The Irish Jo u rn a l o f E du cation, 1974 viu 1 pp 3 29 IRISH CHARTER SCHOOLS Kenneth Milne* Church of Ireland Board o f Education Lecky s condemna...

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The Irish Jo u rn a l o f E du cation, 1974 viu 1 pp 3 29

IRISH CHARTER SCHOOLS Kenneth Milne* Church of Ireland Board o f Education Lecky s condemnation of the Charter schools has never been seriously challenged, nor could it easily be Yet they were the work of that very improving’ spirit to which such contemporary foundations as the Dublin Society and the Linen Board owed their origin in the early (and much neglected) decades of 18th century Ireland What follows is an analysis of the concepts that gave rise to the schools in the political theological and economic climate of the day and an examination of the modus operandt of Primate Boulter s 'grand design’ which is one of the earliest institutions of modern Ireland for which we have something approaching adequate documentation

Forbidding yet curiously forlorn in a number of our towns and villages stand the great hulks that once housed the Charter Schools of the eighteenth century Built to a model plan, they must surely be a unique set of educational monuments, and should archaeology join the ever lengthening list of the sciences serving the study of education, these gaunt shells of Primate Boulter’s ‘grand design’ will surely merit digging There can hardly be any comparable series of Georgian buildings in Ireland, yet the charter school houses, like the decades that saw them built, have received scant attention from the preservationists who are, perhaps, repelled by so much that is Bastille like about them Indeed the early decades of the eighteenth century can fairly be termed the forgotten years of modern Irish history This partial eclipse must owe something to the dominant contribution to the plotting of the eighteenth century sky by Lecky, who, though he gave five volumes to the Ireland of the period, devoted four of them to the reign of George III Another explanation lies in the operation of what might be termed an historian’s law (and while arguments may rage as to the existence of the basic laws of history itself, there can be little doubt that there are laws governing those who write history) which states that, naturally enough, the attention devoted to a subject is in proportion to the amount of relevant source material available The later part of the century certainly has the advantage of the earlier under such conditions • Requests for off prints should be sent to Kenneth Milne Church of Ireland Board of Education, Church Avenue, Upper Rathmines, Dublin 6



Vet while comparatively little has been written about Ireland in the early eighteenth century — Swift, Wood’s ha’pence and the penal laws always excepted — a great deal was written at the time It is rich in pamphlets, and, what is more, unlike so much of Ireland’s voluminous pamphlet literature, they concern themselves with advancing the Irish economy and with the application of fresh thinking to improve Ireland’s land and industry Swift’s contribution is general knowledge, but not so much is heard of what was written by Prior, Dobbs, Madilen and other founding fathers of the Dublin Society Their patriotism |was preTone, the word ‘republican’ to them was redolent of classical antiquity (or Venice) and Swift alone has achieved Valhalla because he more easily fits our modern concept of what a patriot ought to be This was the Protestant Ascendancy at its creative best and two centuries were to pass before it agam led a renaissance in Irish society Incongruous though it may at first appear, it is against this background that we must introduce another creation of that Ascendancy class to set beside the Royal Dublin Society The Incorporated Society m Dublin for Promoting English Protestant Schools in Ireland, of whose work Lecky was to write that they ‘offered a people thirsting for knowledge a cup which they believed to be poison, and sought, under the guise of the most seductive of all chanties, to rob their children of the birthright of their faith ’1 The pages that follow do not seek to^give a fresh coat Jof paint to an already whited sepulchre Rather two tasks are attempted, one is to study the schools as educational phenomena, how they were organised and what went on in them (for they are the earliest Irish schools of which we have anything approaching adequate documentation) The other task is to attempt an understanding of the strategy underlying the scheme This must in due course involve trying to explain the fact that high minded and humane people were responsible for immense cruelty and| squalor But for the years covered by this present essay, before the schools had fallen into total disrepute, our concern will be with the mixed motives of the initiators | The word incongruous is used above with reference to the fact that a class purporting to be zealous for the welfare of Ireland could produce the proselytising charter schools And yet it is not as incongruous as all that The schools of the Incorporated Society, generally called ‘charter schools’ after the Society’s royal mandate, were seen as agents of that very improvement so much sought after by the pamphlet writers| Indeed their hopes for Ireland’s economic future were bound up with a whig view of how society was to be ordered, and the free constitution of that order had no place for popery



So it was that the schools were seen as a grand design to meet the pressing needs of the time According to a man’s particular field of mterest or responsibility they had something to attract his support The improving landlord, perhaps a trustee of the Linen Board, saw in them a means to breed habits of good husbandry, the clergymen of the Established Church viewed them as an antidote to a still virulent popery, the politician looked to them to inculcate right thinking and loyality Some men represented all three interests, and of such the most prominent was Hugh Boulter, archbishop of Armagh, primate of all Ireland and, from 1724 to 1742, His Majesty’s most powerful (and most devoted) Lord Justice of Ireland There can be no doubt that it was Primate Boulter’s great prestige and influence that launched the charter schools and gave to the ‘grand design’, as it was sometimes grandiloquently called, its initial impetus Others, like Edward Maule, Berkeley’s predecessor in the see of Cloyne, later translated to Dromore, contributed much But Boulter held a position of leadership in Ireland and used his rank to the full on behalf of the Incorporated Society In him we see epitomised the blending of political and religious outlooks so characteristic of the leaders of church and state at that time Boulter, like every Church of Ireland archbishop of Armagh in the eighteenth century, was English He came to Ireland having been bishop of Bristol from 1719 to 1724, (a position that he held concurrently with that of Dean of Christ Church, Oxford)2 Quite clearly, then, he was a man in favour with the court and marked out for preferment But he exercised himself in the government interest for reasons loftier than those merely of self interest He firmly believed in the revolution settlement, and it is worth remembering that, born in 1672, the most formative years of his life were those in which crown and parliament remained fearful of the Jacobites Civil and religious liberties, as he saw them, were not yet secure On Wednesday, 26 May 1714 3 (Louis XIV defeated, the Hanoverian succession safely accomplished, but the ‘15’ yet to come), Boulter expressed the views that animated his primacy in Armagh ten years later It may seem strange after that unwearied diligence that has appeared in the Papists ever since the reformation to overturn our most holy religion, by secretly perverting the mmds of our people by sowing divisions amongst us, and breaking us among ourselves, by repeated plots and conspiracies, and by engaging foreign pnnces to assist to invade us as occasion has offered, that any fancy that they have now on a sudden dropped all their rage and malice ^against us, and are for permitting us to go on quietly and peaceably in our schism and apostasy,


as they call it, from the Pope 1 How far our civil liberties are interwoven with the preservation of the purity of our religion, and must stand and fall with the profession of Christ’s trust amongst us, and how far that consideration may, as it has fomerly done, sway those to defend!our religion who have very little belief in it or sense of it, I need not mention nor how vain all promises must be from | one bred up in the principles of Popery, which know of no faith to be kept to heretics4

