Lord Curzon in India: 1898-1903 (1903) - DigitalCommons

Lord Curzon in India: 1898-1903 (1903) - DigitalCommons

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[email protected] of Nebraska - Lincoln Digitized Afghanistan Materials in English from the Arthur Paul Afghanistan Collection

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3-17-2011

Lord Curzon in India: 1898-1903 (1903) H. Caldwell Lipsett

Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/afghanenglish Part of the Asian Studies Commons Lipsett, H. Caldwell, "Lord Curzon in India: 1898-1903 (1903)" (2011). Digitized Afghanistan Materials in English from the Arthur Paul Afghanistan Collection. 260. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/afghanenglish/260

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L S Y

'I.CALDWELLLIPSETT

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With an Appendix containing Lord Curaon's Speech justifying the Delhi Durbar.

Zonbon R. A. EVERETT & CO. 42 ESSEX STREET, STRAND, W.C. 1903 [All rights resewed.]

,

CONTENTS

THENEW FRONTIER PROV~NCE . v. FAMINE ADMINISTRATION .

IV.

VI. IRRIGATION VII.

AND

RAILWAYS .

BRITISHRULE I N INDIA .

ILLUSTRATIONS H.E.

THE

RIGHTHONOURABLE LORDCURZON

WAITINGFOR DEATH (a Scene in a Native State),

.

.

fan>zg 54

Lord Curzon in India CHAPTER I

LORD CURZONof Icedleston is at once one of the youngest and most succeasful Viceroys that ever guided the destinies of our Indian Empire. His selection for so high an ofice a t the early age of thirty-nine was a universal surprise. Lord Dalhousie, who assumed the same post at the age of thirty-six, was his only predecessor of fewer years.

But Lord Curzon

has amply vindicated the claims of youth to be the time of courage and initiative, of high ideals and strenuous performance; and now a t the end of the first four out of his five years' A

#

LORD CURZON I N INDIA

2

term of office he has won for himself t h e reputation of an able ancl conscientious administrator second to none in the Empire. The great Coronation Durbar at Delhi, which is t o be held on January lst, which Ihe Duke 1

of Connaught attends as the represeniative of the

Royal

Family,

which

has

attracted

a

considerable portion of the English aristocracy to India, and a t which Lord Ritchener will hold a

review of

I

the Indian army as its

I

Commander-in-Chief, has &awn the eyes of the Empire to India a t the present moment, and has thrown a blaze of light on the good work

I

which its Viceroy has been quietly doing for

1

years past.

Unless some entirely unforeseen

occurrence arises, the present ceremony must prove the culmination and the crowning moment of Lord Curzon's Indian career. His remaining

1

year ol office can only be spent in winding up the threads which have already been prepared. Therefore a better opportunity than the present

I

LORD CURZON'S AlMS

3

Lord Curzon, as is well-known, passed through searching preparation for his present post, and one that was apparently designed in especial n

for that particular end. Though a coniparative stripling, he was not ncw either to office or to the East when he took over the rulership of the 300 millions of our Indian Empire. The son of Lord Scarsdale, the Vicar of Kedleston, Derbyshire, he passed through a brilliant career a t Eton and Balliol. To a first in Mods, he added the Lothian ttnd Arnold prize essays, and eventually a Fellowship a t All Souls. The office of President of the Union prepared him for his later labours in the House of Commons.

On leaving the University he went in for a n extensive course of Eastern travel, i n the course of which he visited Central Asia, Persia, Afghanistan, the Pamirs, Siam, Indo-China and Korea. His knowledge of several of these countries has since been of use to him i n his official position. His Erst publication, Russia in. C~ntraZAsia, was produced in 1889. I n the autumn of the same year he went to Persia as

4

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

Special Correspondent to the Ti'ilnxes, and three years later issued his monumental work upon that country. While in Persia lie formed strong opinions on the Persian Gulf problem and the question of railways

in

Persia, which have

sensibly affected the foreign policy of India during the past few years. In addition to Nasr-ed-Din, the late Shah of Persia, Lord Curzon also became personally known to Abdur Rahman, the late Amir of Afghanistaa, who gave the following interest-

ing pen - picture of his visitor in his autobiography :-

"

I received a letter from the Right Eonourable Mr George Curzon (now Lord Curzon), saying that as he was travelling towards Chitral and the Pamirs, and was anxious to make my acquaintance, he would wait for my permission t o come and see me. I accordingly invited him, and he was my guest at Kabul for 8 few days. Several friendly conversations took place between us, for though he did not understand Persian, and I did not understand English, we were able to communicate through Mir Munshi * The Life of Abdzc~Rahman. London : John Murray.

LORD CURZON'S AIMS

5

(tho private secretary). From these conversations he appeared to be a very genial, hardworking, well - informed, experienced, and ambitious young man. He was witty and full of humour, and we often laughed a t his amusing stories. Though Mr Curzon's visit was a private and friendly one, and not in any way in an official capacity, yet still we touched upon and discussed all the important affairs of my Govornment. The specid topics of conversation were as to the north-west frontier of Afghanistan, and as to my successor to the throne." The long-expected crisis of this very succession occurred during Lord Curzon's term of office as Viceroy. While these travels were yet unfinished, Lord Curzon entered Parliament, winning his first seat, that of the Southport division of Lanoashire, from the Liberals, and holding it for twelve years.

Upon his resignation the Liberals again

acquired it. I n the House he rapidly made his mark,

becoming

in

turn

Assistant

Private

Secretary to Lord Salisbury, Under Secretary of State for India, and Under Secretary of State

6

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

for Foreign Affairs. In the last two posts h e acquired an invaluable familiarity with

the

affairs of India, and the international politics of Europe. His parliamentary reputation is still fresh in men's minds. His ability was univerrtally recognised, while his somewhat superior manner made him enemies, as i t has since done in India. The surprise occasioned by his appointment as Viceroy was as much due t o the interruption of a promising career in home politics as to Lord Curzon's youth and lack of administrative experience. But it is safe to say that this fresh departure was as fortunate an experiment for Lord Curzon himself as for the Empire a t large. He proved himself the man for the post at an anxious time in our national affairs, and by so doing increased his reputation more even than if he had remained at the centre of attention a t home. Thus forged into e fine weapon by his experiences, Lord Curzon entered upon the charge of our Indian Empire. He took up tho task with a full recognition of his responsibilities, of the

LORD CURZON'S AIMS

7

greatness of his ciuties, and of his opportunities, At the dinner given to him by his old Etonian schoolfellows before he left London, he quoted the words of Carlyle :-

" I have sometimes thought what a thing it would be could the Queen in Council pick out some gallant-minded, stout Cadet, and say to him, ' Young fellow, if there do lie in you potentialities of governing, of gradually guiding, leading, and coercing to a noble goal, how sad it is thcy should be all lost. See, I have scores on scores of colonies. One of these you shall have as viceking. Go you and buckle with it in the name of Heaven, and let us see what you will build i t to.' " Lord

Curzon has had the opportunity of

Carlyle's imaginary Cadet, and has used it to show that he had in him the potentialities of governing, and that it would indeed have been a pity had those potentialities been wasted. But to this forecast of his own career Lord Curzon added a picture of what the iciectl Viceroy should be.

8

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

" What then (he asked) is the conception of his duty that an out-going Viceroy should set before himself? I have no new 07: sta~tlingdefinition to give, but the light in which it presents itself, to m y mind, is this. I t is his duty, first and foremost, to represent the authority of the QueenEmpress, whose name, revered more than the name of any other living sovereign by all races and classes from Cape Comorin to the Himalayas, is in India both a bond of union and the symbol of power; and to associate with the personal attribntes that cling about that name the conviction that the justice of her Government is inflexible, that its honour is stainless, and that its mercy is in proportion t o its strength. Secondly, he should try to remember that all those people are not the sons of our own race, or creed, or clime, and that i t is only by regard for their feelings, by respect for their prejudices-I will even go so far as to say by deference to their scruples-that we can obtain the acquiescence as well as the submission of the governed. Thirdly, his duty is to recognise that, though relatively far advanced in the scale of civilisation compared with the time of Lord WeIlesley, or even Lord Canning, India is still but ilI-equipped with the national and industrial and educational resources which are so necessary to her career, and so to

LORD CURZON'S AIMS

9

work that she may by slow but sure degrees expand to the full measure of her growth. And lastly, i t is to preserve intact and secure, either from internal convulsion, or external inroad, the boundaries of that great and Imperial dominion." How has Lord Curzon realised this ideal of his own creation? He has upheld the dignity of the Sovereign with a perception of the effect which regal pomp has upon the Oriental imagination, that is exemplified by this very Durbar. For his consideration of the native population let a Hindu prince speak :"We have never (said this native magnate) had a Viceroy so anxious to learn the real wishes of the children of the soil, so scrupulous in giving a patient hearing to their grievances, so full of schemes for the development of t h e resources of the Empire, so firmly resolved to leave India, at the conclusion of his term of office, a better, 8 more contented, and a Inore prosperous land than he found it." Even allowing for the Oriental desire to please in these words, there is still left a large sub-

10

LORD CURZON I N lNDIA

stratum of truth. Famine has greatly handicapped India during the past four years; but Lord Curzon has done what in him lay to encourage and develop the resources of the country. Under the fourth and final head his work has been, perhaps, the most clifficult, though least obtrusive. Three years ago India was called upon to save South Africa for the Empire by sending the first reinforcement of 6000 men to Natal ; and almost ever since she has been upwards of 10,000 men short of her proper garrison. It is hardly too much to say that the single personality of Lord Curzon has supplied t h e place of those 1.0,000 British soldiers; that b y his mingled moderation and firmness he has prevented all manifestation of unrest within the boundaries of Hindustan, and so discounted the danger of affording a n y encouragement to our watchful enemies beyond its confines. Turning now t o the details of his government, in his second Budget speech, delivered i n March 1901, Lord Curzon gave a list of twelve important reforms, which i t had been his intention ever since

LORD CURZON'S AIMS

11

he came to India to carry into effect. The following is the complete list :(1.) A stable Frontier Policy.

(2.) The creation of the new Frontier Province. (3.) A Reform of the Transfer and Leave Rules in tlze Indian Civil Service. (4.) A diminution of Report Writing. (5.) A stabla Rate of Exchange in thc Currency System. (6.) The increase of Railways. (7.) The encouragement of irrigation. (8.) A cure for Agricultural Indebtednees. (9.) A reduction of the Telegraphic Rate between Indis and Europe. (10.) The preservation of Arch~ologicalRemains. (11.) Educational Reform. (12,) Police Reform. This list covers practically the whole field of Lord Curzon's activity, and i n the subsequent chapters of this book i t will be shown what he has done to carry O L I ~ these ideals also.

C H A P T E R I1 RUSSIA,

AFGHANISTAN AND PERSIA

INDIA is surrounded on three sides by the sea, and on the other by what Lord Rosebery has called a "cactus hedge" of mountains, It is one of the manifold duties of the Viceroy to see that this hedge is not pierced from outside b y the enemies of the Empire.

Incidentally also the hedge itself

occasionally requires trimming: I t s inhabitants, the independent tribes, though useful as a defence, are sometimes troublesome as neighbours. On the other aide of the hedge are four countries, Thibet, Asiatic Russia, Afghanistan and Persia, from only one of which, Russia of course, is an invasion of British India to be feared. Starting on tho extreme north-emt with the Thibetan border, invasion is practica;lly impossible from this quarter.

There have been rumours I2

RUSSIA, AFGHANISTAN AND PERSIA

13

lately of a Russian treaty with Thibct; but even if t h e whole country fell into the hands of Russia, that would not matter to us.

Thibet is a poor

country, commercially unprofitable, and the roads across the border are mere mountain tracks, difficult enough for t h e individual traveller and impossible for an army.

Similarly across Gl~e

Pamirs, near Gilgit, the only point at which Russian territory is actually conterminous with British, we have nothing to fear beyond the possibility of a few dribblets penetrating into Kashmir.

A t Chitral no menace to India itself is involved; but if we had not occupied that small State, Russia would have done so, and would thus have come in direct contact with the turbulent tribes upon our border, and havc been in a position to foment trouble among them. Afghanistan has hithcrto been regarded as the wcak spot in our defences. Every invasion of India from the north, known t o history, has come through Afghanistan and that gate of India, the Khyber Pass.

But the conditions of modern war-

fare have changed many things, and Afghanistan

14

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

should now be an easy country to defend.

