) p. 77:7-13; 3.8-11, pp. 77:14-79: 5; COLONNA(as n. 28) p. 48. 35 D. B.II. 14 (960), cd. Lutes ScxtAPAREtu,I diplomi di Ugo e di Lotario, di Berengario II e di Adalberto (Fonti per la storia d'Italia 38) Rome 1924, p. 333:9-10; Lothar's wife Adelheid was araantirsinlaconiux nostraet rorrorr rr ei norm in 950, D. L. 14, p. 282.7-8, so was Berengar in the same's D. L. 8 of 948, p. 267:3-5: i rune reurt prtitierr Brm gsrii irdjti n."a,rbiorit rrýrique no fei summ consortir,cf. FASOU(as n. 9) p. 165. For the quasi-constitutional powers of Italian queens, especially when there was no male coregent (son or rh-al-partner), see CARLOGutno lion, Cantos rrgni: La Regina nel diritto pubblico , italiano dci secoli IX-X, in: Archivio giuridico Filippo Serafini 135,1948, pp. 7-32 (pp. 16-18 for Lothar and Bcrengar II), and accessorily SltxIA KoNECN'; Die Frauen des karolingischen Königshauses. Die politische Bedeutung der Ehe und die Stellung der Frau in der frinkischen Herrscherfamilie vom 7.

216

Philippe Buc

`the factor be in from far Italian Byzantium: to politics a major as as considered elder for ten years after the death of Adalbert her husband' 36. (ebasileusen) Bertha reigned ... The marchioBoniface and Bertha's daughter Ermengard appear jointly in one of Rudolf II of Burgundy's diplomata as `consiliariito [our] royal power', a title which, as Hagen Keller convincingly argues, denotes not so much subjection but rather a conErmengard managed to accumulate tractual participation in royal authority (polestar)37. power through her descent from Bertha and Adalbert of Tuscany as well as by virtue forced Adalbert her her Ivrea to she to to capital was pass of on marriage stepof -a Anscar? her death )38. II (after Berengar the son of son This quasi-constitutional influence explains the great wealth of these women, a influence. Italian dynasts in helped this to turn perpetuate generously which wealth became for desirous thus these prizes men their of accumulatwomen wives; endowed ing power. In 937, on the day after their marriage, King Hugh gave his new wife Bertha (Rudolf II's widow) a dos comprising one castellum,one abbey; and about 2,000 manses; on the same day, Bertha's daughter Adelheid, married to Hugh's son Lothar, king key domains from (cartes)and lesser caries, three three the abbeys, young received for a sub-total of about 4,580 manses - about 20,000 people altogether (enough, land, Carolingian to to the to send about 1,600 ratios apportioning service according identical levy). Invoking Eve's the to creation, arengae of these twinned a general men diplomata proclaim - through theological language - the function of these marital be Adam's helper Eve to was and the procreator of a human race which alliances. depleted the tenth angelic order and (on this earth) maintain peace within refill would its own ranks because of its shared origin. The first human couple is a type of the (itself exemplary) association of Christ and His Church. The arenga's exalted 'Herrschaftstheologie' thus reflects the important status and political function of these women: associates, helpers, warrantors of peace. It suggests through the language of devolve the role which could upon Italian princesses, that of a virtual coexegesis regent39. bis zum 10. Jahrhundert (Dissertationen der Universität Wien 132) Wienna 1976, pp. 118 f., on Empress Die Frau als Herrscherin. Studien zur 'consors regni' Formel im Angilberga, with THILO VOGELSANG, Mittelalter, Göttingen 1954, p. 21. Commenting on a specific but representative example, MoR, p. 17, states: "Non si tratta ... di diritti ereditari passati ad Adelheide dal marito [Lotario], ma di un diritto originario, consuetudinariamente ricognosciuto in Italia alla regina." 36 HOFMEISTER(as n. 9) pp. 391-404, with reference to Constantine VII, De administrando imperio, J. H. JENKINS(Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantine 1) Washington cap. 26,2nd. ed. G. MORAVCSIK-R. 1967, p. 113, in which the Byzantine emperor Constantine VII was clearly trying to exalt the grandmother of his son's wife. 37 HAGEN KELLER,Zur Struktur der Königsherrschaft im karolingischen und nachkarolingischen Italien. Der consiliariusregis,in: Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 47,1967, pp. 123-223, especially pp. 188-191, pp. 200-202, and p. 210, citing D. 6 of Rudolf II, cd. LuiGI SCHIAPARELIJ,I diplomi Italiani di Lodovico III e di Rodolfo II (Fonti per la scoria d'Italia 37) Rome 1910, p. 112:6-8: conriliariosnostrereglepotestatir,cf. MOR (as n. 35) pp. 16-17. 38 HLAWITSCHKA

(as n. 7) p. 103.

39 12 December 937, DD. U + L. 46 and 47, ed. SCHIAPAREW(as n. 35) pp. 139-144; cf. F sou (as . n. 9) p. 140, who identifies the domains, and KARL Bost, GesellschaftsgeschichteItaliens im Mittelalter (Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 26) Stuttgart 1982, p. 78. Probably assuming a ratio between mansusand iugeraunchanged since Late Antiquity; HIESTAND(as n. 19) p. 180, estimates the surface corresponding to Bertha's share to 1,500 square kilometers. Abbatia probably means dominion over, and revenues of the abbey.