Extracts such as these should keep us from falling into error supposing that Boulter and his episcopal colleagues were entirely movedj by consider ations in which religion claimed a minor role Far from it The school of thought to which Boulter and the early eighteenth century bishops of the Church of Ireland belonged had more in common! with orthodox seven teenth century theological views than with the ‘unenthusiastic’ outlook of eighteenth century Anglicanism, when, to quote Basil Willey, reason and religion had achieved an act of settlement5 | Nor, if we are to attempt an accurate picture, should the impression be given that the leaders of the established Church were inspired only by a negative, polemical spirit It was there, but accompanied by what can only be termed evangelistic zeal, such as runs through the-many chanty sermons of the day Even to read the charges given to his clergy by Boulter on the occasion of his visitations, is to see that a pastoral concern underlay much of what he said 6 When we take into consideration also his efforts for the relief of famine sufferers7 there is ample evidence of a man of compassion who could, apparently, in the mterests of true religion preside over a system of education whereby infants were parted from their families, and removed to those parts of the country most remote from their homes The views of another prelate, Edward Synge (archbishop of Tuam, 1716-1742) echo similar sentiments in the Insh situatioln Synge published his Brief account of the laws now in force in the kingdom o f Ireland, for encouraging the residence o f the parochial clergy, and erecting o f English schools in 1723, the year before Boulter’s translation|to Armagh 8 Predictably, he deplores the errors of popery, as ‘destructive of eternal salvation and of most dangerous consequences with respect to the temporal welfare and prospenty of those who possess any other religion ’9 He exhorts protestants to ‘show all the love, tenderness, and compassion towards the persons even of those whose pnnciples we cannot but detest and abhor’, for papists will more readily accept protestantism from those who love and bear good will 10




Synge wrote within a few years of the passing of the penal legislation, yet it is clear that he placed little reliance on such laws to achieve the genuine conversions he wished to see Rather what was needed was that the clergy of the Established Church should reside in their cures, and that effect should be given to the Tudor statutes, largely dead letters, that had sought to cover the country with a network of diocesan and parochial schools Quite clearly, the Established Church was not making headway, and lest one assumes — because of the cynicism of so many of the politicians - that the only motives for converting the Roman Catholic population were those of ecclesiastical and political imperialism, it is worth recording Synge’s exhortation that Sve should all endeavour by Christian ways and means to reclaim the papists of this kingdom from that gross ignorance and error wherein they are involved, and to bring them over both to understand and embrace the true religion in its primitive purity ,n But the Established Church was not only failing to make headway, all the indications were that it was losing ground As much can be implied from Synge’s pamphlet Disappointment, indeed alarm, run through many other contemporary utterances A letter from Bishop Maule in the records of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (a society about which we shall say more) stresses the great difficulties to be overcome if the number of papists is not to increase 12 Bishop Tenison of Ossory, reporting on visitations made in 1731 and 1732, paints a gloomy picture of many ruined and neglected churches, a high incidence of mass houses, and a patchy system of English schools 13 The most comprehensive report, however, and the most disturbing was the Report on the State o f Popery of 1731, laid before the Irish House of Lords by a committee headed by Boulter 14 Here was evidence in abundance to show the parlous state of the Established Church contrasted with the durability and vitality of the Church of Rome Popish mass houses, fnanes, nunneries and schools abounded Wrote the commissioners ‘ the disproportion between mass houses and churches, Romish eccles lastics and protestant ministers, and popish and protestant schools,is so great as to give your lordships the most just and reasonable apprehensions of the continuance and increase of the popish interest in Ireland *15 The Egmont dianst must surely have typified Establishment reaction to such revelations I, having in my hand the Primate of Ireland’s report to the House of Lords concerning the great increase of Popery of late years in Ireland, brought the conversation round to it Sir John Cotton told Walpole ‘it was no wonder the number of conversions to popery increased both in Ireland



and England, since so many heterodox opinions were published in print, and for his part he expected the time would come when we should all be papists 16 Something had to be done and, as before and since, leaders of church and state pinned their hopes on education Much had been hoped for from schools in the past, and the hopes had not been fulfilled But those past efforts had relied too much on local and indeed individual interest 17 What was now to be envisaged was a centrally directed government supported, adequately financed, ‘grand design ’ The early decades of the century had not, however, been without educational activity, though of a purely voluntary kind Chanty schools were being founded in considerable numbers and there was a growing awareness of the contribution that they could make at parochial level to the inculcation of habits of industry and true godliness Not explicitly proselytising nor, indeed, in many instances, even implicitly so, (for as often as not they concerned themselves with the children of the protestant poor), yet they can claim a place in this essay on several counts For one thing, in a number of localities the charity school was the foundation on which the charter school was built, again, there were undoubted instances of chanty schools being founded for reasons closely akin to those that lay behind the charter schools, and, perhaps most telling of all, the expenence that some church leaders, Maule in particular, gained from their attempts to promote chanty schools in a systematic way satisfied them of the worth whileness of effort spent in that direction | The Society for Promoting Chnstian Knowledge (SPCK) a foundation of William Ill’s reign, was the major patron of popular education in eight eenth century urban England 18 It did much else besides, |in particular missionary work overseas, and earned out a publishing programme quite exceptional for its day It did not found schools, but, rather like the Kildare Place Society a century later in Ireland, it encouraged others to found them and gave matenal encouragement and assistance INowhere are the ambitions of those who patronised chanty schools more succinctly and accurately stated than in A E Dobbs Education and social movements, 1700 - 1850, when he says that they were A system of teaching, essentially remedial in its objects and subordinated to the needs of industry and religion The status of the poor was still roughly predetermined, education was as much a means of restraint as of improvement The rescue motive lay at the root of popular instruction 19



It is easy to appreciate the appeal that such an approach held out to the Established Church of Ireland, and it is intriguing to read elsewhere that the English (and subsequently Irish) experience of charity schools owed something to French example, and to the seventeenth century work of the de la Salle Brothers in carrying out Louis XIV’s ordinance ‘to instruct all children and in particular those whose parents have made profession of the pretended reformed religion in the catechism and the prayers which are necessary ,2° ,The interest that SPCK was to show in Irish charity schools, not least in the setting up of the Incorporated Society, was undoubtedly influenced by SPCK’s awareness of the plight of continental protestants It also, obviously, was stimulated by the involvement of many Irish prelates in SPCK’s work, for it is important to remember how many of them were English by birth and had held English benefices before being preferred to Ireland So far as I am aware, the earliest account of chanty school develop ments in Ireland is to be found in a pamphlet wntten by Edward Nicholson, rector of Cumin (Co Sligo), and published in 1721 21 Nicholson was a corresponding member of SPCK (and the founder and provider of a school at Primrose 'Grange) He averred in a letter (n d ) that survives among the papers of Henry Newman, secretary of SPCK, that ‘promoting charity schools is the only thing my whole heart is bent upon ,22 The pamphlet lists four existing schools — Primrose Grange, Castlerea, Castle Baldwin (Co Sligo) and Abbey Boyle and others in course of establishment What is more, he sets out in considerable detail the manner m which the schools were (ideally) to be financed by subscnption and the cumculum to be followed Nicholson’s pamphlet is, indeed, full of interest, but it must suffice here to note one telling fact that when pupils were being admitted, preference was given to orphaned and other poor protestants, and ‘after the poor children of Protestants are taken we fill with poor children of papists,23 In fact Catholic children made up one half of the enrolment — and this was regarded with deep misgivings by their clergy Henry Maule, whose name we have encountered when he was a bishop already displayed an interest in the chanty school idea when he was vicar of St Mary’s, Shandon He wrote to SPCK on 6 September 1716 that several gentlemen ‘of good repute’ had met m Dublin and intended to form them selves into ‘a regular society for advancing the chanty schools *24 The year following, 1717, he could report progress That the success with which it has pleased God to bless the Society for Promoting Chnstian Knowledge in England has induced several good