Its inhabitants are fierce and fanatical, and before their resistance to a Russian advance was overcome, the British army would have time to choose the most favourable position t o meet the invader. According to modern military science our best position is the Kabul-Kandahar line. Kabul commands all the passes that debouch from the north, and it is only seventy miles from our outposts near Peshawar. Similarly Kandahar blocks the Russian line of advance from Kushk through Herat to Quetta, and is only seventy miles from our railway terminus a t New Charnan. The Russian railway terminus at Kushk is about the same distance from Herat. There are about 400 miles between Herat and Kandahar; thus

Russia would have little more than time t o seize Herat before we could occupy both Kabul and Kandahar and check her advance. It is practically certain that if Russia should ever invade Afghanistan the British army also would cross our border and advance to meet her. For political reasons we could not afford to wait inactive on

RUSSIA, AFGHANISTAN AND PERSIA

15

our frontier and risk a rising in the interior of India. But the Boer War has shown that modern arms of precision have so increased the advantages of the defending side that the 100,000 men we could pour across the border a t the threat of danger would be able to deal with any Russian army that survived the difficulties of commissariat and transport across the Afghan mountains. At the extreme western end of the line comes Persia, wl~ich has been gradually rising in international importance of recent years. From her present base in this direction Russia could not possibly attack India. In addition to the whole width of Persia there are 500

miles

of

Baluchistan

Russian frontier and Quetta.

between

the

But Russia's

4

policy of insidious but unresting advance is too familiar for us to rest easy upon that score. Recent history seems to show that she

is

now directing her attention to acquire complete control of Persia and its railways. With a line of

rail up to the Baluchistan border, the

grtmaries

of

Khurasan and

Seistan behind

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

her, and only the Baluch desert between her and Quetta, Russia would be in a very different

I

position to that which she at present occupies, and the physical features of the country lay

,

India more open to attack at this point than anywhere else along the whole line of our north-west frontier. Turning to the internal condition of the two countries which form "buffer States " between us and Russia, Lord Curzon's term of office has been signalised by the occurrence of an event in Afghanistan which had long been anticipated b y students of Central Asian politics as likely to provoko a crisis in the antagonism between

us and Russia. That was the death of Abdur Rahman, the strong but cruel ruler, whom we recognised as Amir when after the second Afghan War he showed himself able to hold the throne against all comers. So long as Abdur Rahman lived the policy of preserving Afghanistan in its entirety was both obvious and simple. The wily old Arnir was not entirely loyal to us. He was not averse to causing us annoyance

'

I

i

4,

,..

RUSSIA, AFGHANISTAN AND PERSIA

17

when he wished to display his own power, for instance by writing his book, the Talcwim-u&din. preaching a jehad against the infidels, or b y encouraging the Afridi mullahs to stir up the tribes against us.

But he was too good a

judgc of his own interests to intrigue deeply with Russia.

As his autobiography shows, he

knew very well that in the last result our interest is to preserve Afghanistan and Russia's is to dismember it. A weaker or less crafty ruler may not recognise that point so clearly. But that is not all. Afghanistan is a merc aggregation of provinces; i t is, like India, China, or

I

Asiatic Russia, rather a geographical tract of country inhabited by different and alien tribes than a homogeneous nation. Herat was only annexed to the Afghan kingdom in the last year of Dost Mshomed's life, Ballrh and the rest of Turkestan two or three years earlier, r,

Kandahar not long before that. The different provinces are only held together by the single thread

of

a

man's life,

"one man Power."

Afghanistan

is a

Consequently there was W

I8

LORD CURZON I N INDIA

the danger that, if Abdur R.ahman's successor did not prove as strong a man as himself, Kabul, Kaudahar, Ghazni, Herat, the

Hazareh high-

lands, those of the Aimaks and the Usbeg provinces along the Oxus might all fall to pieces and disintegrate.

Abdur Rahman waB

too w a ~ y and suspicious openly to appoint his successor during his own lifetime; but short of that he did all that he could t o secuye

the

succession

Babibullah Khan.

of

his

eldest

son,

During the lest years of

his life he gave Habibullah complete control of the domestic affairs of the kingdom, and chose him wives from all the most influential families in the country.

These measures proved un-

expectedly successful ; and though Habibullal~ is not a8 strong a man as his father, he has held the throne of Afghanistan now for a year, which is no mean feat. But as Abdur Rahman chose the moment to die when we were a t war in South Africa, and India was denuded of all available troops, we may be sure that Lord Cnrzon had soms anxious moments.

RUSSIA, AFGHANISTAN A N D PERSIA

I

iI

I*I

i

rg

It is only within the last month we have learnt that Russia took the hitherto unexampled step of applying to the British Government to be allowed to enter into direct relations with Afghanistan. The request, it is true, was confined to " frontier' matters," and Lord Cranborne, in his reply, as stated in the House of Commons on October 21st last, strictly limited the possibility of intercourse to such questions as must frequently arise between two couutries who have a conterminous border. Regarded on the surface this is a natural request, and might be taken as n corollary to tho Russo-Afghan Boundary Commission. But on the Continent it is generally regarded as a veiled demand for a representative at Kabul. Now we ourselves have not a representative a t Kabul, merely an unaccredited native agent, and we certainly cannot allow to Russia a concession we have not asked for ourselves. Besides, i t was this very subject of British versus Russian representatives at Kabul that gave rise to the second Afghan War. It was because Shere Ali received a Russian mission under General Stoleteff, and

20

i

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

immediately afterwards refused to allow a British mission under Sir Neville Chamberlain and Sir Louis Cavagnari to pass through the Khyber, that Lord Lytton commenced military operations against him. Moreover, the moment chosen by Russia to malco the demand was most significant. Lord Cranborne stated in the House, on October

i

29th, that tho Russian note was dated February 6th, 1900. Let us just consider the condition of affairs in South Africa at that moment.

I

I

Ladysmith was being besieged. Our defeat a t Spion Kop had occurred only a fortnight before on January 24th, and it was not till a week later, on February 13th, that Lord Roberts began his turning movement on the Modder River. Three weeks after the receipt of the Russian note, Cronje was captured, Ladysmith was relieved, the tide of war had turned in our favour, and Russia had missed her opportunity.

But the choice of such a moment to

make such a clemand showed a very obvious desire to profit by our embarrassments.

.

1

I

RUSSIA, AFGHANISTAN AND PERSIA

21

Persia is in much the same distracted state as Afghanistan. Like Abdur Rahraan, the late Shah,

i i 1

I

Nasr-ed-Din, was a strong and far-sighted ruler. He knew better than to allow Russian influence to obtain a hold upon his country ; but the present Shah, Muzaffar-ed-din is a weak and self-indulgent monarch, who in order to obtain the funds to enjoy himself in Europe has tied his country to the chariot wheels of the Tsar. This he did by means of the Russian Lonn of 1900, which is secured upon the Persian customs, and so makes Russia's trade interests paramount in Persia. This is the picture which the latest traveller in Persia draws of "the Russian Octopus."*

F

I I

'' No railway can a t this moment be constructed in Persia; the new Custo~qsTariff cannot be completed or passed into law until approved by Russia ; turnpike tolls-by no means scarce-are all in the hands of Russia; no vehicle can enter Kasvin (on the high road from Europe and the Caspian Sea) without paying toll to a Russian company; the entire country between Julfa (on the Russian eastelm frontier) and Tabriz-a distance of 200 * T f ~Struggle c for Pevsia, by Donald Stuart (Methuen).

22

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

miles-and between Tabriz and Teheran-a distance of 400 miles-has quite recently been surveyed by Russian officials with the ostensible purpose of making roads ; the entire route between Resht and Anzali, on the Caspian Sea (and the direct road from Europe to Teheran), is in the hands of Russian companies, both as regards post-carts and poststations; the Shah cannot purchase a rifle without the approval of the resident Cossack General, and as to raising money by a foreign loan or by the granting of concessions for mining or any other purpose known to free agents, it is simply prohibited in accordance with a bushel of protocols, treaties and conventions between the two high contracting powers."

I

I

I i

i

I

i

In short, Persia is at this moment in everything but name a Buspian province. During his term of office, Lord Curzon has done his best to encourage British-hdiun trade with Persia. He has opened up the Quetta-Seistan trade route, even to the point of extending the railway seventy miles along it from Quetta to Nushki, and he has appointed Captain Chenevix Trench to watch British interests as Resident in the southern province of Persia, which most concerns us.

But against the in-

I

RUSSIA, AFGHANISTAN AND PERSIA

23

fluence of the Russian loan Lord Curzon has been able to do but little. Russia's main purpose in thus getting Persia into her power is believed to be the acquisition of a port on the Persian Gulf.

I n accordance with the legendary will of Peter the Great, she is always struggling for an ice-free outlet on the sea. She has lately obtained one eastwards a t Port Arthur; and now

she wants

one southwards on the Persian

Gulf.

As

Captain Mahan has recently pointed out, this is a question that intimately concerns British interests in India. That great strategist gives the following three reasons why Britain should distrust such a .move :-' "First, her security in India, which would be materially aff'ected by an adverse change in political control of the Culf; secondly, the safety of the great sea route, commercial and military, to India and the Further East, on which British shipping is still actually the chief traveller, though with a notable comparative

* "The Perfjian Gulf and International Relations," by Captain kIahan, National Rezdew for September 1902.

i

LORD CURZON 1N INDIA

diminution that demands national attention; and thirdly, the economic and commercial welfare of India, which can act politically only through the Empire, a dependence which greatly enhances obligation. The control of the Persian Gulf by a foreign State of considerable naval potentiality, a fleet in being there based on a strong military port, would reproduce the relations of Cadiz, Gibraltar and Malta to the Mediterranean. It would flank all the routes t o the Further East, to India, and to Australia, the last two actually internal to the Empire,

I

'

II

I

1i 1

ji

1

present Great Britain uncluestionably could check such a fleet, so placed, by a division of her own, i t might well require a detachment large enough to affect seriously the general strengtl~of her naval position." On the same point Lord Curzon says in his book on Persia :"The safety of India, which is the first duty of Great Britain, the Pax Britannica that now reigns in the Southern Sea in consequence of her temperate control, the sacrifices that have been made by her i n pursuance of that end, t h e utter absence of any Russian interests for

I

RUSSIA, AFGHANISTAN AND PERSIA

25

tlloussnds of miles, t h e perfect ability of Persia in these parts t o l o o k after herself, are incontrovertible a r g u m e n t s against any such aggression. It can o n l y b e prosecuted in the teeth of internatjonel morality, in defiance of civilised opinion, and wiijh the ultimate certainty of a war with this c o u n t r y that would ring from pole to pole." * I t is t o be

that Lord Cunon ib of

the saine opinion still, and he is credited with having stiffened t h e beck of the Home Government on this subject by his o5cial representations. The recent sanction given by the Sultan of Turkey to the Baghdad Railway has raised the question of overland communication between India and Europe. There are two alternative courses, to link u p t h e Indian system with the Russian Trans-Caspian system across Afghanistan, which only requires some 500 miles of line from Quetta to Kushk; and the very much longer stretch from Quetta t o the Persian Gulf, which is dependent on t h e completion of the German line to Koweit. Lord Curzon, however, is known " Persia, by Hon. G.Gurzon (Longmans 85 Go.).

2

6

LORD CURZON I N INDIA

to favour the latter plan, The danger of coming into close connection with Russia in Afghanistan is too great. It means vast armaments on the scale which

a conterminous frontier

upon France and

entails

Germany in Europe; and

India is too poor to afford vast armaments. Besides, the line through Persia and the Euphrates Valley proceeds on interior lines to the Trans-Caspian system, and would withdraw much of the freight and passenger traffic from that line. It would also block a possible Russian line from the Trans-Caspian system to the Persian Gulf. however, the great

Sir Thomas Holdich,"

authority on the Indian

borderland, says that this latter line is practically impos~ible owing to geographical difficulties.

It, would cross all the mountain ranges in Persia a t right angles.

But the extension 01

the Quetta line through Kelat and Kirman to Teheran is perfectly feasible. I t would proceed dong the watershed of the ranges at a height of 3000 feet, without ever encountering a serious

* The Indian Bot~devlmd,by Sir T. Holdich (Mothuen).

I

RUSSIA, AFGHANISTAN AND PERSIA

obstacle.

27

Still there is no good in our being

able to reach Teheran until the German line rcacl~es Koweit, and that all depends on the Sultan and his guarantees.

It is of course possible that Russia has no desire or intention of invading India a t any time, and that all these precautions to preserve buffer States and avoid railway connection are unnecessary. It is even quite probable that the periodic famines of recent years have opened the eyes of Russia to the real poverty of India, and that she does not desire a country which would afford no outlet for her surplus peasant population, and would require a class of educated administrators which she does not possess. But we cannot reckon upon any such indifference. Whatever else is uncertain, this is certain, that whether Ilussia desired India or not, she would always demonstrate against it as a lever to aid her schemes in China, Persia or elsewhere. We must depend, not on Russia's forbearance, but on our own strength or inaccessibility.

The

fact, which has just been revealed, that she

28

LORD CURZON I N INDIA

took advantage of the Boer War to push her own schemes in Afghanistan, shows that this is one of the main

problems in international

politics that must Indian Viceroy.

trouble the rest

of the

C H A P T E R I11 THE INDEPENDENT TRIBES

IN the internal affairs of India the most di5cult and never-ending problem is furnished by the turbulent and blood - thirsty Pathan tribes on our north - west frontier, who are within our sphere of influence,but have never been thoroughly controlled by, us. I n that, however, we are only in the same case as previous rulers of India, who one and all, Mogul, Sikh, or Afghan, found these hardy

mountaineers

too warlike

and their

fastnesses too inaccessible to make their subjugation possible. Since the time of Lord Lawrence our treatment of these independent tribes had followed two distinct and varying lines, entitled respectively "the forward policy" and "the close-border system." The views of the forward 29

3O

LORD CURZON I N INDIA

party were voiced in Lord Lytton's minute of 18'7'7, in which he said:-

" I believe that our north-west frontier presents st this moment a spectacle unique in the world; a t least, I know of no other spot where, after twenty-five years of peaceful occupation, a great civilised power has obtained so little influence over its semi-savage neighbours, and acquired so little knowledge of them, that tho country within a day's ride of its most important garrison is an absolute terra imcoglzita, and that there is absolutely no security for British life a mile or two beyond our border." The forward school desired in effect the extension of the Pax Britannica u p to the Durand line, which separates our territory from that of the Amir. The close-border system, on the other hand, which is identified with the name of Lord Lawrence, and has generally been followed by the Punjab Government in the intervals between spasmodic burst0 of aggression, rested satisfied with carrying civilisation up to the line of the hills, and inflicting occasional punishment for the raids of

BUT

r ~ b b e rneighbours, It regarded the

T H E INDEPENDENT TRIBES

31

subjection of these tribes as desirable, but considered the immediate realisation of that object ~ents ~ r l d; ~fter ;reat .ence d so ithin m ia :e is le or

as too costly for the resources of India. It was all a question of expense. The advocates of the forward policy were chiefly military men who desired active service and medals, and did not trouble about ways and means. The advocates of the close-border system were mainly civilian administrators, who wanted all the money that could be spared for the clevelopment of their districts in the interior of India, their protection against famine and so on. These men regarded

exrand

military adventures on the frontier as a waste of public money.