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The question remains. Does clerical misogyny account for the `Antapodosis's' viciously distorted portraits? Does Liutprand depict Italian politics as a `pornocracy' because he is blind to the realities of power and offended by a feminine influence he can only attribute to sex40?Such an explanation fails in the face of the positive image Liutprand paints of Ottonian women - Adelheid, Gerberga, Ida, Mathilda41. No misogyny there. Saxon women enjoyed a great degree of power and landed wealth42. Yet the `Antapodosis' presents this category in an unfailingly positive light. Gerberga, Otto's sister, rebukes her other brother, the rebel Henry; and refuses to offer him shelter in her Lotharingian fortresses43.She was not one to foster disorder within her own family. Adelheid, daughter of Rudolf II of Burgundy, married to King Lothar (d. 950), is `both most beautiful and shapely (formabouestissiniam), and graced with moral The `Antapodosis' is remarkably silent about the probity (moi7mrprobitategratiosam)'44. fact - necessarily known to Liutprand - that Adelheid had already become Otto's second wife (951) as well as about the idea, attested in tenth-century German historiography, that she had transmitted to him a claim to dominion over Italy45. Yet the claims existed, compounded by Adelheid's prestigious ancestry; she `sprang from a royal stock through her close and remote ancestors' - Pippin I of Italy and Louis the Pious46. Otto demonstrated them in liturgical form through a 952 donation to the monastery of Saint-Ambrose near Milan `for the benefit of, and help (remedio)to our 40 "Significantly, Liutprand had no wish to find any explanation for their importance other than gross ... sexual licence, the only reason he could think of for their incomprehensible control over men; their power offended against all his assumptions about the world. " \\ ickham goes on, pointing to the real reasons behind women's power in Lombard politics: "It may be better to see them as focal points of dynastic continuity (as heiresses,or the guardians of infant sons) in an age where lineage-consciousness Early Medieval Italy, London among the aristocracy was becoming more important. " CHRIS\\VICKHAAt, 1981, pp. 118-119. 41 COLONNA(as n. 28) pp. 39-42, p. 58. 42 KARL J. LEYSER,Rule and Conflict in an Early Medieval Society: Ottonian Saxony, Oxford 1979, pp. 4973. The women of the Saxon aristocracy held as much land and power, if not more, than their Italian counterparts. But they secured their position more through monastic foundations (protected by the king) than through remarriage. Latest bibliography and assessment of the nunneries' historiography in GERD ALTHOFF, Gandersheim and Quedlinburg. Ortonische Frauenklöster als Herrschafts- and Überlieferungszentren, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 25,1991, pp. 123-144.

43 Antapodosis 4.34 (as n. 4) pp. 127:21-128: 2. 44 Antapodosis

4.13 (as n. 4) p. 111"20-22. Compare the Annals of Quedlinburg, a. 951, ed. GEORG HEINIbique rex itlrictissinms RtcH PERTz (NIGH SS 3) Hannover 1839, p. 58: 3-15: Otto nexperrea7t in Italian ... Otto Adelheidmir rrginan, tultu detoram, coasilio prolidam, et uniterra n,"orum honestate ralde praeclaram, et regali arorum atarorumque prosapia orlon, eaniugeilustrusinto, Latbario sduat rege, iant tunc riduatam, connubiali sibi rinculo sodandant adquisitit, talus chant consilia rrgnum Langobardiat, quad illi baereditatio lure cesserat,cum Betingero tiranuo ditioni swat suhiugalur.

45 ERNs-r KARra, Herrscherlegitimation 10. Jahrhunderts Saxonicarum

(Historische

3.7 and 3.9-10

des and Reichsbegriff in der ottonischen Geschichtsschreibung Forschungen 10) Stuttgart 1985, pp. 40-41. \Vidukind, Return gestarum (as n. 5) pp. 108-109, prefering a power legitimized by military virtue,

does not peep a word about Adelheid's importance for the crown of Italy, unlike the Annals of Quedlinburg (text n. 44). See as well as Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim, Gesta Ottonis, vim:467-470 (as n. 21) p. 424: rev Italicusgratido Hlotharius itftdus morho, , undo ducessit ah isto, Itabae rrgll!! nt linquens fllerrt0 re1111e17dum summae reginat, sibi quam socia:il amore. CE MOR (as n. 35) pp. 17-20.

46 Annals of Quedlinburg, a. 951 (text above n. 44). See GuN-rHER \VoLF, Über die Hintergründe der Erhebung Liudolfs von Schwaben, in: Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Germanistische Abt. 80,1963, repr. in Zlr, utER.\IANN (as n. 4) pp. 56-69, at pp. 58-59.

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soul and that of our spouse Adelheid as well as for the help to the soul of our 942, Hugh had designated late King Lothar'. In Lothar the this and predecessor, monastery as a family necropolis; it already celebrated Bertha's memoriaas well as that I. By 952, Adelheid's first husband, including Lothar Otto's Carolingians of a series of diploma tells us, rested buried there, in a subterranean chapel under the main church; Saint-Ambrose's monks were to take daily care of the lighting in this chapel and perpetually celebrate the mass for King Lothar's sake. Otto, through this donation, thus attempted to bind spiritually with Lothar, and beyond him with his royal sib, `Ansippung'47. Liutprand have been liturgical it cannot as were a unaware up setting (covering The incomplete the of nature work events until april of such maneuvers. 950 and then breaking off) may account for this omission. Unless we wish to ascribe it to authorial subtlety: the diplomat seldom stated his master's intention explicitly. It is anyway clear that Liutprand, in the know, took care to endow Adelheid with the dynasts Italian denied he the wives of virtue - virtue crowning king-worthy gratia48. Mathilda's virtues are portrayed immediately after a chapter devoted to King Hugh's unfaithful mistresses - Liutprand may have intended here an implicit contrast49. Widow of Henry of Saxony, she did not offer her body after her husband's death to the best candidate. Rather, `beyond what I ever saw or heard matrons do, his frequent in for of sins the dead and expiation masses offered unceasingly she [herself] as a living sacrifice to God'50. Liutprand anticipates here the saintly portraits by later Saxon historiography Mathilda hieratic, produced of sacerdotal and iconic51 47