men to form themselves into such a body at Dublin, and to encourage them m their beginning he should be glad to receive a few of the two last years’ anniversary sermons,25 with rules for the conduct of masters and mistresses, in respect of their loyalty to King George I 26 Maule went on to say that the new society in Dublin would, he thought, willingly receive ‘Mr Richardson’s books in the Irish language’27 (John Richardson, rector of Belturbet, firmly believed in the use o’f Irish translat ions of bible and prayer book for converting Roman catholics, both young and old, and had produced several works himself in the language) A month later, we read of the society holding ‘constant’ meetings, and arranging for the first charity sermon to be delivered in St Andrew’s Church by the bishop of Raphoe, the children processing through the streets 28 SPCK made the Dublin Society presents of books, receiving in return copies of chanty sermons and ‘a few other pieces as they have lately printed in Dublin ’29 Following the example of SPCK the Dublin Society enlisted ‘correspond ing members’, who were kept informed of progress by pamphlet The Letter of 1721, datelmed St John’s vestry, gives the fullest available description of what was being done to disperse ‘the deplorable ignorance, superstition and error, in which our poor natives, till within these few years, were generally brought up ’30 One hundred and thirty schools had been started and 3,000 children attended them 31 Some schools owed their origin to the local clergy alone, others were the work of clergy and their parishioners ‘Nor have [borough]corporations been wanting to assist in the good work, by contributions out of their public funds ’32 The Letter gives in considerable detail the manner m which the Society operated, the scale of its endeavours, ‘orders to be observed by the masters and mistresses’, (and ‘orders to be observed by the parents’) The importance of this, for our purpose, is to make it abundantly clear that the Incorporated Society, m many ways the lineal descendant of the 1717 society in leadership if not in letter, had considerable foundations toi build on As its successor was to do, the earlier society sought to find employ­ ment for the children and to equip the girls for domestic service, ‘with reputable housekeepers,’ the boys for farm-work such as planting, ploughing and gardening 33 The religious motive is still predominant | ‘that they be carefully mstructed by their respective masters in the principles of religion, the nature of the gospel convenant, and that they receive the most favourable impressions of the established religion’34 But there are signs that the society also hoped to contribute to the elimination, or at least the reduction,



of rural poverty, the sentiments expressed being ‘that by a due improvement that slender farm which can scarce maintain one family might provide comfortably for many, the estates of gentlemen would receive a proportionate addition, bogs and marshy lands become useful and enclosed, and the most unwholesome air be considerably amended’35 Nor were the schools without results to show where religion was concerned the Incorporated Society, reporting on its own work in 1737/38, gave much credit to the ‘private’ charity schools in the matter of making protestants of popish boys 36 But if the total regeneration of the Irish poor was what some members of the Society had in mind, it could not be done by a system of schools that, to quote its own reports, at best remained constant in number To those involved in the work, what seemed most necessary was official recognition and support Why should the state leave to private enterprise an undertaking so fundamental to the good government of Ireland as the winning of the natives to Hanover and Protestantism9 1 The lower clergy of the Church of Ireland met in Queen Anne’s reign in , convocation (for the last time), had given it as their opinion ‘that some other methods must be proposed, which would contribute very much „ towards the conversion of recusants, if some effectual provision were made < for bibles and other proper books to be given or dispersed at easy rates ' for the/encouragement of English schoolmasters to teach the poor Irish gratis in the English tongue and the church catechism for binding of the children so instructed apprentices in Protestant families, and they would ' wish that some way may be found which should oblige the parents of 1 such children to send them to schoolmasters so appointed ’37 On a later I occasion, October 1711, the same house of Convocation called for laws compelling ‘popish parents’ worth less than £50 (or £10 annual lease) to send their children to ‘public schools * This same meeting drew up ‘heads of a canon to be framed for regulating chanty schools’, whereby inter alia, all books used were to have the approval of the ordinary (bishop) and ministers were to visit each school twice yearly Though supported by their ecclesiastical supenors, the representations of the lower house were not acted upon by parliament which continued to depend on the negative policy of penal laws But as Archbishop Synge was to write in 172338 since these laws prohibited papists from teaching, ‘it is very difficult and almost impossible m many remote parts of the kingdom to get a schoolmaster qualified according to law to teach the English tongue except better encouragement be given him than what commonly the mmister is even able to do out of his own pocket ’ The advocates of the ‘grand design’ needed a fnend at court That was to be Boulter’s role Hugh Boulter came to Ireland in 1724, by which time, as we have seen,



considerable headway had been made in the promotion of charity schools under protestant auspices There would appear, however, to have been a point of view, equally devoted to the conversion of the Roman Catholic population, which held that the Church of Ireland should give priority to work among adults in the Irish language where appropriate I And there is evidence among the papers of Henry Newman, secretary of SPCK, (who had much to do with bringing the Incorporated Society into being), to show that differences between the two schools of thought ran deep 39 So much so that there was drafted (whether transmitted or not we cannot be certain) a request to Edward Wake, the archbishop of Canterbury, ‘that (he) would be pleased to recommend to each party in Ireland (where his influence is so great) that they may both unanimously join hand and heart laying aside all partiality, favour and prejudice ’ Wake was, indeed, both as bishop of Lincoln and subsequently at Canterbury, a constant correspondent with the bishops of the Irish establishment, as his letters in Christ Church, Oxford, testify He was also a strong supporter of the chanty school idea in England, as well as having a great interest in SPCK’s work in general Wake’s interest in these matters was shared by the bishop of London, Edmund Gibson,40 to whom Boulter declared his hopes for the future in a letter of 1727 We are gomg on with some bills to mend the state of our Church, by getting more glebes, churches, and chapels of ease, that we may in time have churches and resident ministers to answer our parts, for at present many of our people are off to the papists or presbytenans, foe want of churches to repair to 41 By 1730 the importance of education to his purposes had recome clear, and while he cannot have lacked advisers in Ireland to urge him in this direction, certainly the work of the Scottish SPCK was a potent influence on him, since he refers to the success that attended the work of ‘the corporation established m Scotland for the instruction of the ignorant and barbarous part of that nation ’42 He is confident that many would give their support if a corporation on the Scottish model were founded 43 To this end, Maule wrote to Sir John Philipps (a leading member of SPCK) asking for copies of the acts of the Scottish Society (pnnted in 1725 and 1729), and saying that ‘the Lord Primate has desired him to write to his friends in London for better information on this subject ,4ij Meanwhile, the Society for Promoting Chanty Schools ‘have again reassumed [sic] business,’ the bishop of Clogher having promised to preach for it in Lent and to allow his sermon to be pnnted, and the members o'f the Society