~t of

But both schools have equally been put out of

~ther

date by the measures initiated by Lord Curzon

Lord

during his term of office.

! by Teen sfied

landed a t Bombay in December 1898, the 'firah campaign, following upon coafiagration of

When Lord Curzon the .great frontier

1897-98 had only just been

the the

finished, and the whole question of the pacification

the

Sir William Lockhart, the commander of the

of "the bloody border" was under consideration.

32

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

Tireh Expedition, had proposed the retention of Tirah, the summer home of the hfridis, as a sanatorium for our troops; and though that proposition had been vetoed, it had practically been decided to take the Khyber Pass from the Afridis and hold it by means of a fort in the middle of the Pass itself a t Ali Masjid, and another great place of arms at Landi Kohat, a t the Afghan end of the Pass. Lord Cureon, by his speeches in the House of Commons, practically stood committed to the forward policy. I n his speech in the big Indian debate a t the opening of Parliament in 1898 he said, "It is clear that a t some time or other we may have to advance to the external frontier of which I have been speaking (the Oxus), or at anyrate to take up a forward, although a less forward position, on the line of Kabul, Ghazni and Kandahar." His appointment as Viceroy, therefore, was generally regarded as a distinct triumph for the forward policy. But Lord Curzon has too much force to allow himself to be bound by the spoken word. H e immediately set to work to examine and

THE INDEPENDENT TRIBES

rcvise his preconceived opinions in the light of

of

the fresh evidence that was set bcfore him.

a

The result of this process may be seen in the

.at

Butlget speech, to which reference has ~ l r c a d y been made, and which he delivered a little over

I~Y he 'he

nd at

1

two years after he reached

i

11~ h j ~

I

1

the whole situation in the light of our experience, our pledges, our armaments, and our general resources, ought to be productive of a code of frontier policy, which could, with consistency and without violent interruptions, be applied to the whole line of our north-west frontier Prom the Pamirs to Bduchistan. Such a code me have endeavoured to evolve. Its uain features consist in the withdrawal of our ~cgulnrtroops from ndvonced positions in tribal territory, and their concentration in posts upon or near to the Indian border, their replacement in tribal tracts by bodies of t ~ i b a l levies trained up by British officers to act as a militia in defence of their own native valleys and hills; in other words, the substitution of a policy of frontier garrisons drawn from the people themselves, lor the costly esperimenl of large forts and isolated posts

I

C

ing Ice :en )

&

I

I

I

1

the

5s I~Y ~rd to rd. nd

H e then

"It has always seemed to me t h s t a survey of

! I

India.

said :-

I

by

lat

33

I

1

I

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

31

thrown forward into a turbulent and fanatical country. The policy has to justify itself; and that i t can only do i n time. I do not say that i t will save us from frontier warfare or from occasional expeditions, or from chronic anxiety. . All I claim for i t is that it is a policy of military concentration as against dispersion, and of tribal conciliation in place of exasperation."

..

Now let us see how this general principle was applied in details. Beginning a t the northeast end of the frontier, and proceeding westwards, we come first to the Swatis, who in 1897

It was necessary to bold this position, because it commands

attacked the Malakand camp. the Chitral road, and

Chitral

had

to

be

retained for political reasons. Accordingly, the Malakand was strengthened by a light frontier railway from Peshawar to Dargai, and a flying column was instituted there to reinforce that part of the frontier.

At the same time the

regular garrison in Chitral was reduced, our troops were concentrated a t

Drosh, i n close

proximity to the Dir-Chitral line of communication, and our military strength in that countl.y

,

T H E INDEPENDENT T R I B E S

1

I

35

was supplcmentecl by native levies drarvn frorn the Melitar's subjects. Next

i

come the Afridis, who rtttaclrcd the

Rhyber Pass lldd by the Khyber Rifles in August 1897. I t liad been proposed to tolie the Pass fro111

them and n~akethe Rhyber a British liighrvay. L o ~ dCurzon quashed that praposal, and also tile projected British forts. He withdrew the whole of t l ~ cregular troops, both British and

i

native, froin all positions in the Pass, and replaced them by two baltalions of reorganisecl and enlarged Rhyber Rifle3, with ail increased number of British officers and an improved scale of pay. He abandoned the plan of laying a railway through the Afridi country up to thc Afgllnn border, ntld instead only extended it to Jctinrud, at the British encl of the Pass, which was strengtllened by the provision of another

flying column. South of the Afridis come the Orakznis, who with the Afridis were the objcct of the Tirall Expedition in 1898. They were provided for

by the construction of a cart road through the

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

36

Kohat Pass, from Peshawar to Kohat, and the construction of another light frontier line froin Kushalgarh, on the Indus, to Thall along the flank of the Sainarla ridge. A force of tribal militia, 450 strong, largely recruited from t h e Oralczai Iribesmen, and entitled

the Samana

as an extra baltalion of

Rifles, was raised

the Border Military Police, and replaced the regular garrisons on the Samana range, which were witlldrawn and concentrated a t Rohat. In the Rurram Valley also the Kurram Militia wns augmented and reorganised in two battalions under British officers, ancl replaced the regular British

garrison,

Further south again come

the great tribe of the Waziris, and from them two

battalions

of

Waziristan

Militia,

800

each, were raised, the one for the Tochi Valley or Northern Waziristan, the other for the Goinal Valley, or Southern

SVaziristan.

Our troops

were withdrawn froin t h e Toclli Valley and concentrated a t Bannu ; but further developments in this direction were checked b y the misconduct and

subsequent

blockade

of

the

Mahsud

THE INDEPENDENT TRIBES

Waziris.

Finally, the supervisioll and control

of the whole frontier was

provided for by

the creation of the new Frontier Province, which requires a chapter to itself. T h e only interruption to the peace of the frontier during Lord Curzoa's term of office has been the bloclrade of the Mahsucl Waziris. The great tribe of the Waziris are the largest and, with the exception of the Afridis, the most powerful tribe on the north-west frontier of India. They number in all some 40,000 fighting men, of whom a slllall portion resicle i n Afghan territory. The remainder

inhabit what is nonlinally British

t e r r i t o ~ y ,though it has nevor been thoroughly subjugated by us.

The Wsziris on the British

side of the border are divided into t h e Darwesll S
The formel. are com-

paratively settled and peaceful.

The Mahsuds,

who have a fighting strength of some 8000 men, have long been the boldest and most incorrigible robbers of the border. Waziristan is the bloclr of mountainous country .which lies between the plains of India and t h e Afghan border, and is

LORD CURZON I N INDIA

38

bounded on the north by the Tochi River, and on the south by the Gomal River.

The R'Iahsud

country is intersected in all directions by ravines. The narrowest part of these is where the water has had to pierce its way through a range crossing its course at right angles.

Such gorges, called by

the natives tangis, are the points usually selected to oppose an enemy. As inay be supposed, they form an exceedingly difficult country for military operations. This last is the fourth time that we have been obliged to punish the Mahsuds on a large scale for their raiding proclivities. In 1860 an expedition was sent against them under Brigadier-General Chamberlain, followed by a two years' blockade. In 1881, again, after the Afghan War, they were punished by an expedition General Kennedy.

under

Brigadier-

But it was in November 1894

that the Mnhsuds performed their most notable feat of modern times in the night attack upon the camp a t Wans, in which a charge of 1500 tribesmen very nearly succeeded in sweeping a British brigade off its camping ground. This was followed

T H E INDEPENDENT TRIBES

39

by a punitive expedition under Sir William Lockhart i n 1595.

?

During the frontier outbreaks of 1897-1898 the

1

Waziris were the only tribe on our border who

i

did not break into open revolt, and therefore

I

did not undergo punishment. I n consequence of this they began to give trouble, and in November 1900 t.hey were summoned by tho Government t o

L

i

i i

pay an acculnulated fine of 1 lakh of rupees (36666) for pest misdeeds. This they refused t o do, and in consequence a blockade was begun, which lasted for over a year. The blockade consisted of a cordon 300 miles in length of troops, militia, and border police drawn round the Mahsud country.

They were not allowed t o iivport or

export anything from British territory, and a s

1

1

their country is not selLsupporting i t was hoped i n time to starve them into submission. On this duty 1800 extra troops and 360 police, besidea the normal garrisons of Tochi and W m a , amounting

!

to some 3000 regulars, were employed, and also

I

the two newly-raised militia battalions of Waziri-

I

stan. The cost of s u c l ~a, blockade is only about

1 I

4'3

LORD CURZON I N INDlA

I

%lo0 a day; and it is possible to blockade a tribe for three years for the same sum as a large expedition would consume i n sixteen days.

I r!

In the middle of June 1901 about Rs.70,000 out of the fine of R~i.100,000 had been paid in k

(246GG out of SGGGG) leaving a balance of about

II

S2000 owing.

I,

B u t all the respectable

men

anlongst the Mahsuds had already paid their share and the balance was owed by the poorest and

I

I

most independent section, who refused t o pay the remainder. At the same time, bands of Mahsuds broke out and attacked our militia posts, reaping several small successes. Under these circumstances the Government planned a series of counter-raids,

,

which was successfully inibiatecl in the last week of November 1901.

Pour columns under the

command of Colollel Dening made a simultaneous attack on the Mahsuds from four different direc-

3

tions. The columus started from Datta K l ~ e lon the north, nnd from Jaildola, Snrwekai and Wana on the south, and converged on Makin i n the centre of the Mahsud country.

This combined

t I

counter-raid was carried out with great rapidity I

THE INDEPENDENT T R I B E S

41

and success, and was followed up by a series of isolated operations, which speedily brought the

5

.

Mahsucls to terms, They paid their fine, handed

n1Al'

Or TIIE NAHSED WAZIRI OOUN'Pl
in the rifles they had captured, gave up their ontlaws, and accepted the principle of tribal responsibility for future offences. On March 10, 1902, the bloclcade was forma,lly raised.

This is the first

time in their history that the countl.y of tho

42

LORD CURZON I N INDIA

Mshsuds has been successfully invaded, and t h e y received an exceedingly sharp lesson. The special point about these operations was the mi~lgled economy and efficiency with which they were conducted. They were an amalgamation of the two traditional punitive methods of an expedit.ion and a blockade.

Of tlle,se t w o

rival policies Lord Curzon said in his Budget Speech of Alrarch 1902 :" I observe that t h e policy of a blockade arouses aln~ostas conflicting emotions in the bosoms of frontier critics as used t o do, for instance, t h e frontier policies of Lord Lawrence and L o r d Lytton. Those who prefer the drastic methods of an expedition denounce a blockade, and d o their best to prove that i t is either a failure or a ~liarn. Those who from the experience of past expeditions, with their shocking disproportion of cost to result, distrust that method of procedure, as strongly favour a blockade. F o r m y own part I regard t h e two as alternative methods of coercing a hostile or rebellious enemy, and the distinction between them as one of policy rather than of ethics."

These words of L o ~ dCurzon's were a reference

-

T H E INDEPENDENT TRIBES

43

to certain criticisms expressed in India, not against the success or economy of the operations, but against the supposition that as they mere called a blockade or

a

"counter raid," the

troops concerned would not be entitled to their medal and extra pay for active service. This supposition, however, was declared by Lord Curzon to be purely gratuitous, in a letter to the Pioneee, dated 31st May 1902, i n the course of which he said :-

" Anyone reading these sentences would undoubtedly derive the ilnpre~sion that in respect of dispatches, gratuities nnd medals these troops had been or were to be forgotten, and that their legitimate expectations were to be sacrificed to a verbal definition. There is not, and there has a t n o stage been, the slightest foundation for the insinuation." Thus the Army got its medals and the Mahsuds got their beating, and everybody was satisfied. I n t h e course of the same speech Lord Curzon remarked that the whole cost of t h e operations

44

LORD CURZON IN INDlA

have lasted an expedition on the old scale for sixteen daj7s.