48 49 50

Si

Compare D.U. + L. 64 (below, n. 68) with D. O.I. 145, Die Urkunden der deutschen Könige und Kaiser, 1. Die Urkunden Konrad I. Heinrich I. und Otto I. (MGH Diplomata regum et imperatorum Germaniae 1) Berlin '1956, p. 226:25-32, dated from Cuomo, 15 ii 952 annoregnidomni Ottonisrrgis hic in Italia primo. Bernard king of Italy (d. 818) was also buried there. COLONNA(as n. 28) p. 40 n. 15, on the connection of bonnsturand gratiarur to dignitac. See below, Antapodosis 4.14 (as n. 4) pp. 111:26-112: 17. Antapodosis 4.15 (as n. 4) pp. 112:26-113: 2. Liutprand's renerabilireins [Heinrich roniux regniqueconsors ex eadem genieallows the shades of monastic religio(renerabi/is)and polestar(ronsorrregm)to descend upon the Queen. The term renerabiliscould denote a lay abbacy; see KARL BRuNNERin: HERWIG\VOLFtu, t et al., Intitulatio II. Lateinische Herrscher- und Fürstentitel im neunten und zehnten Jahrhundert (Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung, Ergänzungsband 24) \ ienna 1973, p. 201, p. 309 (for Otto duke of Saxony). HOLTZMANN(MGH SS rer. germ. n.s. 9) Berlin 1955, p. 26:21Thietmar, Chronicon 1.21, ed. ROBERT 32, insists on Mathilda's devotion to memoria.She fed the poor, as well as birds -a seemingly strange action which modern-day Bosniac folklore interprets as feeding the souls of the dead. Dying, Mathilda agonizes over the salutarismemoriaof her son William, Chronicon 2.18, p. 60.4-8. See also her deathbed scene in the `Vita Mathildis reginae antiquior', cap. 13, ed. BERNDScxürre, Die Lebensbeschreibungen der Königin Mathilde (MGH SS rer. germ. in us. schol. 66) Hannover 1994, p. 138:7-10: 11fathilda transmits to her niece the calendar (computarium)containing the names of the dead magnates, entrusting thus to her her soul, Henry's, and 'all thosefide/u whose memoriathis document cultivated' 'Vita finally (as 42) 72 Mathildis regime posterior', cap. 8, ed. Set-tfrrrE (as LEYSER the p. n. see - and above) pp. 159:16-160: 7, where she offers her golden armillaeas a countergift for Henry's first funeral mass. PATRICKCoRBET,Les saints ottoniens. Saintete dynastique, saintete royale et saintete feminine autour de Pan mil (Beihefte der Francia 1) Sigmaringen 1986, p. 36, p. 199, notes Liutprand's (still muted) precocity in sanctifying Mathilda - his Saxon contemporaries Hrosvitha and \\'idukind do not 'Vita harp first fully developped in the posterior' and later Brun of Querfurt and on a sanctity yet Thietmar. On the dangers of seeking too much 'Ottoman dynastic propaganda' in tenth-century Saxon texts (as opposed to the interests of the monasteries or churches which produced them), see GERD ALTHOFF,Causa scribendi und Darstellungsabsicht. Die Lebensbeschreibungen der Königin Mathilde

Italian Hussies and German Matrons

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But other sources preserved the traces of conflicts between lVfathilda and Otto her first-born son, possibly after the latter's marriage to Edgith of Wessex (which introduced a second queen in the family)52. Mathilda, one learns from her second `Life', preferred her second-born, Henry. This information comes from the early eleventh`Vita dededicated Henry II, Mathildis to the text person of century posterior', a scended from Otto's younger brother, it evidently partakes of one of the work's main biases: to exalt the junior branch on the Ottonian dynasty now ruling in the person of Henry II in the context of the immediate aftermath of his disputed accession. Mathilda's preference for her younger son Henry leads to conflicts within the royal family but foreshadows his descendant's accession to the throne53. But the 973/4 `Vita Mathildis reginae antiquior' (a source undistorted by Henry II's accession) also reports problems between mother and elder son. It claims that the Devil had pushed Otto to despoil his mother of the wealth she had endowed monasteries with -a sin for which God scourged the Saxon king-54. Yet closer in time to the `Antapodosis', the presence of tensions is hinted at by silences in sources dating from Mathilda's own lifetime: by the absence of Otto and Edgith in memorial entries comprising Mathilda and her kindred, and, conversely, by the non-mention of Mathilda in Otto's royal diplomata from 936 to 946, the date of Edgith's death. Far from being a meek matron, part in the turmoils which followed, in Saxony, the establishment of royal primogeniture55. Thus, Liutprand organized his feminine figures into a dyptich contrasting German matrons and Italian hussies. Or

Mathilda

played an important

and self-willed

rather - for the ethnic origins of these women do not matter as much as the aristoOttonian bearing kindreds into printhey children cratic or royal which ended up cesses and women of dynasties contending for power in Northern Italy.