busying themselves ‘in dispersing the tracts against popery out of their store ,4S Later that same year, 1730, Maule drew up An humble proposal for obtaining His Majesty’s royal charter to incorporate a Society for promoting Christian Knowledge among the poor natives o f the kingdom o f Ireland 46 This document began by presenting the problem That in many parts of the Kingdom there are great tracts of mountainy and course lands of ten, twenty or thirty miles in length and of a considerable breadth, almost universally inhabited by papists, and that in most parts of the same and more especially in the provinces of Leinster, Munster and Connaught, the papists far exceed the protestants of all sorts in number The seriousness of this situation, not only for the protestant interest, but for the crown itself, is stressed, for these same papists implicitly take from their clergy, to whose guidance in such matters they seem wholly to give themselves up, and thereby are kept, not only in gross ignorance, but in great disaffection to your sacred majesty and government, scarce any of them having appeared to be willing to abjure the pretender to your majesty’s throne The remedy, say the petitioners, is the erection of English protestant schools, which must be gratis, since it has been found that those papists who can afford fees refuse to patronise such schools, and the poor cannot pay What is asked for is a royal charter, incorporating such persons as the king shall think fit, and enabling them to accept gifts, benefactions and lands, to be used for supporting and maintaining schools The petition ends with an expression of confidence that the scheme will work, based on the Scottish experience, ‘and by what we have seen already done in this kingdom, in some few places where such schools have been erected and maintained at the private expense of charitable persons ’ Biographia Britannia47 records that Boulter convened a meeting ‘to concert means for forwarding a petition to the king*, and that, a few days later it was signed in the parliament house Maule then indicated to the archbishop of Canterbury that he should ask the lord lieutenant (Dorset) ' to forward the petition Boulter sent a duplicate to the bishop of London48 doubtless seeking to enlist his good offices as he did so All this was done in the early months of 1731 (or late in 1730, old



style)49 but the opening of the charter was not to take place until February 1733/4 (to use the contemporary calender) The intervening period of delays and diplomacy must have been exasperating for the petitioners, or at least for their leaders, particularly Boulter and Maule, (who was to be translated from Cloyne to Dromore before the charter had been secured) Henry Newman, the secretary of SPCK, was active on the petitioners’ behalf in official circles in London, and perhaps it is worthjgiving generous extracts from his many letters, to illustrate the processes of eighteenth century bureaucracy and protocol We begin with a letter dated 31 March 1730 50 Henry Newman to Cloyne thanking him for information about the steps being taken to have a society Hipon the plan of the Society of Edinburgh’ incorporated m Ireland Henry Newman to Cloyne (23 July 1730) 51 On Maule’s instructions, Newman waited on the attorney-general to obtain his report on the petition The attorney general at present sees no objection to it, and will let him know should any anse, but he desires to be excused drawing of the charter, because he believes it will be better done to the satisfaction of the petitioners on your side of the water, and that when the heads of it are approved that it pass the Seals in Ireland I shall wait on His Grace of Canterbury m 2 or 3 days and desire him to quicken the attorney-general as he comes in His Grace’s way if he should happen to forget his promise Henry Newman to Archbishop o f Armagh (13 March 1730/31)52 May it please Your Grace I this day left with the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland a packet for my Lord Duke of Newcastle [southern secretary of state, responsible for Irish business] containing a |full answer to Your Grace’s petition with the other great persons to his majesty for the uses therein mentioned I believe my lord duke of Dorset [lord lieutenant] will send it over soon to Your Grace to prepare heads of such a charter to your own mind pursuant to the opinion of the attorneygeneral here reported to and approved by His Majesty Henry Newman to Archbishop o f Armagh (17 April 1731) 53 In obedience to Your Grace’s order of 25th of last month after consulting



some friends better acquainted than I was with fees to the attorney general I waited on him the day before yesterday with five guineas as a gratuity from Your Grace for his kindness in dispatchmg so favourable a report as he did on the petition for a charter etc But after a little pause he generously told me that he must desire to be excused accepting it, since it was a chanty affair to serve the protestant interest m Ireland Newman now recommended pnnting in the English newspapers an account of the petition (based on a letter of Maule’s in the Irish papers in March 1729/30), believing that it would elicit English benefactions Delay now appears to have attended the drawing up of the heads of the charter, which was being done in Dublin by the petitioners Henry Newman to Lewis Thomas (a corresponding member of SPCK m Dublin) (3 June 1731)54 I shall be glad to know what progress is made in drawing up the charter in Dublin, and again (29 February 1732/33)55 Pray give my most humble duty to my lord primate and the bishops of Dromore [now Maule] and Ossory [Tenmson], when you see them, and let me know the progress of the new charter, which their lordships have so earnestly and I hope successfully solicited Eventually, (25 March 1733)56 Maule wntes to SPCK enclosing a copy of the draft of ‘the charter of the Society for promoting Chanty schools’, (a title which suggests that perhaps Maule foresaw the new body as an incorporated version of the 1717 ‘Society’) But the business is by no means at an end, and months go by while the petitioners await the letters patent that will deliver the charter to them Newman enquires after the charter, ‘as often as I hear of His Grace [Newcastle] being in town ’57 In a further letter to Boulter (who has been impatient), of 30 December 1732,58 Newman reports I was this day at the duke of Newcastle’s office and unexpectedly got access to Mr Delafaye who told me that he knew of no difficulty that attended the passing of it, and promised to put His Grace in mind of it as soon as he returned from Claremont whither he went this morning with some other persons of quality to divert himself with hunting



In fact, it was not until 19 July 1733 59 (three years from the lodging of the petition), that Newman could tell Boulter I am glad to acquaint Your Grace that yesterday I saW| at the duke of Newcastle’s office the King’s letter patent for the Irish charter, signed by his majesty and countersigned by His Grace of Newcastle But I could not receive it, to deliver my lord lieutenant ofj Ireland till to morrow, it being to be first entered in the signet office, and marked as they call it, which I am promised shall be done by tomorrow after noon In the mean time I have wrote to Mr Potter [Dorset’s Secretary] to let him know that I hope then to bring it to him, that if possible it may be conveyed to Your Grace by the next post so as to come to hand before Wednesday the 1st of August when according to the Charter there is to be a meeting of the members, i e the 1st Wednesday m every month of August, November, February, and Mayj This was one of the last acts His Majesty did before the removal of the court to Hampton Court, and I congratulate Your Grace on the conclusion of the formalities belonging to it required on this side of the water The Charter was solemnly opened and read in the Council Chamber of Dubhn Castle to an influential gathering that included Dorset, the Lord Lieutenant, on Wednesday 6 February, 1733/34 60 Commissioners were appointed, headed by the Lord Lieutenant, to execute the |purposes of the charter, and so ‘The Incorporated Society in Dublin for promoting English protestant schools in Ireland’, came into being It was| empowered to receive, for the purposes of establishing and supporting the schools, gifts of money or property to the annual value of £2,000 The charter also authorised the Society to appoint school masters and school mistresses, though these must be approved by an archbishop and licensed by the appropriate bishop The most immediate duty imposed on the commissioners was that of electing the Society’s officers, as named in the charter! and this they proceeded to do once the letters patent had been opened Dorset was made president, Archbishop Boulter, vice president and treasurer, and John Hansard secretary 61 The treasurer quickly assumed his| responsibilities, for, a subscription being then proposed, it was ‘cheerfully made by most of those present’62 A committee of fifteen, meeting|m Dublin, was appointed at a further General Meeting, according to charter, and the secretary set up offices at his house in Big Butter Lane T ìe Incorporated Society was in business Five members were appointed to prepare a scheme for the future, and