In

a

word, Lord Curaon has

showed in his aclministration of the frontier that, while desiring to be conciliatory, he can, on occnsions where i t is necessary t o support the dignity of the Empire, show firmness and enterprise; and that even in the operation of punishing the Empire's enemies he is not forget-

f u l of t l ~ c ilnpoverishcd finances.

co~idition of India's

CIIAPTER I V THE NEW FRONTIER PROVINCE

TEE idea of separating the unsettled from tlle settled

districts

oE India, and

mnlring

the

whole of the border tracts into a single province, with an Adn~iaistrator and staff of aflicers of its own, is as old as the time of Lord Lyttozl. Thc justification for such a course is obvious. On the one hand, the change woulcl be ~c1va1.1tageous for the settled districts of the Punjt~b, because i t would leave the Lieutenant-Governo~, free to devote his whole attention to them, instead of being continually distracted by border ci'imes ,n,nd outbreaks.

On the other hand, it

would

tlie

be

good

for

unsettled

because i t would provide a class of

tracts, officers

specially trained in the frontier school, and with nn expert knowledge of the tribes, amongst 45

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

46

whom

they

would spend their life.

I n his

minute, dated 22nd April 187'1, Lord Lytton put the case for a separate frontier proviiice in words whicli cannot be improved upon, even in the light of all' that 11ns since hltppened :-

" T h e Viceroy," (he said), " would by mcans of this arrangement command the services of his own specially selected Agent, in whose hands the threads of all our border politics and tribal relations would be concentrated. The time of such a n Agent could be devoted almost entirely to purely frontier duties; and hc would be better able than any Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab can possibly be to visit with adequate frequency, freedom of mind, and singleness of interest, all parts of the frontier; thus making himself personally and thoroughly familiar with the social facts, individud characters and local sentiments which claim incessant and concentrated attention in the successful administration of border politics. The political and administrative conduct of the frontier would be in the same hands, and pass through the same channels. All division of responsibility and all an tagonism of schools and systems would thus be avoided."

THE NEW FRONTIER PROVINCE This idea was approved

47

by nearly every

frontier authority from that time onwards. I t was supported by such experienced executive officers as S i r Bartle Frere, Sir Henry Durand, Lord Roberts, Sir James Browne, Sir Robert Warburton,

Sir Robert

Sandeman, and

Sir

William L o c k h a r t ; and by such tried administrators a s L o r d Lytton, Sir Cha.rles Bitchison, Sir George Chesney, and Lord Lausdowne. In addition t o Lord Lytton'a opinion, it will be sufficient to quote that of Sir Robert Warburton, who was W a r d e n of the Rhyber for eighteen yesrs i n t h e transition period immediately preceding Lord Curzon's advent, and who only handed over charge of the Pass a few days before t h e Afridis broke into open revolt in 1897. This experienced officer said *,-

" The only w a y to prevent future wars on the frontier, and t o create a friendly impression on the wild man of the independent hills is to alter the system which has proved useless for thirty+

EggAteen Ycars in

Murray).

the K?~?/Zlcv, by Sir Robert Warburton (John

48

LORD CURZON I N INDIA

five years. Replace it by the scheme which His Excellency Lord Lytton intended carrying out when he was Viceroy of India, and which met with tlie approval of the Marquis of Salisbury and the Government then in power. Let there be a Chief Commissioner or officer on special duty (no matter what name he may be called by), one well up in Persian and Pashtu, and able to visit every spot wherever his presence is required. Let him be supplicd with a sufficieat staff to carry on the higher civil, criminal and reveillue details, so as to give him sufficient leisure for his harder work. Let Dcpnty Commissionera, Assistant Commissioners, etc., do purely and solely the civil work of thcir districts. And, lastly, have political and police officers to uade~talcethe trans-border police duties. Let dl these be selected officers, with fair pay nncl promotion, passing their entire service on that frontier, with no dai~gcr of transfel- to a Cis-Indus charge. Give this scheme, vhicll has tllus been briefly noticed, a fair trial, and there is every certainty of a vast iinprovement of the relations between the Indian Government and the independent hillinon quiclrly following." This is the scheme which has been practicnlly carried out in its entirety by Lord Curzon;

THE NEW FRONTIER PROVINCE

49

the only opposition to it came from past or present Lieutenant-Governors of the Punjab, who regarded it as a blow to the importance of the province with which their name and career were associated. The new province, which is

entitled

the

North-West Frontier Province, and was brought into being by Lord Curzon in February 1901, consists of the whole of the Trans-Indus districts of the Punjab, as far south as, and including, Dera Ismail Khan. The officer at the head of the new province is an Agent to the GovernorGeneral, and a Chief Commissioner, of equal rank

and position

with tYe Agent to the

Governor-General and Chief

Commissioner of

13aluchistar.1, and his charge consists of the four districts of Peshawar, Rohat, Bannu, and Dera Ismail Khan, with the tribal country beyond

their

limits,

and also of

the

five

Political Agencies of Dir, Swat, Chitrd, of the Khyber, of the Kurram Valley, and of North end South Waziristan, that is to say, Wana, and the Tochi Vhlley. The Agent has D

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

50

been given both a Revenue and a Judicial Commissioner to assist him in tlie administrative and judicial work of the new province, and the officers employed in it have been brought on to the list of the Political Department of the Government of India.

Thus t h e new Province

can draw the men best suited to its particular duties from the cream

of

t h e Indian Civil

Service.

It is estimated that the area detached from the Punjab Province by this arrangement approximates to one-fousteenth of its total area, one-fifteenth of its total revenue, and one-eighteenth of its population.

This subtraction cannot be regarded as of

serious importance to the Punjab itself, because the population, revenue and wealth of the Cis-Indus Punjab have largely increased during the last twenty years, The province has grown and developed in every direction, in common with the rest of India, and in addition it has received the benefit of the great schemes of canalisation connected with the Chenab and Jhelum Rivers, which arc already bringing a large increase of cultiva-

T H E NEW FRONTIER PROVINCE

tion ancl population.

51

The enormous Sind-Sagar

scheme, whicll has recently been undertalcen, 1

I

alone brings

nearly 2 million

acres under

cultivation, and thereby must largely increase the labours and responsibilities of the locltl Government. Lord Curzon himself claimed for this new province a t the time of its inception that :-

).

1 I

" I t will express and enforce the direct responsibility of the Government af India for frontier affairs. It will enable the Viceroy t o conduct the most important business of the Department of which he is the personal chief. I t will f ~ e the e management of frontier politics from the delays that are inseparable from 'a chain of reference, whose strength is sacrificed to its length. It will promote greater rapidity, and consecjuently greater freedom of action. Its tendency should be not towards aggression but towards peace; since war with the tribes is generally the result of ignorance or indecision a t earlier stages. It mill entrust tribal management exclusively to those who know the tribes. It should train up a school of officers worthy of the most critical b u t splendid duty that is imposed upon any of the officers of the Queen's ~overnrnentin India."

LORD CURZON I N INDIA

As the new province has not yet been in working order for two years, it is still too early to pronounce a final juclgment upon the realisation of dl these predictions. But at least in founding it Lord Curzon showed that he had the eneTgy and courage necessary to carry out I

a reform that had been discussed and approved

for thirty

years

without

ever

going

any

further. The first Agent of the new Frontier Province is Colonel Deane, who was Political Officer with the Chitral Expedition in 1895, and was in charge of the Dir-Swab-Chitral Agency a t the timc of the outbreak in Swat in 1897.

Colonel Deane is

an experienced frontier officer, who is thoroughly acquainted with the character of the tribes. He is a strong and capable administrator, and the only defect with which he has ever been charged is a tendency to interfere too much in the internal affairs of the tribesmen.

But certainly

that

tendency has not been observable in his new o5ce. Colonel Deane had already taken over charge of the frontier

a t the time of

the

1

THE NEW FRONTIER PROVINCE

I

Mahsud Woairi blockade, and he helped largely

j

53

to bring those operations to their successEul conclusion. Lord Curzon said in his last Budget speech that the new arrangement had resulted in

'' the quicke~despatch of business " in Waziristan, 1

As has been said, i t is yet too early to speak with certainty, but it seems probable that the grcater stability and continuity of our frontier policy, brought sbout by the new province, the \

extension oE trade and intercourse caused by the frontier light railways, the increase of discipline bred by the flsontier militias, and the growth of

i I

1

recruiting among the tribesmen for the ranks of our Native Ariny, will gradually but surcly bring these waste places of the earth within the pale of

I I

I I

CHAPTER V PAIlINE ADIYIINISTRATION

THE forces of nature have certainly not fought upon the side of Lord Curzon during the past four years. Botll plague and famine have been practically endemic in India throughout his term of office.

Plague has yearly taken its toll of

thousands of lives in the city arid district of Bombay; and during the past two years it has spread with great virulence to the Punjab. Even at the present time elaborate precautions are being taken to prevent a visitation of the dread disease to the camp a t Delhi during tbe Durbar. But the case of famine is far worse. There had been a severs farnine in 1897, from which the country hacl not yet recoverecl, when in 1899, almost directly after Lord Cureon's aiarival, i t plunged into the midst of a far worse visitation, Cureon's own words, "the severest that India has ever known."

The rlurnbers on relief reached the

FAMINE ADMINISTRATION I

1

55

unprecedented total of considerably over 6 million persons.

I t affected a n area of over 400,000

square miles, and a population of 60 millions, of whom 25 millions belonged to British India, and

I I

1 i

the remainder to Native States. Nearly a quarter of the entire population of India came within the range of relief operations.

On a

cautious estimate t h e total production of the country was a quarter, if not a third less than I I I I

usual. This represented a loss of over 350,000,000 sterling, to which must be added the value of

It must also be

i

a t least 4 million of cattle.

i

remembered that this loss was not spread over

I1

the whole of India, b u t concentrated i n one portion

I

of the continent, a large part of which had suffered severely in the previous famine. The worst point about this Great Famine was that the complete failure of t h e monsoon caused not only a crop failure, but also a fodder and water famine on a n enormous scale.

I

Agriculture

is practically {;he only industry i n Inclia ; and the agriculturist invests all his capital in the purchase of plough-cattle and milch kine.

This fodder

s6

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

famine therefore almost annihilated the working capital of the agricultural classes.

The loss of

human life in British India alone is estimated a t

11

1i i

i

1Q million persons, of whom quarter of a million belonged to Native States, but died in British territory. I n a country the size of India, inhabited by an ignorant and secretive population, i t is ilnpossible to rely on the figures furnished by the natives.

The only possible method is to

take the total mortality of the year, subtract from it the average mortality for the past decade,

and the excess is roughly the number who have died from f amine. The following is t h e complete table from which this reclroning is talren :- I

Province.

Central Provinces

I

.

.

.

.

,

Total

.

1

I

I

Deaths recorded in 1900.

539,234

245,978

I1

1

Decennisl Auemge of Death.

in

351,548

/

187,686

n8,iiss

1

1n,409

------

1

2,304,951 1,068,096 1,236,855 "

.

,-

i

1

1

1 . i

FAMINE ADMINISTRATION

I'

I'

I,

i

I

But of this l a million i t is k n o w n that 230,000 persons died of cholera a n d smallpox brought on by famine conditions. This leaves 1 million persons that died of a c t u a l starvation.

r i

1 t

But

these figures only relate to B r i t i s h India. Even to arrive at, such a rough e s t i m a t e as this you have to be sure that at l e a s t ell the deathe are recorded.

There is no s u c h surety about a

Native State.

There are n o reliable statistics

in a Native State at all, no m e a n s of ascertaining the mortality there. administered

I

57

little

In t h e recesses of these illprincipalities,

careless

of

human life, the people die offl i k e flies, with no eye to marl; them, ancl no British official to record them. The only means of tracing their disappearance is in t h e decennial census which is taken for the whole of India. The Census of 1901 t e l l s a terrible tale of human suffering and wholesale loss of life, which had hitherto been successfully burked. During the decade 1891-1901 the t o t a l population of Indin only increased by some 7 millions, which was

a grea't deal less than it s h o u l d have been. But

-

58

1

LORD CURZON I N INDIA

the population of British India increased by &bout 104 millions, wbich

leaves

a n actual

decrease of some 3,1 inillions in the Native States. But that is not all. On proportionate figures, instead of their being a decrease, there should have been an increase of about G millions. That inelins that in ten years some 10 million persons disappeared out of these Nntive States without leaving a trace behind them. Their bones are probably rotting unregsrded in the jungle. In the Eajputana Agency alone tlie population fell by about 24 millions out of 12 millions, a rate ol over 19 per cent.

1s i t any wonder

that in his famine statement of October 1900 Lorcl Curzon said : - 'i I do not speak of the mortality in the Native States, which has in m n i ~ y crtscs beer1 shocking, because the Government of Indiu cannot be llelcl responsible for a system

wliich it does not control." But Lord Curzon's own famine record is not entirely above criticism.

During the first few

months of the famine the Government of India issued a Circular Letter to the local Governments,

I

i a

FAMINE ADMINISTRATION

59

calling their attention to the exceptional circumstances of t h e situation, and suggesting a greater stringency in famine tests, Tlie reason for this action was t h a t the famine of 1897 had wenkenecl the resistance of the people, and habituated them to Government relief, and numbers of persons went on the relief works who were not in a state of destitution, or who could have obtained credit to tide them over till better times. Lord Curzon said :-" I hear in some quarters of village labourers going on to the works simply to 611 tlie slack time until the cultivation of the fields begins in the spring. I hear in others of wagcs fixed under the Famine Commission

scale which

prevailing market rates."

-

exceed the

I t was to prevent such

occurrences as this, and to avoid sapping the moral fibre of the nation by wholesale pauperisation, that the Circular was issued. perhaps, i t nlay have been justificd. any rate well-intentioned.