There is a dyptich56. How does it operate, and to which ends? Ends go beyond the simple opposition of virtue and vice, and the issue of good and ill familial repute. und andere Beispiele, in: Micn&EL BoRGoLTE-HExnA1 SPILLING,eds., Litterae Medii Aevi. Festschrift Johanne Authenrieth, Sigmaringen 1988, pp. 117-133. 52 KAIU. LEYSEA, Die Ottonen und Wessex,in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 17,1983, pp. 73-97, especially P" 80. 53 Vita Mathildis reginae posterior, cap. 5 (as n. 51) pp. 155:14-156: 13, with cap. 9, p. 161, and cap. 16, pp. 175-178. See BERM) Scttvrre, Untersuchungen zu den Lebensbeschreibungen der Königin Mathilde (MGH Studien und Texte 9) Hannover 1994, pp. 82-110. Thietmar, writing after Henry II's accession, conveys this same tradition: arrenrnt ronnulü eardemhoc turnaperedie enitui se,quod iuniorfilier possidnrt- Chronicon 1.21 (as n. 51) p. 28:2-5. suinnt Heinricutpatrit sedem 54 Vita Mathildis regime antiquior, cap. 8, XI (as n. 51) p. 124:2-4. See ALTrtoFF (as n. 51) pp. 125-126, but with the critiques of ScrivrrE (as n. 53) pp. 70 f£ 55 See Schmid's arguments and remarks, Knxt. Scriarto, Neue Quellen zum Verständnis des Adels im 10. Jahrhundert, in: Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins 108, N. F. 69,1960, pp. 185-202, repr. in: Eovnxn Htawrrscrixn, Königswahl und Thronfolge in ottonisch-frühdeutscher Zeit (Wege der Forschung 178) Darmstadt 1971, pp. 389-416, at pp. 413-414 n. 71, with LEYSER(as n. 52) pp. 80-84, despite MnxrIN L rrzri's doubts in his Miszellen zur Geschichte des 10. Jahrhunderts. V: Heinricus natus in aula regali, in: Berichte über die Verhandlungen der SächsischenAkademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, phil.-hist. Klasse 100.2, Berlin 1953, pp. 86-95, repr. in: IDEat, Ausgewählte Schriften (as n. 21) 1, pp. 276-281. 56 Lutprand's strategy found a victim in Coxarr (as n. 51) p. 257, who writes of Ottoman queens that "leur stature apparait encore mieux ä 1'evocation des reines italiennes du K` s., brocardees par Liutprand dc Cremone".

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We may suspect (for example, in the case of Alarozia) that Liutprand travestied real marital alliances into purely sexual liaisons, which as such could not entail the transfer of property and legitimacy from first husband through wife to second husband57. But the author aimed probably less at lateral alliances than at descent and filiation. If Italian women are unfaithful, how can they transmit to their children their cuckholded husbands' blood-rights, especially royal parentage? The reader suspects WWWilla's offspring to be not of kingly (Berengar's),but of servile (Dominic's) patrilineage. Women can also transmit their own ancestors' prestige (as opposed to conveying their husbands') - but evidently with difficulty when their children were illegitimate. And it is be telling that this point a silence should mentioned, which leads one to a second at hypothesis. At no point does Liutprand mention or even hint that some of his Italian hussies were actually Carolingian women. In fact, the `Antapodosis' is remarkably silent about Carolingian blood. I would argue that this is purposeful. Carolingian blood and royal blood are two different but related issues.Liutprand's main aim was probably to deny royal patrilineage altogether58; the alleged immorality of Italian noblewomen threw a doubt on their children's potential claims to a royal patrilineality unsullied by bastardry. But the author seems to have desired as well to obliterate descent from Carolingian rulers. I shall try to argue for, admittedly e silentio, Liutprand's erasure of the Carolingian ancestry of Otto's rivals in Italy59. For readers to whom this seems too speculative, there remains the first thesis,which I shall deal with concurrently with the second: by attacking women's virtue the author was besmirching Italian dynasts' bloodlines and sapping their throneworthiness. In the tenth century, albeit increasingly rivaled as a vector of legitimacy by \VestSaxon and Ottonian parentage, Carolingian blood transmitted by women could still favorise the ascent to the throne of a man whose male ancestors had never been

57 See similarily Gregory of Tours' refusal to make senseof Merovingian kings' habit of striking a carnal alliance with their deceasedbrothers' widows, as in the case of Chlothar 1, Libri historiarum, 4.9 (English translation by LEwis THORPE,Gregory of Tours, The History of the Franks, London 1974, p. 203). One of the reasons why Guntram is bonusrex is because,instead of sleeping with Theudechild, Charibert's widow, he packs her off to a nunnery and takes control of her treasure, Libri historiarum, 4.26 (It-IORPE,pp. 220-221). On Gregory and kings, see now HEthzwt_wt&NN(as n. 71) esp. pp. 158-167, with the latest bibliography. I shall deal with Merovingian kings and ritual in the second chapter of my Dangers of Ritual (as n. 26). 58 DÄNDLIKER-MÜLLER (as n. 14) p. 170, remark: "... wie wenig weit zurück er seine Geschlechtsregister führt, gerade diejenigen der italienischen Fürsten, die er sonst aus verschiedenen Gründen mit besonderer Aufmerksamkeit behandelt und wiederholt vorbringt über die zweite Linie verfolgt er nie ... hinaus. " But Duke Otto, Otto Is grandfather, is known to have been ara; in Antapodosis 1.24 (as n. 4) p. 21: 12-15.

59 See, for another example of purposeful omissions, the case of \\ idukind, who passed over the foundation of Magdeburg and the Eastern missions, to which he was opposed - GERDALTHOFF,\Vidukind von Corvey. Kronzeuge und Herausforderung, in: Frühmittelalterliche Studien 27,1993, pp. 253-272, esp. pp. 258 f. In making Liudgard the wife of Louis the Child (rather than that of Louis the lounger) the same Widukind may have purposefully falsified the Ottonian family's marital connections to make her brother the Saxon duke Otto the nearest heir of the last eastern Carolingian, see IDESt,Adelsund Königsfamilien im Spiegel ihrer Memorialüberlieferung. Studien zum Totengedenken der Billunger und Ottonen (Münstersche Mittelalter-Schriften 47) Munich 1984, pp. 224-226, commenting on \Vidukind 1.16 (as n. 5).