this was set out in a set of Rules, some ‘general’, and some ‘particular’, the former dealing as might be expected with the arrangements under which the schools were to be founded, the latter specifying the day to day regulat ions by which they were to be conducted The first of the general rules was that the Society should begin with a school in each of the four provinces, which would serve as a model to pnvate schools Its situation was to be ‘some very popish and extended parish, in or near which there is some country town ’ Further rules provide that there should be a local committee of inspection, comprising the Society’s members in the neighbourhood, and that this local committee should supervise the school, and keep the Society informed of its progress through the Secretary The local committee was a sound idea, but experience was to show that it needed supervision itself, and that in many ways it was the weak, but, unfortunately, the crucial link in the Society’s chain of command 63 The Society, by publishing, Reports, Sermons, and Letters sought to enlist support of two kinds It needed subscribers, who would regularly contribute to the funds, and sustain, so to speak, the current expenditure of paying masters, equipping schools, and indenting apprentices (Lewis Thomas reported to SPCK a month after the opening of the charter ‘that the subscriptions for the Dublin Incorporated Society rise very well’) 64 But most of all the Society wanted to see schools getting under way, and, understandably, the greatest praise in the reports is reserved for those benefactors who (as was generally the case) gave one acre in perpetuity, and" set twenty or so additional acres on easy terms The first school to be founded was at Castledermot, Co Kildare On the very day of the Society’s inauguration, the earl of Kildare had donated £500, and subsequently given one acre in perpetuity and others at an easy rent The Society responded with alacnty, and ordered the erection "there of its first school, and opened it in May 1734, within months of the opening of the charter This is how it was described in a Report It consists of 10 boys and 10 girls, who are clothed, dieted, and lodged the boys are daily employed in cultivating that little portion of ground that belongs to the school, the girls in spinning and other parts of house wifery, under the tuition of a mistress They have a web of cloth of their own manufacture, the weaving only excepted Two hours in the day are spent in reading, and they have made such proficiency, that the English tongue is become familiar to them, who before spoke Irish only, and they have made a progress, accordmg to their age, in the knowledge of our holy religion



So it would appear that in the school at Castledermot all the objectives of the Society were being pursued But if land for new schools, the greatest need, were to be forthcoming then the scheme must be made to appear attractive to landowners Fortunately for the Society, it was able to present a case to the effect that its work of general moral improvement was very much m keeping with the country’s economic needs It was also to the Society’s advantage that these were years of lively interest in agricultural improvement It is significant that the (Royal) Dublin Society and the Incorporated Society were founded within two years of each other The Incorporated Society’s schools, as envisaged by the Charter, would instruct the children in ‘husbandry, housewifery, trades, manufactures, etc , so that they would be brought up, not only m virtue, but also in^ “labour and industry” ’ The Society’s seal bore the legend ‘rehgione et lab ore’ and depicted, not only an open bible, but also thej implements of agriculture and spinning 66 The Abstract o f Proceedings, published in 1737, stressed ‘that habit of idleness, which is too prevalent among the poor of this kingdom’, and stated the Society’s intention ‘to remedy this, by inuring the children early, in their working schools, to those labours that may promote the public good, especially, that may improve the agriculture and the linen manufacture ’67 | The most influential writers of the day were thinking similarly Berkeley’s Querist asked (no 85) ‘Whether if all the idle hands in this kingdom were employed on hemp and linen, we might not find sufficient vent for these manufactures9’68 Swift likewise ‘In most parts of this kingdom the natives are from their infancy so given up to idleness and sloth, that they often choose to beg or steal, rather than support themselves with their own labour ’ He applauded those ‘pious persons’ who founded charity schools, ‘where are learnt (or should be) reading, writing and casting accounts ’ Again, ‘If these chanty children were trained up in the manner I mentioned, and then bound apprentices to families of|gentlemen and citizens [they] would learn in a month, more than another without those advantages can do in a year and when such children come to years of discretion, they will probably be a useful example to their fellow servants ’ ‘Therefore, in order to make these parish charity schools of great and universal use, I agree with the opinion of many wise persons, that a new turn should be given to this whole matter ,69 | Arthur Dobbs saw the usefulness of charity schools, (especially annexed to work houses), suggesting that if the children were at their books (reading, writing, and pnnciples of the Christian religion) for two hours a day, and the girls spent the rest of their time knitting and spinning, and the boys at gardening and husbandry, ‘this would employ the time of many children



profitably to the public, who are now bred up to idleness or attending of cattle ’70 Berkeley, Swift and Dobbs were founder members of the Incorporated Society, Dobbs also being (with Boulter) a founder of the Dublin Society which is, naturally enough, regarded as the main source of encouragement to the improving landlord (or tenant) in early eighteenth century Ireland Indeed both societies had members m common But many supporters of the Incorporated Society were also engaged in another, older, important economic enterprise as trustees of the Linen Board, founded in 1711 71 The growing of flax and the spinning of yarn were regarded by the Incor porated Society as vital parts of its curriculum, and therefore the charter schools held a particular interest for the Linen Board 72 The ambitions of Board and Society converged, the former seeking through grants of seeds and equipment (and sometimes by the setting up of its own spinning schools — Ireland’s first technical schools) to promote the cultivation of flax throughout the country and the increase of Ireland’s linen trade, the Society acknowledging the contribution that such activity could make to the economy of its schools, and indeed to its overall purpose Furthermore, when a ‘gentleman of estate’, read in a Dublin Society pamphlet of 1732 that ‘it is manifestly the interest of every gentleman of estate in this kingdom to furnish all the poor people living on their estates with spinning wheels and flax’,73 and read the publications of the Incorporated Society, many arguments in favour of his settmg up a charity or charter school were brought before him Maria Edgeworth gives an account of Lady Skinflint of Castle Rackrent, describing her as being ‘very charitable m her own way She had a chanty school for poor children, where they were taught to read and wnte gratis, and where they were kept well to spinning gratis for my lady in return * Furthermore, she got her looms free from the Linen Board 74 ^ The Incorporated Society sought to capitalise on the shortage of reliable servants by drawmg attention to the fact that the schools would be ‘a fit nursery for servants and other persons proper to fill the offices of low life ’ Such an undertaking may also have served as assurance that the Society had no intention of educating the poor beyond what the useful performance of their station m life required 75 The economic structure devised for the schools is nowhere better summarised than in the Report from the Commissioners o f the Board o f Education in Ireland, 1809-12 76 In fixing on the sites of these and their other schools in general, the Society appears to have been determined partly by the presumed necessity



for them in very popish districts, and partly by the offers of protestant landowners to endow them with lands, not only for building on, but for the maintenance and support of the schools, and to afford opportunities for instructing and exercising the boys in agriculture and gardening and the lands annexed to each school are held under the Society by the masters at an advanced rent, but usually far below the rea value, so as to form a considerable part of their income 77 As we have seen, the earl of Kildare provided the prototype school, so to speak, at Castledermot But Primate Boulter, as befitted a man who held a leading position on the Linen Board,78 Dublin Society 79 and Incorporated Society, gave due emphasis to the practical side of the school he himself established at Santry, (Co Dublin) A house was provided there at Boulter’s expense for forty boys, and the school is described as ‘a nursery for flax dressers, who may from time to time be distributed throughout the kingdom, to propagate the knowledge of that particular branch ’ In addition to the school proper, there were to be two outbuildings, one a flax store and the other to house drying ovens The land at Santry, we are told, was walled in and canals made for steeping the flax, of which there have been twelve acres sown, ‘the produce of which is sent to the work house to be manuf actured for the use of the Society ,8° | The extension of the Incorporated Society’s work was slow, but sure, for a decade, and progress can be charted by reference to the regularly published Reports o f Proceedings, and to some extent, from the trans­ actions of the corresponding Society in London That particular body, whose early minutes survive, was plentifully furnished | with progress reports from Dublin, and frequently felt impelled, as we shall see, to air its own views on how the business of the Society should | be conducted After all, as again we shall see, the English contributions formed a far from negligible part of the Incorporated Society’s Income | The Reports, with their accounts of schools erected, erecting and pro­ posed, suggest a highly anachronistic comparison with aircraft stacked for landing above a somewhat inadequate airport The summary of the Society’s first full year of activity shows the ente/pnse getting under ¡way, with /our schools opened and one pending 81 _But the following three years saw but one more school opened, four under construction, and a|waiting list of fourteen proposals put to the Society, half of them approved, but not as yet proceeded with 82 One year more, bringing us to March 1738/3982 shows nine schools established, five under way, (four of which had been among those ‘pending’ a year earlier), with a further fourteen suggested sites, two of which were due for immediate building when the Society had