In principle, I t was a t

But in practice it

turned out unfortunately. Tbe effect of such a recommendation depencls of course largely on the spirit in which it is

LORD CURZON

60

IN INDIA

interpreted by the local Government.

-

I n the

Central Provinces, which were caught unprepared by the famine of

1891, and suffered in con-

sequence a heavy mo~tality,the local authorities had learnt by bitter experience.

They turned

a deaf ear to the Circular, went on calmly with t h e i ~village works, never allowed the wages to fall to the "penal minimum," and were rewarded by coming out of the ordeal with flying colours. Lord CurzonJ8 Government afterwards said that their liberal policy of relief savecl thousands of lives.

But i n Bombay, whose administration

obtained

an

unenviable

notoriety for

hard-

heartedness throughout the famine, the Circular fell upon stony ground, and did immense harm. Gujarat, which had hitherto been known as "the garden of India," is situated in the Bombay Presidency. The rainfall there is so regular and so abundant, that scarcity had not been known for a century, and the peasantry were among the most

prosperous in India.

Upon this smiling lancl the

drought descended in its full force. The people, instead of having a reserve of sta,mina, as was

6I

FAMINE ADMINISTRATION

expected, had become soft-fibred b y prosperity, and collapsed a t once under the unaccustomed strain. They died off like flies from hunger, and on the top of t h a t came a wave of cholera, whicli heightened tenfold the horror of t h e situation. I n Broach the monthly death-rate rose from 2.96

pelr ntille in October 1899 to 24.83 in May 1900. I n the Panch Mahals the death-rate of May was 46.60 pelr mille.

These districts were ravaged by

cholera; but in August 1900 one district of Gujarat yielded a deatltl.1-rate of 15.21 per nziZle, exclusive of

epidemic disease.

These figures

cannot;, of course, be entirely attributed to the Circular ; but i t undoubtedly encouraged the Bombay Government in minimising t h e gravity of the situation until it was too late, But as soon as Lord Curzon realised the ill effects tllat his Circular was producing in Bombay lie took immediate steps to remedy them. his Famine Statement of

October

In

1900 he

said :-

" Gujarat supplies another installce of the degree

LORD CURZON I N INDIA

in which we have accentuated and added to the flexibility of the Palnine Code. When the great outbrealr of cholera hacl disorgsnised the large relief worlrs, and had driven the tortified workers

spread destitution and sugering, the Government of India did not hesitate to advise the Bombay Government to meet the situation by enlarging the customary bounds of gratuitous relief, and by opening petty village works to take the place of the clesertecl public works relief camps."

If the Bombay Government had hacl a spark of energy or humanity in its composition, it would not have waited for this advice to takc measures to save the people who were dying by thousands on its hands. As it was, the process in numberless

-

instances amounted to locking the stable door after the steed had been stolen, and an appreciable amount of this excessive mortality inust be attributed to the action of the Circular. Nevertheless, i n spite of this object-lesson, Lord Curzon continued to defend the initial policy of his Government, and to maintain that it was justified by regard for the morail fibre of tlie famine-suEerers

' "i

PAMINE ADMINISTRATION

63

and the pockets of tho taxpayers. Continuing the mine speech, he said :-

" I should like to adrl that, in my opinion, there tvas no inconsistency between the position talcen up by the Governlncnt of Inclia in the first months of thc famine, and their subsequent attitude in permitting a vast extension of gratuitous relief during the rains in the Central Provinces, and in counselling the Qovcrnment of Bombay to relax the conditions of relief in Qujarat when cholera had clisorganised the large worlru. Conditions are raclic,zlly different at the beginning and a t the height of a famine; and a degree of firmness a t the outset is essential, which would, a t a later stage, be altogether out of place. If this be borne in mind, our policy will on examillation prove to have been consistent throughout. On the one hand, we have set our face against indiscriminate and pauprising charity, and havo endeavoured to insist on relief being administiered with the care and method which we owe to the taxpayer and to the exchequer. On the other hand, we have been prepared to accept any expenditure of which i t could be s11o~mthat i t was required to save life, or to mitigate genuine distress." These are specious words, but no words can ex-

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

plain away or palliate the loss of those quarter of a million lives.

Lord Curzon's most valid defence

is that the responsibility for the harsh application of his Circular did not really rest with him but with ohhers; and that when he discovered its misapplication he a t once revoked his own policy. I n this and other instances he has shown the elastic instinct of the statesman to learn by But with the single exception of this illoinened Circular Lord Curzon did everything that

was

possible

to

mitigate

of this unparalleled famine.

the

effects

The scheme of

relief was modelled on the recommendation of the Famine Commission of 1898, which laid stress on the necessity for starting relief before the people have run down, of extending the area of gratuitous relief, especially in the form of kitchen relief for children and old people, of meting out special treatment to aboriginal and forest tribes, and

of starting small

village

relief works in special cases in preference to large works. Lord Curzon's Government found

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FAMINE ADMINTSTRATION

65

the Commission's scale of wages too high, aud its recomlnendations for gratuitous relief too generous ; but that aid was not really grudged where necessary is shown by a coinparison between the famine of 1900 and that of 1897.

-

In 1900 the high water mark of relief was

6

millions

as against 4

in the

previous

famine; the ratio of relief was 18 per cent, as against 10 per cent. in 1897; while in the small district of Merwara actually 75 per cent, of the population came on relief.

I n the two years

1599-1900 and 1900-1901, the Government spent ~10,000,000 sterling on famine relief. I n the aggregate 1,135,353,000 people were relieved-a total not remotely removed from the estimated population of the world. These are eloquent

I P

figures, Owing to the Boer War being in progress in 1900, and the demands upon private charity for the relief of the distressed Uitlclnders and the assistance of our own wounded soldiers, tlie Faminc Fund of 1900 did not reach the same E

Ii

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

dimensions as that of

1597, in spite of the

greater severity of the calamity.

I n 1897 the

total amount was 170 lakhs (31,130,000) as against 140 lakhs (5930,000) in 1900. Out of this total the United Kingdom contributed 885 lakhs (3583,000) as against 123 lakhs ($820,000) in 1897; but, as Lord Curzon said, "in

the circumstances

noble gift."

of

the year it is a

This money was chiefly spent

on cattle and seed to give a fresh start in lif; to the cultivators who had been ruined by the famine, and in making allotments to Native States. "Now I have got through to the other side," said a poor cultivator, with tears in his eyes, to the English officer who had given him a few rupees to buy fodder for his famished

bullocks. The general causes of famine are beyond the province of discussion here ; but it may be briefly remarked that the conditions that producc it are twofold. I n the first place, we have in India an

i

FAMINE ADMINISTRATION

which has almost reached a point a t which the soil refuses to support any more. '

This is

sufficiently shown by the great decline in the rate of increase of the population observable i n the

Census of

1901.

I n ordinary yearfi a large

proportion of this population live on the bounty

of the earth; but they live from hand to mouth a drought comes, starvation stares them in the face. India depends for its chief harvest of the year on the monsoon rains, which last from July to September. These in turn depend on the monsoon currents which cross the Indian Ocean from South Africa, and after leaving India proceed onwards to Australia.

In

recent years

the

Government of India have started a Meteorological Department, which with the assistance of the Observatory st the Cape issues an annual forecast

/ i(

of the incidence of the rains. On the whole these are moderately accurate. The fact that the recent sequence of famine years in India has exactly coincided with the severe drought which has

/ ll I1 I

q

:I

LORD C U R Z O N IN INDIA

wrought such injury to stoclr i n Australia, shows thnt botG countries depend on the same set of conditions for their rainfall, and t h a t those collditions have recently been unfavourable. The *death of sheep in Australia is translated into the death of human beings in India, because the population there lives so near the margin of subsistence. I n considering the general question of famines, however, it is not sufficiently recognised that India has no Poor Law system. Every year i n England we spend ovcr &10,000,000 on poor relief, and think nothing of it. I n an exceptional year in India we spend half that sum on a population nearly ten times as greet, and marvel a t the necessity for it. It is to be hoped that we are now a t the end of the rccent cycle of lcan years in India. The drought in Australia has broken ; and in his last speech Lord Curzon said that t h e timely e n d beneficial rains had removed all danger of another famine, and brought him t h e happiest weeks that, he had spent in India.

FAMINE ADMINISTRATION

Finally, i t must be placed to Lord Curzon's credit that a t the worst period of the famine, and a t the most scorching part of the hot weather, he left the heights of Sirnla, a thing neve'r done by any Viceroy before, and went for a tour round the famine camps i n order t o see for himself the condition of the people and do what he could to alleviate it. This one act of humanity and consideration was worth more to the people of India than many lekhs of rupees.

i

CHAPTER V I

1

IRRIGATION AND RAILWAYS

TIILREis a frequent tendency among critics of the Government of India to regard irrigationcands and railways as alternative and opposing

a

I

methods for mitigating the horrors of famine. This tendency, of coul*se, is merely a n accident clue to the limited financial resources of India,

! \

and to the fact t h a t money which is spent on

i

one of these purposes is ips0 facto withdrawn from

the other.

t

1

Rightly regarded, however

I

;

canals anti railways are complementary to each

1

other in a comprehensive scheme of

famine

i

prevention. But starting from the beginning, i t i

was necessary that ono should take precedence of the other in the matter of construction. Up

!

,

to the present, the pride of place has been 70 '

i

!

I

held by railways. As the Famine Comlnisaion of 1901 said, " T o put the food-supply uf the country in circulation was necessarily the first object of a wise famine policy; to protect and develop the supply itself should be its second object; and this is the function of agricultural development generally and of irrigation in particular.". But there are signs that the railway development of India is nearing completion, and t h a t there will soon be more time and money to spend on the construction of canals, wells and tanks. At present there are 25,529 miles of railway in India,* of which 3000 miles were added. during Lord Curzon's first three years of office, while 2000 more are under construction. The total capital outlay on all Indian railways up to March 1901 was ;E215,668,637, yielding a percentage of 4.71, as against only $22,714,721 on irrigation works, yielding a per* Parliamentary Peper-East 1902-1903,

Iudia : Aocoants and Estimnteu,

LORD CURZON I N lNDIA

centage of 7.33. This gives the measure of ,the disproportion in the outlay between the two forms of protective works. But now the Famine. Colnmission says that the time has come for

" t ~

new departure in famine policy which would place irrigation works in the place that protective railways have hitherto occupiecl i n the famine insurance programme." Lord Curzoil during his tcrm of ofice has encouraged irrigation more than his predecessors, but he does not pin his faith to i t a s a means t / j d

of regenerating the future of India.

H e has

raised the annual outlay on it t o

1 crore

(,E666,000) from about three - fourths of that sum; and during the present year the tote1 outlay including famine works is 139 lakhs, or

292'7,000. But in his Budget Speech of 1900

i I1 ,I

1,

i

I

Lord Cureon gave the following exposition of the irrigation policy of his Government :-

j j

"Now I have had a very careful estimate

r

,

I I

'I

IRRIGATION AND RAILWAYS ia the whole of India which we are likely to

! B

I

I1

be able to b ~ i n g under cultivation, either by new irrigation projects or by extensions of existing systems. Under the head of Productive, that is works whicli may be expected to yield a net revenue that will more than cover the interest on the capital outlay, the estimated increment is about 34 million acres, and the estimated outlay between ~8,000,000 and S9,000,000 sterling. Under the head of Protective worlcs, that is works which will not pay, and which inasmuch as they coilstitute a permanent financial burden on the State, can only be undertaken in exceptional cases, and then as a rule do very little, towczrcls the prevention of famine, me contemplate spending about 10 lakhs a year (f66,000), and shall probably in this way about double the area of 300,000 acres which is covered by that character of work at thc present time. It seems, therefore, that the total practicable increase to the irrigable area of India under both heads will not amount to much more than 4,000,000 acres."

b

~

I

I

As the total area already irrigated was, according to the same speech, 19,000,000 acres, an

44l

"

j

/

4

J

;1

yi 1 ir

'

.);,

111

ii

I; f

74

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

addition of only 4,000,000 is a, decidedly conIt does not satisfy the servative estimate. extreme advocates of irrigation; nor does it even seem t o square with tbe findings of t h e recent Famine Commission who s a y : - " T h e evidence which we have taken and our o w n experience show that there is a wide field for the construction of irrigation works. All provinces do not, indeed, present practicable schemes for the construction of great canals; but the possibilities of smaller protective w o r k s have i n no province been exhausted, while i n some provinces they have as yet hardly been examined.

For storage tanks, reservoirs and,

above all, irrigation wells, t h e scope and t h e necessity are very great." Lord Curzon's estimate

of

t h e irrigable

cnpacit,y of India would have been a bitter disappointment to Sir Arthur Cotton, the great engineer, who constructed t h e Godavery a n d Kistna Canals in Madras. Sir Arthur h a d a theory that it was possible to irrigate t h e

IRRIGATION AND RAILWAYS whole of

India

from

one

central system.

Speakiug in 1879 he said :" Suppose the &160,000,000 stcrling that the railways have cost for 7000 miles had been spent a t the rate of 23000 a mile on 50,000 miles of steamboat canal, what would have been the state of India now, for instance, in respect of the famine? Every corner of the famine districts would have been now within easy reach of the most productive tract i n India. . . . If people could only see the life put into Godavery by the canals, though without steam, the multitudes of both goods and passenger boats that swarm on them, they might form some idea of what would be the state of things if the snme district were put in communication with d l India by the same means."