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kingsGO.All the contenders for the Italian throne in the first half of the tenth century were descended from daughters of Carolingian emperors61. That women mattered in Lombard genealogies is confirmed, a contrario, by Liutprand's comment about the Greeks. The Byzantines did not care that Romanos' promised bride should have been a bastard (as opposed to legitimate) daughter of King Hugh, because for them only paternal descent counts62. Carolingian ancestry - something which Otto sorely lacked - among northern Italian dynasts had to undergo a damnatiomemoriaeif Ottonian claims to the Lombard crown and to the Empire were to be secure. Some of the `Antapodosis's' most important female characters were descended from Charlemagne. Their names themselves- Bertha, Gisla, Ermengard - are pointers to the blood they carry63. Gisla, Berengar II's mother, bore her grandmother's name - that of the sole der Deutschen Kaiser seit Karl dem VON DUNGERN, Thronfolgerecht and Blutsverwandtschaft Großen, Papiermühle 21910, with KARL-FERDINA:. D W'ERNER,Die Nachkommen Karls des Großen bis um das Jahr 1000 (1.-S. Generation), in: WOLFGANG BRAU:.'FEts-PERCY E. SCHRAMM, eds., Karl der

60 Orro

and Nachleben, 4: Das Nachleben, Düsseldorf 1967, pp. 403-479, at pp. 419-422. KONECNY (as n. 35) pp. 132-133, would argue that in Italy Carolingian descent counted less and less and that only Louis III called explicitly on his Carolingian ancestry. I do not mean to argue against Werner that Charlemagne's blood was the main factor in royal common sense and Karl-Ferdinand Große. Lebenswerk

legitimacy: See also HIESTAND (as n. 19) pp. 152-153, pp. 203-204. On the importance of West-Saxon blood, see LEYSER (as n. 52). Otto did not yet have at his disposal the idiom later developped by late Ottonian and early Salian political society (on which see HAGEN KE t ER Herrscherbild und HerrschaftsStudien 19,1985, legitimation. in. Frühmittelalterliche Denkmäler, Zur Deutung der ottonischen pp. 290-311).

61 Short of that, having a Carolingian wife certainly helped such claims. \VotF (as n. 46) esp. p. 60 with reference to \\Tidukind, Return gestarum Saxonicarum 3.6 (as n. 5) p. 108:1-8, argues that Liudolf's Italian expedition (which brought him in conflict with his father Otto I's own interests) was grounded in his marriage to Ida of Swabia (a transmitter of Carolingian blood); he undertook it immediately after his accession to the Swabian dukedom. 62 Antapodosis 5.14 (as n. 4) p. 137.20-22 quoriam Grec in geniseo. r nobilitatenon, quaemater,red quisjuerit pater, inquiruni. 63 See ERICH BRANDENBURG, Die Nachkommen

1935; repr. (Genealogie and Landesgeschichte 10) Frankfurt 1964, III14b (Gisla daughter of Louis the Pious and wife of Eberhard of Friulii), V8b (Bertha daughter of Lothar 11), following from then on; WERNER (as n. 60) pp. 420-421 Karls des Großen,

Leipzig

and p. 447, as well as table IIIc15 (Gisla) and Va15 (Bertha); SIEGFRIEDRÖSCH, Caroli Magni Progenies I (Genealogie and Landesgeschichte 30) Neustadt an der Aisch 1977, has full entries mentioning other (for Gisla wife of for the royal line of Friuli-Ivrea descended from Gisla, CMPdII15 offsprings (Berengar I), CMPdIV27 (Gisla of Friuli), Cn\lPdV27 (Berengar II), of Friuli), CMPdIII27 CMPdVI47 (Adalbert). Prudence is called for, however, unlike \Vidukind - see LEYSER (as n. 52) p. 78 - Liutprand does not mention the hallowed blood brought into the Ottonian family by Edgith

Eberhard

in the eyes of a Lombard (or his German of Wessex. Unless West Saxon prestige was unimportant public), the author of the 'Antapodosis' may have been insensitive to the prestige of all royal bloods, Carolingian included. But in the second half of the tenth century; Charlemagne, in both Germany and Italy, was already on his way to acquiring the status of an exemplary figure, see the Reichenau Translatio (ca. 968), with ROBERT Fotz, Le sanguinis (ca. 950) and the Chronicle of Benedict of Mont-Soracte souvenir et la legende dc Charlemagne dans l'empire germanique medieval, Paris 1950, pp. 24-25, Romanesque Signs, New Haven 1983, pp. 72-73, and AMY G. REpp. 135-137, STEPHEN Ntctiots, MENSNYDER,The Remembrance of Kings Past. Monastic Foundation Legends and Imaginative Memory in Medieval Southern

France, forthcoming,

Cornell

U. Press, Ithaca [1ß'1']. Widukind,

Return gestarum where Thankmar found his

2.11 (as n. 5) p. 76: 14-15, identifies the Eresburg church tragic death as 'consecrated by pope Leo [111] to saint Peter'. \Vhile unlikely, the attribution to the pope commonly associated, in Aquitanian foundation legends (REMENSNYDER, ch. 5), to Charles the