had sufficient funds By mid 1741 a balance had been struck between schools founded and schools proposed fifteen open, three in building, and twelve under consid eration84 and by 174385 the transformation is complete the Society presiding over sixteen schools, constructing (or financing the construction of) four more, and with only two proposals before it Yet the clearance of back log gave little cause for satisfaction Many projects had been abandoned, for one reason or another, and the Society (much in debt to its Treasurer) was hoping on the one hand for more proposals, and at the same time for financial support to realise them We have, however briefly, already described the Society’s first school at Castledermot Minola, Co Mayo, came next86 the school being founded by the brothers George and John Brown who, with the help of the Lmen Board, had settled a colony of northern protestants on their estate The hopes of the Society that these settlers would impart both their craftsman ship and their religious outlook to the children were strengthened by the fact, duly reported, that ‘two of the girls who were enticed away by their popish relations took the first opportunity of returning voluntarily to their school’, and that, on the economic side, 320 yards of linen and woollen yarn were spun by the children in 1740, which was sufficient to clothe them By that time the first apprentices were being put out, and there were good reports of those servmg their time in F oxford Qm Shannon Grove gave the Society particular satisfaction Ten boys and ten girls formed the school, ‘so well managed by the Local Committee’ that for the whole of 1736 it formed no charge on the Society’s funds food was produced on the land, and seventy one yards of linen were pre pared for weaving When the boys were not working at the school, the landlord — William Bury — employed them himself at the rate of two pence a day, which went to the school The schools are significantly few in the province of Ulster, this was not an area where protestantism was felt to be at risk, nor did flax and lmen need boostmg there by the Linen Board One of the earliest foundations, however, was at Ballynahinch, described by Harris in his Ancient and present state o f the county o f Down (1744)88 as having ‘twenty popish children of both sexes’, many having already gone out of this school mto the families of protestant farmers and lmen weavers A significant point mentioned by Harris is that some of the children had been transplanted to Ballynahinch, for this introduces an aspect of the Society’s policy to which it attached great importance that of transplanting children to schools far from their homes In a letter to its London corres pondents,89 the Society wrote as follows from Dublin



The transplanting of children in order to put them quite out of the influence of their popish relations has been loudly and justly demanded by the gentlemen of this kingdom, and the Society saw the necessity of it from the beginning, but could not in prudence attempt it upon the first opening of the charter for fear it might discourage parents from giving up their children to the disposal of the Society, for the priests would not have failed to represent this as a sort of kidnapping, and that they would never hear more of their children, but since they have learnt that children are safe, and kindly treated those apprehensions are reversed Now a beginning has been made, first putting children initially into schools remote from their homes - ‘as from Dublin and places adjacent to it to Castlecaulfield, Ballycastle and other distant schools ’ Later still, the Society’s ‘nurseries’ at Monasterevan and Shannon Grove, among other places, would act as clearing houses for this grim traffic that from the start raised scruples, at least among English supported We may see the policy of transplant at work in the growth of the school at Creggan, Co Armagh Opened on Tuesday 13 September 1737 ‘in the presence of several protestant gentlemen of that neighbourhood’90 and m an area remembered for popish cruelties in 1641, the school housed thirty two pupils whose homes were in Dublin, Meath, Down, Antrim parts of Munster and ‘the remote parts of the county of Armagh ,91 The Society reported that local children would be sent to other Jschools, and that ‘the prejudices of the popish parents against the charter scheme are wearing off, and they begin to think much better of it, though the priests are as busy as ever * | The number of schools grew, and the reports make clear the Society’s hopes for them, and if, perhaps, optimistic, they give some indication of what was happening, and from them we piece together the picture The Reverend John Corry gives an acre and builds the school at Newtown Corry at his own expense, but furniture and clothing are sent down from Dublin by the Society 92 The Right Hon and Reverend Lord Blayny, proposing a school at Castleblayny, offers sixteen acres rent free in perpet uity, and hopes (in vain) to raise the cost of erection by local subscription 93 Robert Oliver, sovereign (chief magistrate) of the borough of Kilmallock94 erects ‘a complete charter school* on land given by the corporation Stratford Eyre of the powerful Galway family, builds a school m accordance with the Society’s specifications at Kiltoran, a parish that has only four protestant families, an ash plantation has been set, and the Linen Board grants a spinning school and twenty eight bushels of flax for one year’s use 95



Successful schools were, of course, the Society’s best advertisement, and were used as such both by the Committee of Fifteen in Dublin, and by the Corresponding Society in London The latter, in particular, inserted frequent accounts of the best schools in the London press 96 The result of all exertions on both sides of the Irish Sea was that by 1748 the Society had thirty schools operating, almost 900 children in them, and claimed to have put over 500 out to apprenticeship 97 In a sense, that year marks the end of a phase m the life of the Society, from then on it was in receipt of substantial sums of public money voted by the Irish parliament The Society’s financial position was a constant source of anxiety to its leaders No account books for the early period survive, but an abstract of accounts covering 1733/34 to 1737/38 highlights one feature of the financial picture discernible from such scraps of evidence as we possess that there was considerable dependence on English support 98 In fact, contributions and annual subscriptions from English sources totalled £3,352, as compared with half that sum collected at home Admittedly, the Society was receiving valuable gifts of land for schools from Irish proprietors, and appears to have been reconciled to this state of dependence One annual report99 stressed that the different circumstances of the two kingdoms obliged the Society to place its chief reliance on England, and credited the Corresponding Society with enabling Dublin to make ‘no small progress ’ This was no more than London’s due, considering that, according to a later report, the Society had by late 1748 received £28,000 from England 100 Suggestions of other sources of supply were from time to time mooted by the Corresponding Society, and in due course approached As early as 1737, the London members were debating whether or not the time had come to seek royal support,101 and following the customary soundings and address, the King, in 1739, gave £1,000 as royal bounty, and a further £1,000 ‘as an established annuity ,102 Again, from 1739 at latest, the London members were suggestmg to the society that parliamentary aid be sought,103 but the committee of fifteen seems to have wanted to establish a reasonable record of voluntary effort before seeking further official support This they felt to be the case by 1745, in which year the Irish parliament was petitioned for help, and m 1747 the Society was granted an income (averaging £1,150 per annum) derived from the licensing of hawkers and pedlars 104 This was but the modest beginning of help from the legislature that was to average £3,500 per annum m the first decade, £8,820 in the next,105 and, looking far mto the future, would justify the assertion that by 1824, (when the financial position of the Incorporated Society was investigated by parliament), over half a million pounds of public money had been received 106