The reply of the Government of India to this would be that you cannot have canals without water, and that there is not the water in India to supply such a universal system of canalw But i t must bc remembered that Lord Curzon

and his Government are dependent for their

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

information upon their engineers; and that at the best i t is the estimate of one engineer against another. Sir Arthur Cotton's Godavery schenle was regarded in his own day as vision-

ary in the extreme, until cauied out; and now it Goclavery district from one of striclren areas in India into prosperous.

i t was actually has turned

the

the most famineone of the most

I

I

NOV let ua see what irrigation has done for India as a whole, and for the Punjab in particular, the province that

has made the

greatest strides of recent years, There are now over 13,000 miles of canals in India, consisting of major irrigation works, minor works, protective

morks, and navigation cands ;

and

irrigating, as we have seen, over 19,000,000 acres.

I n the year ending March 1901 the

major irrigation works

covered

104 million

acres, yielded a total revenue of 31,630,000, and produced 1.14 per cent. on their capital outlay.

I

IRRIGATION AND RAILWAYS

77'

better than this.*

I n that province three great schemes of irrigation have recently been put

into operation entitled the Chenab, the Jhelum and the Bari-Doab; while

a fourth scheme,

the Sind-Sagnr, is in contemplation. The Chenab Caual has a total of 2489 llliles of main line, branch canals, and distributaries, It comnlands an area of 2,646,000 acres, of which 1,828,800 acres were matured in 1900-1901, the crops beiug valued a t £3,369,000. The greater part of this land was given out by Government in peasant holdings, some to military pensioners, and some reserved for breeding purposes for our native cavalry regiments.

A few lots that were sold

rose in value during the past decade from $3 an acre to 37, 10s. an acre. On this land there is

;t

colony of 800,000 souls, almost entirely

imported from other tracts; while several large towns

have

sprung into existence, including

Lyallpur, with a population of 10 millions. It

* See a paper read by Mr Sydney Proston before the Indian Section of the Society of Arts, April 17, 1902.

LORD CURZON I N INDIA

78

is

expected that

this canal will eventually

irrigate 2E million acres, raising crops worth ;E5,000,000 annually.

It has a flow of water

nearly fourteen times the ordinary discharge of the Thames a t Teddington. The net revenue for 1900-1901 was 18-18 per cent. on the capital outlay ; but tllat included large remissions, and the real revenue was 24.58 per cent. India can borrow

Government of

3& per cent., they make

o,

As the

money at

profit of 21 per

cent. on the scheme. Nor is this large return obtained

by

grinding

the

cultivutor.

Government only took one-eighth of

The

the pro-

duce for their share, and left the cultivator 52,981,000.

The

close

connection

between

irrigation and railways is shown by the fact that the colony was within an ace of proving a failure until a railway was built to carry off its surplus produce.

Such projects as this

take a desert and make it blossom like the rose.

IRRIGATION AND RAILWAYS

79

but i t already irrigates 10,000 acres, and is expected in time to extend to 500,000 acres, accommodating an increased population of 400,000 persons. The Lower Bari-Doab scheme will add another 600,000 acres and the same number of persons. Finally, there is the SindSagar project which is expected to reclaim an area of 1,750,000 acres; but Mr Preston, who is one of the heads of the Punjab Irrigation Department, says that the district is covered with enormous masses of sandhills, and he foresees great engineering difficulties in the realisation of the project. I n March 1901 the Punjab canals consisted of :Main lines Branches Distributaries

.

. . .

. ,

.

. . .

. . . Total,

, ,

.

3,000 miles. 1,622 ,, 11,723 ,,

16,346 ,,

These canals in January of this year irrigated over 64 million acres of crops, an area which is expected to go on increasing for some time. But in regarding these astonishing figures it

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

80

must

be remembered

that the Fivo

Rivers

of the Punjab make it the finest country in the world for irrigation scliemes, and that the rest of India

nus st not be judged by this high

standard. Nevertheless,

with

such

an object - lesson

before him, Lord Curzon obviously could not rest content with an estimate of 4,000,[email protected] as the possible addition to the irrigated land

i

of India.

Accordingly, he appointed an Irriga-

R

tion Commission, which is still sitting, to inquire into the whole subject.

As to tlie scope of

this Commission, hc said in March 1901 :-

" I want to be quite sure that no sources of water-supply or water-storagc a r e neglected or ignored in this country. They may not always be great rivers flowing down unimpeded to the sen, though people at home soem to think that any river ought to be capable of being tapped in the Himalayas and diffused either into the Central Provinces, or Gnjarat, or Berar. Neither do I postulate everywhere profitable or

1 I

IRRIGATION AND RAILWAYS

is, that in each province the sources of watersupply best suited to it, whether they be canals, or tanks, or wells, shall be scientifically investigated and mathematically laid down, so that me may be presented with a continuous programme, which we may pursue in ordinary years as an. insurance againvt the bad years when they come." I n appointing this Commission Lord Curzon did the best he could for this important subject of irrigation.

But the chief drawbaclr of a Commis-

sion is that it will require another Viceroy of Lord Curzon's energy and determination to carry its recommendations into effect, and such Viceroys do not grow on blackberry bushes.

1

;

I

II

i

the Pagoda tree," has not yct entirely died out in England ; but the impression created b y the riches of returning Anglo-Indian Nabobs is in process of rapid extinction by the recurrent farnines of the past few yews and the frequent necessity for Mansion House Funds. Thus a truer estimate of the real state of India is gradually penetrating the minds of the British people. They are beginning to recognise that India is a country inhabited by an enorinous number of individuals, and thus affording a large field for trade, but that each of those individuals is, according to our standard of comfort, miserably poor. The spread

1

1

BRITISH RULE IN INDIA

of this knowledge has been hastened of recent years by a school of writers, connected with the t

1

83

Indian National Congress, who have laid great stress on the povcrty of India and have even gone so far as to attribute this poverty to British rule. Perhaps the extreme instance of this school,

I I

~l

I

1;

I

1/

!{

because he is not a native of India but an Englishman, is Mr William Digby, who has written a book entitlcd in irony P ~ o s p e ~ o uBritish s India,

i 1 I

in which the statistics overflow even on to the cover, stating that the average income of a native of India was in 1550, 2d.; in 1880, l i d . ; and in 1900, $d.

If these figures were correct, they

would undoubtedly constitute a grave indictment of British rule in India; but it may be said a t

I

1I

1

I

once that Lord Curzon disputes them in their

1

entirety, and that they are not supported by

I

official calculations.

1I

But even though Mr Digby and his Indiiin

I

1

1

coadjutors, Mr Romesh Dutt and Mr Dadabhai Naoroji, hold extreme, it might almost be said ex-

!I

travagant, views, they are undoubtedly actuated

I

1 1 i

1 i

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84

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LORD CURZON IN INDIA

by a genuine interest in the poverty-striclren condition of the Indian cultivator, which also cannot be disputed. Most Indian Viceroys would have

-dl

p t

b 1

I

passed over the representations of such well-

meaning faddists in contemptuous indifference; but Lord Curzon bas sufficient breadth of mind to recognise the residuum of truth even in an overstated case. His training, moreover, in the House of Commons has taught him perhaps an excessive deference to public opinion. The consequence of this is that Lord Curzon issued a resolution, dated lGth January 1902, dealing exhaustively with the 1

d

l

I 1 %

I' j i

"/

i i

Li

:/I

; >i f

I

jI J'

I! 1

I

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i

Land Revenue System of India, in answer t,o a memorial of certain retired Anglo-Indian officials, and an astonished world beheld for the first time an Indian Viceroy entering into public controversy with his critics. The strong point in the Indian Congress case, the poverty of the cultivator, is established by Lord Curzon's own figures. There i8 a difforence of a few rupees between the two estimates, but even Lord Curzon admitted in

4

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BRITISH RULE I N INDIA

85

his Budget Speech of 1901 that the average iucome of the native of India, is Rs.30 ($2) per annum, and that the average income of the agriculturist is Rs.20 (31 Gs. 8d.). think what that means.'

Just

Each member of

A,

peasant's family has to be fed, clothed and housed on a little under a penny a day, and even then no margin is left to buy seed for the next year's

harvest.

This poverty

is

o5cially admitted and indisputable. Is it any wonder that the people have no reserve, and the moment the harvest fails they starve in heaps ? But i t is when they come to the corollary to be drawn from these facts that Lord Curzon and his critics part company most distinctly, Out of his miserable average of 2 2 a year, each native of India has to pay in taxation and Land

Revenue, 3s. 34d.

doubtedly a high percentage.

That is unThe Congress

party say it is too high, that the poverty of India is increasing, and that the frequent

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

56

famines are due first to an abilormally high Land Revenue, and secondly to tlle drain 01 "the

Home Charges."

Lord

Curzon admits

that taxation is as high as i t can reasonably be carried. I n speaking of the income of the cultivator he says, " I do not claim t h a t these calculations

represent

gratifying result."

any very

brilliant

or

But he maintains t h a t the

poverty of India is not increasing, that on the contrary the average

income

increased since

from

1880

of

India

Rs.27 to

has Rs.30

and the income oE the cultivator from Rs.18 to Rs.20. These figures are a t least as reliLord Curzon further able as Mr Digby's. maintains that t h e frequency of fa.mine is not due t o the incidence of the Land Revenue, but to the damage done by drought, which is so great as to dwarf all considerations of taxation.

fi;I : l b ,

I r

I t is estimated

that

in t h e Central

Provinces the agricultural classes have lost 40 croros of rupees (526,000,000) in the last seven

BRITISH RULE IN INDIA

87

revenue of fifty years, while the St,ate has expended there on famine relief seven years' land revenue since 1896. I n his resolution of January 16, 1902, Lord Curzon says :-" There is no country in the world, where the meteorological and economic conditions are at all similar to those prevailing in India, that could by any land-revenue system that might possibly be devised escape the same results."

But though s famine cannot be pre-

vented, it may be mitigated; and with t h a t object in view the Governnlent lays down the following thirteen propositions :"(I.) That a permanent settlement, whether in Bengal or elsewhere, is no protection against the incidence and the consequences of famiue. " (2.) That in areas where the State receives its land revenue from landlords progressive moderation is the keynote of the policy of the Government, and that the standard of 50 per cent, of the assets is one which is almost uniformly observed in practice, and is more often departed from on the side of deficiency than of excess.

88

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LORD CURZON 1.N INDIA

" (3.) That in the same areas the State has not olljected and does not hesitate to interfere by legislation to protect the interest of the tenants against oppression a t the hends of the laudlords. ('(4.) That in areas where the State takes t.he land revenue from the cultivators t h e proposal to fix the assessment at one-fifth of the gross procluce (as recommended b y the Congress party) mould result iu the imposition of a greatly increased burden upon the people. " (5.) That the policy of lo~igterm settlements is gradually being extended, the exceptioils being justified by the conditions of local de(6.) That a simplification and cheapening of t h e proceedings connected with new settlements, and the avoidance of the harassing invasion of a n army of subordinate officials, are a part of the deliberate policy of the Government. " (7.) That the principle of exempting or allowing for improvements is one of general acceptence, but may be capa,ble of further extension. " (8.) That essessments have ceased to be made upon prospective assets. " (9.) Local taxation as a whole, though susceptible of some redistribution, is neither immoderate nor burdensome.

....

I.

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1

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BRITISH RULE IN INDIA

89

" (10.) That over-assessment is not, as alleged, a general or widespread source of povert?y and indebtedness i n India, and that i t cannot fairly be regarded as a contributary cause of famine. The Government of India have further laid down liberal principles for future guidance, and will be prepared, where the necessity is established, to make a further advance in respect of " (11.) The progressive and graduated imposition of large enhancements ; " (12.) Greater elasticity in revenue collection, facilitating its adjustment to the variations of the seasons and the circumstances of the people; " (13.) A more general resort to the reduction of assessments in cases of local deterioration, where such reduction cannot be claimed under the terms of the settlement!'

The resolution concludes by enunciating the principle that

" the true function of Government

is to lay down broad and generous principles for the guidance of its officers, with becoming r e g ~ r dto the traditions of the province and tho circums~ances of the locality, end to prescribe moderation in enhancement and sympathy in

9"

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

collection," and by making the dogmatic statement that the revenue,

" whicll is more lenient

in its incidence than a t any previous stage of Indian history, is capable of being levied from the people with surprisingly little hardship and without discontent."

Tlle fact is, that the land

revenue is practically the rent paid b y the cultivator to the State, it is the mainstay of Indian finance, and the Indian Government could not get on without it. Into the

other indictment

relating t o the

Home Charges, Lord Curzon has not gone a t equal length; but the state of things is vcry much the same there.

The burden undoubtedly

presses hardly upon so poor a man as the Indian taxpayer, but the Government of

the

country could not be carried on without it.