Saxonicarum

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full sister of emperor Charles the Bald". Her father Berengar I was proud of his Carolingian ancestry65. Hugh and his son Lothar, kings of Italy; knew very well that they were descended from Charlemagne. King Lothar II's daughter Bertha had transmitted Carolingian blood to her sons Hugh and Boso (sons of Thietbald of Arles) and to Wido, Lambert, and Ermengard (the progeny of Adalbert of Tuscany). She bear in her to son's diplomata two quite regal epithets, serenisrimaand gloriosiswas made sima, the latter transmitted to at least Ermengard and Boso66. It was part and parcel of Hugh and Lothar's legitimacy to celebrate the memoria of their ancestor through pious foundations. Hugh thus confirmed a donation of Emperor Lothar I to San Donato of Arezzo; he added to it property inherited from Bertha's dos, requesting the counter-gift of prayer for himself, his relatives (parentes)and especially his brothers, as well as for the state of the kingdom67. The royal pair hoped to be buried in SaintAmbrose near Milan, where Bertha's viemoria as well as that of Emperor Lothar I were celebrated68. King Lothar's very name commemorated this specific Carolingian Great, is striking, and a probable sign of "le souvenir et la memoire de Charlemagne" in the Saxon 970s. At the other end of Liutprand's world, in Byzantium, his friend Constantine VII, De administrando imperio, cap. 26 (as n. 36) p. 109, could remember Charlemagne as `a man much celebrated in song and story', a patron of Palestine, and a builder of monasteries. 64 Is it pure accident that the sole mention of Charlemagne is derisive and refers to laudu sang to a falsely merciful Berengar II? See Antapodosis 5.30 (as n. 4) p. 148:22-24: Quam immensumtune Italis gaudium! Alterum David venisselatrabant. Sedet magnoKarolo caecabunt [Berengarium) praeferebant.Panegyrists of Berengar II may have underlined his Carolingian blood. 65 RENEPOUPARDIN, Le Royaume de Provence sous les Carolingiens (855-933?) (Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes 131) Paris 1901, p. 166. See also DD. B.I. 2,8,40,124, ed. LuIGI Sct-lIAPARELU, I Diplomi di Berengario I (Fonti per la storia d'Italia 35) Rome 1903, p. 9:11-13, p. 34:9-11 & 20-21, p. 117:6-8, p. 323:7-10, and especially D.B.I. 105 (ca. 911-915), p. 272:1-3, confirming precepts of Louis, Charles the Fat and Karlmann, quorumprorapir nostrarorusritorido,with testa Berengarii, I, 5: 16, III, v. 4, IV, v. 6 (MGH Poet. 4.1) Berlin 1899, p. 358, p. 384, p. 395. 66 See D. U. 41, ed. SCHIAPARELLI (as n. 35) p. 127: 22-23, bone menroriae Ben'ae romitrssaeglariasissimae rnatri nostrae and D. U. 2, p. 8: 6-7 & 11-12, Ermengardisgloriosissimam romitissam karissimanrquegermanam nostrae, and Bertaegloriosissimaeabbatissaeconsanguineaenostrar, compare D. U. +L 31, p. 96: 1-7, Adelberti marrbionis 33, p. 102: 11-12, serenusrnrus et Bertae serenissimae[sic] comilissae karissimae mains nostrae with D. U. +L anus nosterLotharius imperator, and Hugh's own early self-description (inlitulatio) in D. U. 3, p. 11: 1-2, dirino munere largiente serenissimusrex. Hugh's full brother Boso is inclitus or iliutrusimus marrbio, but also once, in D. U. + L. 28, p. 86: 7-8, dilectissimumfratrem et gloriosissimum martbiorem. The diplomata intended to secure prayers for familial

redemption

and political

success, ob ... nosier crime 'emedium parentunrque nostrorum et augmentationemnostreprolix necnon ei regni nostri stabilimenium, p. 86: 10-12, efi p. 87: 6-9, a purpose which may explain the familial-official epithet. Wido and Lambert, Hugh's uterine brothers, do not appear in Hugh and Lothar's diplomata. For all these terms, see %VoLFF_Ju t et al. (as n. 50) pp. 33 f., p. 199. In D. U. 21, p. 64: 11, Adalbert of Ivrea is gloriasirsimus marcbiq no doubt owing to his father-in-

law emperor Berengar I. 67 D. U. + L. 33, ed. SCHIAPARELU (as n. 35) p. 102: 20-21, p. 103: 22-24, and p. 104: 21-23: dime meroriae Lotharius imperator avius nosier fratrum relirorumque parentum fiat mercedis ut nostra nostrorumque assplifr... ... catio, quandam terrain, quam mater nostra suo pretio compararit ... Pro robin statuque regni norm remedioque animarum nostrarum etfratrum nostrorum orare.

68 D. U. + L. 64 (as n. 35) p. 192:14-15; cf. p. 193:6-7; a gift pro De amoreanimacque mains et nostrarum animarumremedioto Saint-Ambrose near Milan secured the place as a necropolis for Hugh and Lothar (p. 192:6-9): Quamvisenim ceterissacrislocissit famulandum,illi tarnenlocooperapretium estfamulari predia ac augerecuipost evocationem animaererolutumcorpussepulturetradendum.See also D. U. + L. 65 (11 March 943), pp. 194:7-195: 2, Saint-Antonin of Piacenzapro deiamoreet animaeatii rostri Lotbarii inprratoric ruinscorpus infra basilicamSanctiAntonini martyrishumatumquiescit,cf. HoE EISCER (as n. 9) p. 392 n. 2; D. U. +L 59,

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ancestry. Can we imagine that Liutprand, being Hugh's chaplain (and as such probably involved in the liturgical commemoration of the royal ancestors) and Berengar II's ambassador, had no knowledge of his two masters' ancestry? Hugh's descent from Charlemagne was known to, and prized by the Byzantine emperor Constantine VII, Liutprand's

friend. But Constantine remained true to Byzantine prejudices in favor of patrilineality69; in his `De administrando imperio', Charlemagne's blood travels from father to son (rather than through women), establishing a line from Lothar II to Adalbert

to Hugh to Bertha, betrothed

to Constantine's own son Romanos70.