By that time, the work of the Society had been subjected to close scrutiny by several committees of enquiry — a scrutiny that revealed the appalling abuses on which the Lecky judgement was based But in its initial decade or so, the picture was not so grim or if, to modem eyes, grim enough, it must be remembered that eighteenth century attitudes to poverty were harsh, and that children were treated no better than adults Nor should we lose sight of the fact that Protestant attitudes to the Catholic Church, derived not only from fears of Jacobitism and the overthrow of the Williamite settlement, but also (and this was especially true of those clergy who were SPCK supporters), from a view of Rome seen through the eyes of protestant refugees from the continent The very letter in which Boulter acknowledged SPCK’s good offices on behalf of the Charter also asked for information about the plight of the Saltzburgers 108 Many of the concepts underlying the ‘grand design’ were not original, nor was the idea of working schools with a religious motive However, the Incorporated Society did introduce the boardmg aspect, endeavoured to effect a central administration on a totally new scale, and, perhaps most remarkable of all, obtained ‘the first parliamentary grant to elementary education in the history of the United Kingdom ,109 In some ways, these innovations were the Society’s undoing It is scarcely to be expected that the great cruelties and other abuses that arose in the later eighteenth century would have been so enormous in day schools —less opportunity and parental contact bemg allowed for Nor would things have got so bad (though we must not forget our Dickens) had not responsibility rested with a remote Dublin committee, unable rather than unwilling to give proper supervision Even the state funding was a danger! making the Society less sensitive than if it had had to depend on voluntary support alone Indeed voluntary support became a small part of its income These schools have a significance in many directions But |a particularly interesting one is the evidence they provide to show that within years of being entered on the state book, the penal laws were seen as merely a negative approach to Roman Catholicism, offering little! promise of conversion, and that conversion was desirable Little as such a sentiment may appeal to modern taste, it is important to establish that the attitudes of the Established Church of the day, though desirous of eliminating popery, wished to give people something in its place Thisj is important because of the present day tendency to regard the penal period as one wholly concerned with the preservation of political and economic ascendancy | William Harris, writing in 1744, commending the Charter schools, referred to ‘penal and coercive laws, which m their nature are odious ,110



More authoritatively, the Incorporated Society, in 1748, spoke of achieving its ends ‘not by force or terror, not by penal laws and prosecutions which can only make hypocrites, but by the innocent and gentle means of enlightening and instructing the ignorant mmds of children in the pure truths of the gospel ,1U But however high the hopes of the founders, the charter schools were to come to grief on the very rock that so frequently figured m the chanty sermons the frailty of human nature FOOTNOTES 1 W E H Lecky A history o f Ireland in the eighteenth century, (London 1913) i, 235 (On p 233 Lecky attributes the origins of the schools to Marsh bishop of Clogher’ This is m mistake for Maule, successively bishop of Cloyne and Dromore) 2 He had his critics at Oxford One of them, a canon of Christ Church, wrote in a letter full of college gossip in 1722, ‘ our governor is as weary o f us as we can be of him and that he will leave us as soon as ever he can’ (H M C Portland vu 321 (Stratford to Edward Harley) Apparently one cleric took as a text for a sermon preached before Boulter T h e devil is come down unto you having great wrath because he knoweth that his time is but short’ (Ibid 386, misquoting Revelation XII 12) 3 A sermon preached at the visitation o f the clergy, held at Kingston upon Thames, by Hugh Boulter D D , Rector o f St Olaves Southwark (London 1714) pp 20 21 4 Ibid, p 23 5 Basil Willey The seventeenth century background, p 258 Pelican, 1972 6 e g The charge given by Hugh, Lord Archbishop o f Armagh and Pnmate

o f all Ireland at the triennial visitation o f the clergy o f his province begun at Trim June 30 1730 (Dublin 1730) 7 Lecky, 1 188 8 (Dublin, 1723) 9 Ibid p 4 10 Ibid p 6 11 Ibid p 3 12 SPCK London ALB Vol 15, 10604, Lord bishop of Cloyne 13 January, 1729 13 Typescript copy of notes made by Bishop Tenison showing his itinerary during 1731 and 1732 visitations Indexed, PROI M 2462 and Representative Church Body Library [In Aghavo he found the English school master teaching the rudiments of Latin ‘which must not be allowed’, (35)1 14 Lords Jn Ire (Dublin 1779), III 169 ff 6 December 1731 (Pnnted in Archivium Hibermcum, 1 (1912) p 10) 15 Ibid p 200 16 H M C 63 Egmont Diary 1 262 17 The best modern account of government activity in education before the eighteenth century is in A ken son, The Irish Education experiment, (London, 1970) There is also of course much about them m the nineteenth century official reports

18 See M G Jones, The chanty school movement (London 1938 New impression 1964) SPCK’s superbly kept records constitute a major source for this



present study and I am deeply grateful for much assistance given by the Society’s archivist and librarian Mr Arthur E-Barker 19 Pp 112 113 20 William Boyd The history o f western education (9th ed revised King 1969) p 281 | 21 A method o f charity schools recommended for giving both a religious education and a way o f livelihood to the poor children in Ireland Dublin 1712 (copy in library of Lough Fea Carrickmacross) | 22 Bodleian Library Oxford Rawlinson Mss d 743 f 72 The letter is undated, but it refers to the setting up o f his own school (presumably Primrose Grange) ‘4 or 5 years ago and from the above mentioned pamphlet we can deduce that Primrose Grange was started in 1709 or 1710 | 2 3 / 4 method o f chanty schools, p 41 Some records of Primrose Grange in the first years of the nineteenth century survive and it would appear from them that theory (as set out in Nicholson s pamphlet) and practice (as recorded in the school books) were reasonably consonant 24 SPCK Mss ALB Vol 7 4904 Henry Maule at Cork in Ireland to Mr Jennings 25 The annual charity sermon was a feature of parochial life in London and Dublin and was a valuable source of income for the schools 26 SPCK Mss ALB, Vol 8 5414 H M to Mr Shute 19 October, 1717 27 Ibid 28 SPCK Mss ALB Vol 8, 5445 H M to Brigadier Stearne Stearne was one of SPCK s corresponding members in Ireland 29 SPCK Mss ALB Vol 9 6076 Dr John Travers at St John s Vestry in Dublin (where the society held its meetings) 25 July, 1719 30 A letter from a residing member o f the society in Dublin for promoting chanty schools in Ireland to a corresponding member m the country (Dublin 1721) p 4 31 Ibid p 9 32 Ibid p 13

33 Proceedings o f the society for promoting chanty schools, Dublin St Andrew s Vestry, December, 1725 (Marsh s Lib Z 1 13 Date entered in ink 3pp ) 34 Ibid 35 Ibid 36 An abstract o f the proceedings o f the Incorporated Society, 6 February, 1733 to 25 March, 1737, London 1737, p 15 | 37 Diurm superior« domus Convocation« Vol 1, 1703-08 Vjol 11, 1708 13 Registry of the archbishop of Armagh 10 June 1709 38 A bnef account o f the laws now in force in the kingdom o f Ireland for encouraging the residence o f the clergy and erecting o f English schools pp 30 31 39 Bodleian Library, Rawlmson Mss d 839 Papers of Henry| Newman f 7 40 Boulter and Gibson were friends and indeed Boulter had preached at Gibson’s consecration to the see of Lincoln in 1716 N Sykes suggests ( Wake 11 p 232) that the archbishop of Armagh tended to write to London rather than Canterbury being somewhat suspicious of Wake on account of his constant correspondence with Archbishop King of Dublin and other Irish born prelates in whose devotion to the English interest Boulter placed b ut qualified trust 41 Letters wntten by his excellency Hugh Boulter, D D , Lord Pnmate o f all Ireland to several ministers o f state in England and some others Dublin 1770 Letter of 11 January, 1727