The

Home Charges for 1902-1903 come to 517,879,500 out of a total estimated revenue of S74,370,400. That means that over a fifth of the Indian revenue is spent every year outsido the bounds of the country. Such a heavy remittance as

BRITISH RULE IN INDlA

91

that would be a serious drain upon the resources of the richest country in the world. But in return for this India has received good value. 33,000,000 of

it is

interest

upon

English

capital invested in the country, and $6,500,000 the returns from the railways. Both of these have helped to develop the country, and constitute valuable assets. For the remainder, Indie obtains a highly efficient aymy, much better prepared

for active service than our

home army, as we saw in the Boer War, and a good, though expensive Civil Service. The Royal Commission on Indian Expenditure, which was appointed under Lord Elgin, and handed in its report under Lord Curzon, obtained nn annual grant to the Indian army from the Imperial Government of 3257,000; but that is a mere flea-bite to the ;E17,733,600 which forms the military estimates for the present year. T t is undoubtedly unjust that India should have to pay the whole expense of an army which is chiefly maintained to guard against the Russian

i

LORD CURZON I N INDIA menace.

Our antagonism against Russia ia a n

effair for the Empire and not for India alone. But a revision of the Home Charges and of the Indian Budget under this head will have to wait until the Colonies are prepared to take their share in a universal scheme of Imperial Defence. That is still a dream of the future, and Lord Curzon has not touched thia reform at all, evidently because it has not yet come within the scope of practical politics. With regard to the Civil Service i t would be impossible to cheapen what is probably the finest administrative machine in the world without spoiling it.

But Lord Curzon has attempted to

remedy its one special defect. The Indian Civilian of recent years has shown an increasing tendency to become a bureaucrat instead of an autocrat, All the greet inen of Indian history, John Lawrence, Nicholson, Edwardee, Sandeman, Jacob, were without exception autocrats who ruled their districts after the patriarchal manner with an iron hand. But . t h e y knew their charges

BRITISH RULE I N INDIA

93

thoroughly, spent their lives among thein, and were loved by them in return. The undeveloped masses of India have changed very little since the days of the Mutiny, but their ruler has changed greatly. The Indian Civilian of to-day is Iess of an individual, and more of a cog in a machine. He is more in touch with headquarters, and has to dispense law instead of justice. For that not he but the Government is responsible. He has to spend his time writing interminable reports about his people instead of studying their ways.

For

that the Government beforo Lord Curzon's time was also responsible.

As Macaulay said in his

essay on Warren Hastings :-"It

is Erom the

letters and reports of a public man in India that the dispensers of patronage form their estimate of him."

But for the final 'cause of getting out of

touch with his district the district officer himself and the conditions of modern travel were answerable. I n the Mutiny days the Civilian often lived and died in India, which was very unpleasant for

94

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

him but good for his work.

Nowadays London

is little more than n fortnight's journey from Bombay, and a man with three mouths' accuiuulated leave and sufficient money could run home for the grouse-shooting on the twelfth or any other . festival that tookhis fancy. 13ut when A. left for his three months' holiday B. had to be moved out of his district to fill As's place, and C. had t o be moved to fill B.'s; and when A, came back again there mas a fresh game of general post. Tlius a man never remained in the same district long enough to know it thoroughly and to become known to the people. Lord Cnrzon has changed a11 that.

He has

introduced a new rule that, after taking accumulated privileged leave of over six weeks, an officer shall render eighteen months' active service before his next holiday.

His holidays

are made longer and less frequent.

Thus

frequency of transfer is obviated. The district ia benefited, but the officer is incommoded, and

accordingly dislikes Lord Curzon.

BRITISH RULE IN INDIA

95

The second change that Lord Curzon has made is in report-writing. "The real tyrttnny to be feared in India," he said, "is not tyranny by the executive authority but by the pen." Accordingly he issued an order that reports in future were only to call attention to the really salient features in the year's administration; and he imposed a maximum limit for each report, which was not to be exceeded without permission, while he abolished others entirely. This change was wclcome to all t h e manlier men in the Service; but there were

some

"White Babus," especially in the upper ranks, with whom report-writing had become an ingrained habit, and who reaented being turned into administrators instead of clerks in spite of themselves. But these changes could only make the adrnini~t~ration a little more efficient. They could could not make the couutry richer.

That, un-

fortunately, is beyond the power of any Viceroy, however zealous.

The prosperity of India

96

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

depends ultimately on the ratio of its resources to its populatiou, and only immediately upon t.he clemency of the seasons. If a cycle of good harvests succeeds the cycle .of droughts

II

that India has recently experienced, the annual

I

Budget may easily display a series of surpluses. But that is but an illusory and shortlived prosperity. The people will only increase and multiply up to the margin of safety, end so afford a plentiful ha.rvest for the Reaper at the next famine. As the recent Famine Commission has pointed out, the only sources of permanent

wealth

are

thrift and industry.

Aa Lord Curzon points out, it is necessary for India to extend its non-agricultural sources of income, instead of depending entirely upon a single precarious industry. "It is for this reason that I welcome," he says, "the investment of capital end the employment of labour '

upon railways and canals, in factories, workshops, and mills, in coal mines and metalliferous mines, on tea and sugar and indigo plantatians."

!

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BRITISH RULE IN INDIA

97

If India is ever to be genuinely prosperous i t must restrict its population and extend its industries.

But it will be more than one or two

generations before tliat ideal comas to pass. I n the meantime the advice of the Famine Commission must not be taken too literally. I t is one thing to restrict the increase of the population, and quite another thing to allow human life to perish that has already been born into the world. That is what the Native States have done during the past decade. The Census of 1901 shows that the total population of the Native States aank cluring tliat time by over 5 per cent. Lord Curzon said in one of his speeches that the last famine had exploded for ever the colnparison in favour of Native States as against British districts.

Simila,rly

the terrible evidence of the Ce~~aus must silence those critics who maintain that native would be better than British rule in India.

CHAPTER V I I I

I

MISCELLANEOUS REFORMS

SIX out of

Lord

Curzon's list

of twelve

reforms have now been treated, namely, frontier policy, the new frontier province, leave rules, report-writing, railways, and irrigation, and the remaining six may be more shortly summarised, The first of these was Currency Reform, which had been the despair of t h e Indian Exchequer and the Anglo-Indian family man for the past twenty years. But i n 1899 the value of the rupee was fixed by law a t Is. 4d., or Rs. 15 to the S, and it has remained practically stable J that value ever since without causing the troubles in the gold circulation t h a t were feared.

T h e Indian

accounts are now made out in sums of pounds sterling instead of that most perplexing symbol 98

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MISCELLANEOUS REFORMS

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Rs. ; and the commercial evils of a fluctuating exchange have been obviated. The question of the increasing indebtedness of the agricultural classes and the expropriation of

I

their land to the money-lending classes is a pressing evil with which Lord Curzon has grappled.

This tendency is largely a creation

of British rule, and has its special drawbacks from the point of view of our interests. Beforc British

law gave the money-lender absolute

security for his debt he was not so eager to encourage the extravagance of the warrior and farming classes a t their daughter's wedding and similar occasions. But now the moneylender is certain of his money or its equivalent, and he is only too anxious to become

a,

landed proprietor.

But the warrior and the peasant are the back-bone of British rule ; and though, of course, we cannot permit the confidence of trade to be shaken, yet it was not to our interests to put the soft-fibred

bzcmniah in possession of the land and create a discontented and dangerous class of ruined men.

IOO

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

This evil came to a head specially in the Punjab, and was first brought to light by Mr ~ h o r b u r n in his book entitled Mussalmans and Money-

levtclers.

I

The question was how to keep the

peasant on the land without aBecting the security of capital. This problem was faced in the Punjab Land Alienation Bill, which was passed into law in the autumn of 1900. By this measure the peasant was prevented from selling his land, except to another " agriculturalist," and so his credit was restricted. It is yet too early to pronounce o n the success of the Bill; but if it is found to answer it is to be extended to Bombay and the other

I

provinces in turn. On the question of telegraphic communication between England and India, Lord Curzon said, i n 1901, "The matter will not be satisfactorily or finally settled, and there will not be t h e maximum development of traffic between t h e two countries until the rate has been reduced t o Is. per word." was uttered

the

A t the time this sentence rate

was

4s. per

word ;

C

MISCELLANEOUS REFORMS

101

but during the same year, by giving a liberal guarantee

from Indian

funds, Lord Curzon

induced the companies to reduce it t o 2s. 6d. per word, and they have promised a further reduction to 2s. if the returns from traffic are found to justify it.

This is a considerable boon

to Indian commercial men ; and Lord Curzon also aims a t an "all-red line " to India, so that we may not be dependent on Foreign Powers, through whose territory the telegraph passes. Lord Curzon takes

D,

great interest in Indian a r t

and architecture, and is a n enthusi~stfor the preservation of archaeological remains. I n his speech to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, in February 1900, he said :"India is covered with the visible records of vanishing dynasties, of forgotten monarchs, of persecuted and sometiines dishonoured creeds. These monuments are for the most part, though there are notable exceptions, in British territory ancl on soil i belonging to Government. Many of then1 are m out-of-the-way places, and are liable to the com-

! 102

LORD CURZON I N INDIA

binecl ravages of a tropical climate, an exubera,nt flora, and very often a local and ignorant population, who see only in a n ancient building the means of inexpensively raising a modern one for their own convenience, All these circumstances explain the peculiar responsibility thet rests upon Government in India." He went on to define his own purpose as follows :-

" I hope to assert more definitely during my time the Imperial responsibility of Government in respect of Indian antiquities, to inaugurate or to persuade a more liberal attitude on the part of those with whom it rests to provide the means, and to be a faithful guardian of the priceless treasure-house of art and learning that has, for a few years a t anyrate, been committed to my charge." The same speech contains t h e record of a number of separate instances in which Lord Curzon interfered on behalf of ancient monuments that were falling into decay or had been ruined by the British Philistine. But a single instance, which is not recorded there, must suffice as an example. A t Ahmedabad there is an ancient mosque, of which

\

I I

5,

I

1 MISCELLANEOUS REFORMS

103

the windows are formed on a design probably unique in the world. On the wall of the mosque I

there is the outline of a tree springing from a single stem, and the interstices in its branches form tbe

!j

windows. When Lord Curzon visited Ahmedabad in the middle of the hot weather of 1900, on his Famine Tour, he found that all the graven work of this beautiful design had been used by the local

babus to tore old documents and papers. He immediately had all thig -rubbish thrown out, the tree-trunk railed off, and the artistic tracery restored to its original beauty.

At the present

Coronation Durbar, also, he is holding a great exhibition of Indian art for the purpose of reviving some of the perishing art industries of the country. There remain two Commissions, one oE which has recently issued its report, while the other is still sitting. The University Commission waa appointed to try and diacover a remedy for the 4

special evils that have arisen from grafting a Western education upon an Eastern nation. Our educational policy in India was practically decided

P

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LORD CURZON I N INDIA

by the great speech of Lord Rilacaulay, in which he pleaded for allowing our Indian fellow-subjects to enter into the heritage of Western Science through the gate of an English education. The advice was undoubtedly sound upon the whole, but experience has proved that it has its special evils. They are the same evils that we find i n a less-exaggerated form in Ireland, where a Celtic race is taught on the basis of a, Saxon tongue. But in India no more than in Ireland is any other course possible. The best Indian intellects are thus enabled to keep abreast of modern civilisation ; but the mediocre and the atupid learn English lessons without understanding them, pass their examinations by the memory feat of learning their text-books by rote, and regard their graduate degree chiefly as a commercial asset which entitles them t o Government employment. The evils of the cramming system i n England are tenfold intensified in India. Even the man who has failed i n his University examinations refuses to waste the money he has spent on learning

1 1

MISCELLANEOUS REFORMS

English, and proudly signs himself " failed B.A.," on the principle that i t is better to have tried and lost than not to have been examined a t all. It is doubtful whether these evils can be altogether remedied ; but the University Commission has roused

I'

a storm of

indignation amongst the

students of Calcutta by recommending that the

\~

1

.system of cram shall be prevented as much as possible, that the text-books shall be made too long to be learnt by heart, that the residential

(

- ;

system of

our English Universities shall be

introduced

ae far

as

the poverty

of

the

Indian student permits, and that steps shall be

i.

taken to increase the personal influence of t h e English teacher over his pupils. These are all desirable reforms, but

difficult to carry into

practice. During his final year of office Lord

c,

Curzon will have time to see some of them a t any rate initiated. The Indian police constable is probably one of the most corrupt individuals in the world. When free from European supervision he possesses all

106

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

t h e vices of the petty tyrant vested with a little brief

authority.

H e is cruel and avaricious.

Not only will he bear false witness and commit perjury himself for a bribe, but he will torture other witnesses to make them give the evidence he requires. A few years ago there was a n able and zealous young English oficer in the police force

who discovered a wholesale system of bribery and extortion among his subordinates. H e carefully collected all the necessary evidence and reported the case to the head of his department.

I n reply,

instead of commendation for his zeal in the public service, he received a cold official notification that it was not desirable " t o stir up mud." Those were the lines on which our Indian bureaucracy was managed before Lord Curzon took up the leeins. It is t o inquire into such evils as this t h a t the Police Commission has been appointed; b u t it, like the Irrigation Commission, is still sitting. Finally, there is t h e question of army reform, which is not on the list of the original dozen

i MISCELLANEOUS REFORMS

subjects.