Carolingian and royal blood did not contain themselves within the veins of Hugh's narrow family. From Boso, they passed to his daughter Villa, wife of Berengar II - the man Liutprand proclaimed he had composed the `Antapodosis' against. For Liutprand, Hugh had been a better rex71, and safely so; he was dead, without legitimate male children besides the equally dead King Lothar72. Lothar's widow Adelp. 176:12-14: predeauorrm rottmram impsatorunr et regumas parrrtum nostrorum,videlicetDesiderii, Caroli, Ludotici argueLotbarir, cf. D. U +L 31, p. 96:1-7, which offers a mrta acquired by Bertha and her first husband Thietbaldpm rrnredioarimarrmAdelberti marrhioriset Bertaescrrniuimae[sic] comitissae karissimaeque matrit nottrar, D. U. + L. 32, p. 100:10-14, giving another property acquired by Bertha pro dei amore animaquematrit rothae; D. U. + L. 45, p. 137:18-20 (cE p. 138:13-14): quatenutseduloorations pro nobis 49, p. 148:6-7 & 12-13: pro Dei amore matrrquenottra Bela ibidem ad Domirum dirigartur, D.U +L animarumquenottrarumrrmedioetpro anima n."ahis rottrae Bertae... iruuper et omnemillam terrain quam mater nortra ... adquishit, D. U +L 56, p. 167:6-8 (cE p. 168:19-20): pro del anrorraninrarrmqueAdelbertimarchionis matruquenostraeBence mri gis eiur as rortrarum arin."arumrrnudio, confirming D. U + L. 31. Hugh's explicit use of property inherited from Bertha (often from her dos)to endow her nrenroriais noteworthy. Adalbert of Tuscany, Hugh's stepfather, was associated to Bertha only in D. U. + L. 31 and D. U. + L. 56 (confirming D.U. +L 31), his father Thietbald only in D.U. + L. 34, p. 106:4-6. Adalbert's memoria was never endowed independently of Bertha, Thietbald's only in D. U + L. 76, p. 225:2-4. Legitimacy thus came overwhelmingly from Bertha, and was memorialized using what one might call, broadening the expression of BARa&RARosEiwEIN, To be the Neighbor of Saint Peter. The Social Meaning of Cluny's Property, Ithaca [NY'] 1989, p. 162, "special property'' - land linking the Hugonides and the Carolingians through Bertha. San Ambrögio's Carolingian memoriawas especially attached to reenacted confirmations of Lothar I's gift of Limonta near the Lake of Cuomo (DD trail from DD. Loth. I. 23 and 27 to D. IQ.III. 21); it was alive in 951 when D. O.I. 138 confirmed it (as n. 47) p. 218:18-19. 69 See above, note 62, Antapodosis 5.14. 70 Constantine VII, De administrando imperio, cap. 16 (as n. 36) pp. 109-113, with the genealogy as the emperor understood it mapped in HIESTA14D(as n. 19) p. 183. This chapter, devoted to Hugh, his ancestry; progeny, and history, was probably composed before 950 or shortly after, and inserted in the work in 952 (editors' notes 1, pp. 11-12 with volume 2, London 1962, p. 83). The information may have come from Liutprand himself as DANDUKEa-MütLEx (as n. 14) p. 53, argue; contra: PouenxwIN (as n. 65) p. 34 n. 1. 71 CATHERINEDE FIRI,tAS,Etude sur Ic mode de designation des personnes dans les sources narratives A 1'epoquecarolingienne, Diplome d'Etudes Approfondies Paris-Sorbonne 1992, sous la direction d'OuHugh receives the inoculavtERGulu oT, p. 21, remarks that in Liutprand Otto is the rrx 'par excellence": tion rexdepending on the circumstances (morally positive or negative), and Berengar II, never. Similarily, MARTIN HEINZEutANN, Gregor von Tours (538-594). )Zehn Bucher Geschichte(. Historiographie and Gesellschaftskonzept im 6. Jahrhundert, Darmstadt 1994, p. 57, has noticed that Gregory of Tours, in the table of chapters in book 8 of his 'Libri Historiarum', calls his favorite king, Guntram, simply and only rex (the author's own king, Childebert, "wird stets durch seinen Namen identifiziert, nie durch das vertrauliche Anfiihren des Titels rrx allein"). 72 Lothar's only child Emma (RdscH [as n. 63] C.\1PdVII40, p. 161) was in Otto's hands, who affianced her to the Western Carolingian Lothar in 965 only, see FERDINANDLoT, Les derniers Carolingiens. Lothaire, Louis \, Charles de Lorraine, 954-991 (Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des Hautes Etudes 87) Paris

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heid (herself of Carolingian blood) was now in Otto's hands; thus Hugh's mother Bertha, while a flat figure, escaped the worse sexual innuendos before her second husband Adalbert II's death73.It was critical to sap blood legitimacy at the following Otto's his Adalbert, Berengar 11 to the and son rivals and one got closest generation, Liutprand's prime targets: Boso's wife Willa was endowed with a deep organ large baldric to of the most generous proportions, and gem-studded a welcome enough ) potentially welcoming of adultery; her daughter Willa, Bethus (should one assume? So for II's to arms74. much and receptive priapic was adulterous actually wife, rengar biological his for legitimacy by Berengar II legitimacy the of and neverthe alliance of mentioned male children. Yet what about Hugh's illegitimate children? Doesn't Liutprand take pains to bear including did indeed They two a posterity, mention a set of three mistresses? bishops for whom the author had no lost love. But bastards can be doubly spurious. Hugh's partners were so promiscuous that the king was not the only one to make descent be the patrilineal of exact of these thus certain them', not one could use of it doubtful have Liutprand's that concluded was would readers women's children75. blood. let Carolingian blood (Hugh's), of alone that any of them was of royal We are here facing a conscious tactic: the systematic destruction of the dynastic legitimacy of potential contenders for the Italian throne76. Even royal bastards are be be like the the they to offsprings of should suspected royal; of even possibly not Dominic, or (in the case of Ermengard) of non-noble lovers. Liutprand himself probehind his betrays his The key the to tactic. political end portrait of the author vides he behind the two when explains possible rationales world an adulterous aristocratic from her had had Hugh's Bertha, King mother no children second a strange rumor: husband Adalbert of Tuscany, but had acquired babies and passed them off as their have from bed hand She this to a controlling second on needed offsprings own. Adalbert's potenclaafter his death. In both explanations, this story was planted by Hugh's court. According to the first, Hugh wanted to avoid the charge of incest - in his Marozia, half-brother he Rome, to eager marry widow of to was acquire order Wido, Adalbert's son. The story removed Wido from the sphere of uterine brother1891, p. 54. Hugh's other child by Alda, Lothar's uterine sister Alda (RascH, CMPdVI26, p. 160), married Alberic, patricius of the Romans (son of Marozia the hussy), and begat Octavian, pope as John XII (955-963, d. 964). This only child crowned Otto emperor in 962, and was deposed by him in 963. A pope was in no danger of begetting a legitimate king. 73 See above, at n. 33. 74 See above, n. 31. Another daughter, Bertha, was taken over after her first husband's death by \xrilliam count of Rouergue 'the rather impure princeps of a most impure tribe ... unworthy not only of sleeping with her but even of being kissed by her' - Antapodosis 5.31 (as n. 4) pp. 149: 32-150: 2. On her, see Röscx (as n. 63) CMPdVI33, p. 163.