42 Letter of 5 May, 1730 to Bishop of London


See Jones, The Charity School

Movement, Chap VI 43 Letter of 5 May, 1730 44 SPCK ALB Vol 15,10604 45 Ibid 46 Dublin 1730, Printed in extenso m Jones, Charity School Movement pp 233 35 47 2nd edition (1778 93) 111 432 (The signatories were the Primate the Lord Chancellor the archbishops of Dublin Cashel and Tuam six earls five viscounts twelve bishops six barons and over a hundred beneficed clergy and gentlemen) 48 SPCK, ALB, Vol 15,10763 49 It has to be remembered that until1752 the new year began with 25 March 50 SPCK, CS 2, Vol 21, p 37 51 Ibid, p 52 52 CS 2 Vol 22 p 44 53 Ibid p 51 54 Ibid, Vol 23 p 4 55 Ibid Vol 24, p 2 56 SPCK, ALB, Vol 16, 11615 57 CS 2 Vol 25 pp 56 57 58 Ibid pp 68-69 59 CS 2 Vol 27 p 37 60 An abstract o f the proceedingso f theIncorporated Society inDublin for

promoting English protestant schools in Ireland from the opening o f His Majesty s royal charter on the 6 day o f February 1733 to the 25 day o f March 1737 (London 1737 Reprinted from the Dublin edition) 61 An account o f the proceedings o f the Incorporated Society in Dublin for

promoting English protestant schools in Ireland, from February 1733 to 6 March following (Dublin 1734) 62 Ibid 63 Abstract o f Proceedings 1733 to 1737, pp 16 22 64 SPCK ALB, Vol 17, 12587 6 5 - 4 « abstract o f the proceedings o f the Incorporated Society, 6 February, 1733 to 25 March 1737 pp 7 8 66 Draped with a scroll bearing the words Paupenbus Evangelium’ and open at Matt XI 5

67 An abstract o f the proceedings o f the Incorporated Society, 6 February 1733 to 25March, 1737 (original italics) p 5 68 Berkeley, The Querist, containing several queries proposed to the consideration o f the public Dublin 1725, p 18 69 The prose works o f Jonathan Swift D D ,ed Temple Scott Vol IV (1898) pp 211 21 A sermon (undated) on the causes of the interesting condition o f Ireland 70 An essay on the trade o f Ireland, Part II, (Dublin 1731), pp 53 54 71 More correctly 'The board o f trustees of the Linen and hempen manufacture m Ireland’ In a Letter from a residing member o f the Incorporated Society (1733) the hope is expressed that it will be easy to find employment for charter school child ren because several trustees of the Linen Board are commissioners to act on the excution of the charter 72 The incorporated Society’s London members were informed that the flax trustees (Linen Board) by supplying the schools with seed wheels, reels, hackles and



looms saved the Society s funds It was gauged that two barrels o f flax seed was sufficient for two plantation acres this providing full employment for a school (Corresponding Society minutes, recording letter of May 1740 from Dublin) 73 The advantages which may arise to the people o f Ireland by raising o f flax

and flax seed considered Drawn up and published by the direction o f the Dublin Society Dublin 1732 p 10 74 Everyman edition 1910, reprinted 1972 p 7 75 Printed circular of 30 May 1734 signed John Hansard (m ink) soliciting corresponding members | 76 Pt III The Protestant Charter Schools pp 16 ff with Appendices 77 Ibid, p 17 |

78 Precedents and abstracts fromthe journals o f the trustees o f the linen and hempen manufacture o f Ireland to 25 March 1737 Dublin1784 (He wasinstrumental in establishing a cambric factory under the Huguenot de Joncourts at Dundalk in his own diocese) j 79 Boulter was named vice president of the Dublin Society in a list of 1733 members Berry, H , History o f the Royal Dublin Society (Dublin 1915) p 24 80 A continuation o f the proceedings o f the Incorporated Society 25 March 1740 to 25 March 1742 pp 4 18 | 81 A brief account o f the proceedings o f the Incorporated Society Published by order o f the Society (L o n d o n ,1735) | 82 An abstract o f the proceedings o f the Incroporated Society 6 February 1733 to 25 March 1737 (London 1737) 83 Proceedings o f the Incorporated Society 25 March 1737 to 25 March 1738 (Dublin 1738) 84 A continuation o f the proceedings o f the Incorporated Society 25 March 1738 to 25 March 1740, (Dublin 1740) | 85 A continuation o f the proceedings o f the Incorporated Society 25 March 1740 to 25 March 1742, (Dublin 1742) 86 Proceedings 1733 37, 1737 38, 1740-42 87 Proceedings, 1733 37 1740*42 88 p 77 ff 89 Corresponding Society London, Minute Book 1735-1743 Entry 14 March 1740 Rome was, needless to say made highly apprehensive by the| reports received there on the activities of the Societas incorporata Dublinu pro promovendis schohs Anglo Protestanticis m Hibernia, and Irish bishops and priests were instructed to warn parents of the grave sin of sending their children to Protestant schools But the Vatican felt powerless to do much more than encourage the secular and religious clergy to provide alternative education (‘Scribhinni t gCartlann an Vatican le MacFhinn in Analecta Hibemica, 16, (March 1946), p 174) 90 Faulkner's Journal 1179 29 October to 1 November 1737 (PRONI T 2045/1)

91 Proceedings 17371738 92 Proceedings 1738 1740 93 Proceedings 1738 1740 94 Proceedings 17371738

This is only one example o f a municipal patron

Waterford was another

95 (Ibid) 96 Minute Book, e g 4 July 1739 advertisements to be put in Daily Advertiser and London Evening Post about five new protestant working schools to be erected



in Ireland (The working aspect was much stressed in England and the Corresponding Society liked to see the word used of the schools Minute of 4 October 1738) 97 A brief review o f the nse and progress o f the Incorporated Society, 6 February 1733 to 2 November 1748 (Dublin 1748) 98 A n abstract o f the proceedings o f the Incorporated Society 6 February 1733 to 25 March 1737, p 27 99 Proceedings 1738 1740 p 5-6 100 A brief review o f the nse and progress o f the Incorporated Society, 6 February 1733 to 2 November 1748 Dublin 1748 p 41 101 Corresponding Society minutes, 18 May 1737 102 Cat Treas Books and Papers IV (1739-41), p 17 Warrant of 27 March 1739 (50) 103 Corresponding Society minutes 104 19 Geo II c 5 and 21 Geo II c 3 105 Report from the commissioners o f the Board o f Education in Ireland 1809 1812 The Protestant Charter Schools, pp 16 17 106 M G Jones, Chanty School Movement, p 238 107 Supra p 2 108 SPCK ALB Vol 17 12176 Letter of 12 May 1733 109 Jones Chanty School Movement, p 238 110 W Hams The ancient and present state o f the countv o f Down (1744) p 17 18 111 A bnef review o f the nse and progress o f the Incorporated Society, 6 February 1733 to 2 November 1748 pp 9 10