75 Antapodosis 4.14 (as n. 4) p. 112:15-17: et guonian:nonrex [Hugo] Bolusbis abutebatur,earumnati ex incertir patribus originemducunt.The expression onginenrducuntsuggestsa focus on line (dams) of descent beyond one generation. 76 Which technique Liutprand shared with his friend Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, see Fetz HERMANN TINNEFELD,Kategorien der Kaiserkritik in der byzantinischen Historiographie von Prokop bis Niketas Choniates, Munich 1971, pp. 92-93: Constantine made Michael II a member of a Judaizing dynasty, became descendant I Parthian Basil the the Arsacides. Examples of royal a of while sect, western diffamations of queens in KONECNY(as n. 35) p. 103 £, pp. 147-150.

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hood, and made a marital alliance with \iarozia possible. According to the second explanation, the rumor was aimed at Adalbert's second son, Lambert marquess of Tuscany, whose power Hugh feared and Boso (Hugh's full brother) envied. Denial of lineage for both brotherhood (which denial Hugh of royal uterine meant all at once denial brotherhood, from Lambert Bertha's of royal and and womb), could come only blinded77. light Lambert hostility treacherous and captured to all-out a green was Thus the savory stories of the `Antapodosis' owe little to Liutprand's hostility to his Saxon but his patron's enemies. Nor to to wish abase womankind everything should one account for these tales by attributing to a "monkish chronicler" some stolid blindness vis-ä-vis the real basesof tenth-century women's power which pushed him to find in disorderly fornication the source of their authority. To the contrary, Liutprand is only too aware of what he is trying to obfuscate, Carolingian blood, and be female he is blood. Both through transmitted trying could what to of muddle, royal legitimation Women both factors in be power. the and of ancestors; could acquisition beyond The in destructive them. primary target thus well were means a work aiming consisted in their men (male children, grandchildren, and husbands), actual or potential contenders for the Italian crown. Hence conversely (for it takes two to tango) the image of these males, `weak kings and female-addicted princes'78. Liutprand would later make himself the hero of his own `Legatio'. In this last work, recounting his dauntless Otto behalf, Is Constantinople ambassador confronts and to the mission on Romans hurls He Nicephorus. Byzantine the of at self-styled confounds the emperor the eastern empire a revealing insult. They owe their name (and, one should add, legitimacy) to Romulus `porniogenitus, that is, conceived in adultery', a reference to the offspring of an unscrupulous priest (a quasi Dominic) and of the vestal virgin and `Legatio' is It daughter Silvia (a \\rilla)79. The Rhea the telling. taunt of quasi royal illuminates Liutprand's tactics of more than a decade earlier in the `Antapodosis'. Like the rulers of Constantinople, the Italian dynasts were not so much porplyrogeniti as porniogeniti. Hugo lamberto comminandodenuntiat, ne sefratrenr swum amplius 3.47 (as n. 4) p. 99: 1-35: roc ... We dicere audeat. Is sero irf1riari rearpossit nu fratrrm sauof esse,nos uno ex corpore eundemqueper rrrpondit ... aditum in /stem prodiirse, dudlo cupio cundis rernnrtibus mnprobare ). As HOFMEISTER (as n. 9) pp. 402-404, Adalremarks, this (actually circulating or imagined) story did not prevent Hugh from commemorating

77 Antapodosis

bert II and Bertha.

78 Reverse implication in SUTHERLAND (as n. 1) p. 20, who takes Liutprand to be a committed womenhater: "in Antapodosis, as he consciously exposed Berengar, he unconsciously exposed women". Quotafada regempriacipurnveeeminatorum. tion from the preface, Antapodosis 1.1 (as n. 4) p. 4:30-31: enenorum See STAUBACH (as n. 13) pp. 467-469 for another (but not incompatible) reading of the same. 79 Legatio cap. 12, ed. BECKER(as n. 4) p. 182:26-28: Ronrulumfrahicidam, ex quo et Romanidichcunt,porniogeni/um, hocest ex adulteriora/un, Cbrorograpbiairrnatuit Liutprand's reference is to )ordanes, Romana 5152, ed. THEODORMoatatsE. ti (HIGH Auctores antiquissimi 5.1) Berlin 1882, p. 7. Cf. ArrroNlo CARILE, Roma a Romania dagli Isaurici ai Comneni, in: Bisanzio, Roma e l'Italia nell'alto medioevo, 2 vols. (Settimane di Studio 34) Spoleto 1988,2, pp. 531-582, here p. 551.