At the farewell dinner to Sir Power

Palmer, late Commander-in-Chief in India, Lord Curzon said of his work :-

" H e may look back, as he retires, upon a n Army almost entirely re-armed with a modern quick-firing rifle, supplied with a large increase of officers, equipped in respect of transport with a boqza-Jicle orgaaisation. He may contemplate 8 system of frontier defence, worked out upon a scientific plan and almost immeasurably superior to that of a few years ago, the rnobilisation of coast defcnce, artillery re-armament, the Madras reconstruction, and the establishment of Indian factories for the supply of materials and munitions of war." To these points may be added the details of the assistance lent by the Indian to the British Asmy during the Boer W a r and the China Campaign. It sent to South Africa 13,200 oficers and men, and to China 1,300 British officers and men, with 20,000 Native troops and their Native

LORD CURZON I N INDIA

followers, and large supplies of ammunition, stores and baggage - mimals.

These were ]nost

valuable gifts a t a crisis of the Empire's fortunes which have established a claim for considerate treatment of India in return.

! 1-

CHAPTER IX THE BEST VICEROY SINCE LORD LAWRENCE

TWOof the titulary deities of the Punjab down to the present day are

"

JAn Lbren " and Nikalsayn,

strong Inen both, of s n iron' hand and indomitable resolution.

I t is. safe to prophesy that in the

coming years the name of "Curzon L a t Sahib" will be added to theirs as one of the great Englishmen who have impressed the imagination

01 India. He has shown himself a ruler of high ideals and strenuous performance. Lord Curzon is not a popular Viceroy and i t would be affectation to pretend that he is. It is not t h e strong man's part to court popularity, but to rule the Empire committed to his charge wisely and well, without fear or favour; and that Lord Curzon has done to the admiration of every unbiassed mind that has followed his career with attention.

I 10

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

He is not entirely liked by the Civil Service, becauso he has interfered with their facilities for obtaining leave, and because the reformer is never popular with those whom he sets out to reform. H e himself has expressed his ambition as follows :

-"I

should like, if I have time while in India, t o place upon the anvil every branch of Indian

policy and administration, to test its efficiency and durability, and, if possible, do something for its improvement."

To

reslise

such an ambition

meant a great stirring of the dry bones of the Indian bureaucracy, and dry bones have a strong objection to being stirred. H e has even displayed

e tendency to interfere with the rulings of the judges, which is a n unforgivable sin on the part of an executive officer. But Lord Curzon regards

himself as the fount of equity as well m the spring of action in India. He is not entirely liked

by the Army, because he has curtailed their opportunities of distinction in frontier ware, and because here again he has displayed a tendency to interfere in regimental discipline. It was due

BEST VICEROY SINCE LORD LAWRENCE

I11

to his action that an officer was court-martialled for " a regrettable incident" in the Mahsud Waziri Campaign, though he was honourably acquitted.

Nor is he entirely liked by the

natives, because their

welfare

though his consideration for and

his

somewhat

OrientaI

eloquence appeal to them, yet his Imperial sentiments identify him thoroughly with the dominant

race.

But

though

he

is not a

favourite with any one particular class, l ~ eis admired and respected by them a11 collectively. To every subject that has been laid before him during his term of office he has brought an open mind and an unfaltering judgment.

Between the

conflicting interests of European and native he holds the scales even with a atern and undeviating hand. It was he that was responsible for the punishment of some British soldiers a t Rangoon who had murdered a native woman; and he disgraced the officers who showed

c~

lack of zeal i n

investigating the matter. In the case of the 9th Lancers he has roused strong feeling by stopping

r d$ 112

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

fi

1:

all leave in the regiment for six months, because a native was murdered near their lines on the

night of their return from South Africa to

I

Sialkot. He has revised the shooting rules in the

in order to minimise the friction

between the country people and what the native Press delights to call " a brutal and licentious soldiery."

He has ofl'ended more than one Anglo-

Indian Bumble by treating the natives as his constituents sather than as mere food for statistics. Finally, he has founded the Imperial Cadet Corps, in which he has already enrolled twenty scions of the ruling families of India, including four Ruling Chiefs.

Thus he has provided a

military career for the leaders of a warrior race who previously could aspire to no higher alnbition than the idleness and intrigues of the aenana. The development of the Imperial Service troops, and their employment.on active service both on t h e Indian border and in China, has been a marked feature of Lord Curzon's rule. All these I

'

paints are separate manifestations of an excessive

k !

BEST VICEROY SINCE LORD LAWRENCE

II

3

activity, which, in the enervating climate of India, amid a stagnant society, is the most valuable fault that any Viceroy can have.

I n a word, Lord

Curzon has won for himself in Indian matters

i

much the same reputation as Lord Kitchenel- has in Army matters-that

of a salutary nuisance.

His enemies say that Lord Curzon is an egotist. Perhaps he is. Most strong men with the courage of their convictions are somewhat self-centred and self-opinionated.

But if so, this, like his

activity of mind, is one of the best faults that a n Indian Viceroy could have.

The Oriental loves a n

autocrat ;any symptom of hesitation or self-distrust is fatal-it

only rouses distrust in him also. An

assured command elicits unhesitating obedience. Lord Curzon has made the Government of India more direct and more personal.

Moreover, his

ambition is a t any rate not selfish ; it is wholly and ~ o l e l ydirected t o the welfare of India. In Society, Lord Curzon is frankly and undisguisedly disliked. His brusquerie of manner is sometimes compared to his disadvantage with H

[I4

LORD CURZON IN INDIA

the courtly suavity of Lord D~fferin. But look at the difference of calibre between the two men. Only a smell-minded person would set his petty mannerisms against the good that Lord Curzon has done for India. Moreover, Society is more especially the woman's sphere, and there Lady Curzon atones for all tliat her husband lacks, The daughter of the Chicago millionaire, Mr Leiter, her beauty, wealth, and charm of manner have made her the most popular hostess that Simla has known for many a long day. America may be justly proud of having given such a,

Vice-Queen to the greatest dependency of the

British Crown, In person Lord Curzon is above the middle height, with the shoulders of a n athlete, a curved nose, the alert eye of the business man, and somewhat the air of a fashionable physician. He is said t o work fourteen hours a day, and his study light is seen burning far into the night. The Viceroy is certainly the busiest man in the Indian Empire. He demands from no man what he does not exact

TtiE I.ALIY CUlZ%I.>N01: K&UI.BSl'ON A h l ) l l R R CIIII.DNEH, THE I I O N . LlAliY 1I
BEST VICEROY SINCE LORD LAWRENCE

[IS

from himself ; and it needs an iron constitution to bear with such untiring energy the burden of responsibility that more Lord Dalhousie prematurely into his grave. On the intellectual side, Lord Curzon's chief defect is the lack of a sense of humour, not only in the sense of an appreciation of wit, but in the, wider sense which implies balance and proportion of character. He is not the style of man to enjoy a joke a t his own expense. Once a t a book-tea i n Simla he saw a lady with the legend pinned on her breast :"

Lord and Lady Curzon."

"

Lord and Lady Northcote."

He went up, asked the interpretation, and was told American Wives u~zcllhqlish Husbunds. All that he said in reply was, "Lady Northcote is a Canadian," and turned away i n displeasure. But that is merely saying that Lord Cureon has the defects of his qualities. A sense of humour, while giving balance of mind and tolerance of judgment,

116

LORD CURZON I N INDIA

often means a lack of enthusiasm and driving power.

No great prophet or reformer has ever

had a sense of humour. Lord Curzon is a t any rate a reformer, and he gives his whole soul to everything that he undertakes.

He talres both

himself and the Empire committed to his charge in deadly earnest. In fact, i t is not too much to say that in ability, in insight and sympathy, and in versatility h e has proved himself the best Viceroy that India hati had since Lord Lawrence ; perhaps we might go even further back and say since the Marquis of Wellesley.

APPENDIX

APPENDIX LORD CURZON'S JUSTIFICATION OF

THE DELHI DURBAR

THEfollowing is the complete text of the speech which Lord Curzon delivered in the Imperial Legislative Council at Simla on September 5, justifying the cost of Durbar :-

the Delhi Coronation

" I desire to take advantage of the present occasion to say a few words about the great function, or combination of functions, at Delhi, which mill fill so large s part of our attention during the next few months, and which will bring together so immense and probably unprecedented a concourse of the Indian peoples a t the old Mogul 19

APPENDIX

120

capital in January next.

His Majesty the K i n g

has already been happily crowned in England, and he is as much already our King and Emperor as he waz the d a y after the death of the late Queen Empress. No ceremony can increase h i s titles or add to the legality of his position.

Why,

then, it may be asked, should we have in India a celebration of his Coronation at a l l ?

Public

opinion has, I think, &heady answered this quesi

t

t

tion to its own satisfaction; but perhaps I m a y also be permitted t o contribute a few words t o the reply. T o the East there is nothing strange, but sometlling familiar and even sacred, in the practice that brings Sovereigns into communion with their people in a ceremony of publicsolemnity

:i

and rejoicing after they have succeeded to their high estate. Every Sovereign of India or of parts of India did it in the old days, every chief in

-

India the illustration may even be carried as far as the titled noblemen and ~eminnars-does i t now, and the Installation Durbar is an accepted

I'

,

APPENDIX

121

one end of the country to the other. If this is so in all the grades of our social hierarchy, how much more important and desirable i t is that i t shoulcl obtain in the highest. I find, for my part, in such a ceremony much more than a mere official recognition of the fact that one monarch has died and another succeeded. To millions of the people in their remote and contracted lives that makes but lithle difference ; but the community of interest between a Sovereign and his people to which such a function testifies, and which it serves to keep alive, is most vital and most important. Society in all ages has sought a head to whoin it has been prepared to pay reverence, and Kingship is the popular form that has been assumed by its allnost universal instinct. But i t is in proportion as the superiority thus willingly acknowledged by the subject ceases to be merely official and titular, and as the Ring becomes the representative as well as the figure-head of his people, that the relationship is of value to both of them. The life and vigour of a nation are summed up before the world in the

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APPENDIX

person of its Sovereign. He it is v h o aymbolises its unity and speaks for it in the gate. Here in India it is for the first time under the British Crown that this unity has been attained and t h a t the entire Continent has acknowledged a single ruler. The political force and the moral grandeur of the nation are indisputably increased by this form of cohesion, and both are raised i n the estimation of the world by a demonstration of its reality. "There is another point of view from which I regard such a display as having far more t h a n a superficial value. I n all our various divisions in this country, divisions of race and class and custoin and creed, the one thing that holds us together and subordinates the things that make for separation to the compelling force of union, is loyalty to n cornmoil Head, membership of the same body politic, fellow-citizenship of the same Empire. The more we realise this, the happier will be our individual lives, and the more assured our national destinies. It is, therefore, as a n act

APPENDIX

I 23

of supreme public solemnity, demonstrating to ourselves our strength, that I regard the Delhi ceremonial, and certainly as no mere pageant intended to dazzle the senses for a few hours or

To my mind, Lord Lytton, who was the first in British times to inaugurate such an Imperial Durbai* as we propose to hold, though in different circumstances days, and then to be forgotten.

and on a smaller scale, set an example characterised both by statesmanship and imagination. I have not a doubt that much good flowed from the I m ~ e r i a lAssemblage of 1st January 1877, and, under the blessing of Providence, I firmly believe that gimilar a i d even larger resulhs will follow froill the ceremony of the 1st January 1903.

"Of cpurse the occasion would be made both inore solemn and more historic if the KingEmperor were able to be preaent in person, and could place the Crown of All the Indias upon his own brow. Long ago, when we were first formulating our plans, I ventured to present this aspect of the case to His Majesty. The idea was most

124

APPENDIX

agreeable to him, and he would have greatly rejoiced to be able to carry it out. His love for this country has always been great, and I venture to affirm that he is as proud to be the first Emperor of All India as the late Queen Victoria was to be its first Empress; but the duties of State are too absorbing to permit His Majesty to be absent from England for so many weeks as would have been required, and he was compelled to desist from gratifying s wish that would otherwise have had for hiin the greatest attractions. I n these circumstances the news will be received with delight that His Majesty has deputed his brother, the Duke of Connaught, to represent the Royal

4

Fsruily at the approaching Durbar. The presence

I

of the Duke and Duchess, who have already spent so many happy years in this country, and who are so universally loved by all clmses of the people, will lend to our proceedings a distinction

1

that they would otherwiso have lacked, and will bring home more directly to all India the vivid

i

\ r

1

APPENDIX

125

that the 'Icing is in a certain sense with us in the person of his brother, and that, as it was not in his power either to attend himself or to depute the

1

i

i 4

heir-apparent, whom we all hope to welcome a t a later date, His Majesty has taken the best means of testifying to India his profound sympathy and regard. "There is another point of view Irom which I think that such a gathering- as that which will take place a t Delhi will be of value. The weak spot of India is what I may call its water-tight

6

i

i i.

I"

compartment system. Each province, each native state, is more or less shut off by solid bullrheads even from its nejghbour. The spread of railways and the relaxation of social restrictions are tending to break these down; but they are still very ~trong. Princes who live in the south have rarely, if ever in their lives, seen or visited the states of the north. Perhaps among the latter there are chiefs who have rarely left their homes. It cannot but be a good thing that they should meet and get to know each other, and exchange

ideas, and yet no opportunity of meeting on a large scale is possible, unless i t be aRorded by a state occasion such as this. If we look a t the continent of Europe we shall see what immense strides have been made in the development of common interests and in the cause of peace since the European rulers have taken to meeting each other on important occasions. Where tliey used in the old days to set their armies in motion upon the slightest breath of suspicion, they now have o, talk, and exchange toasts a t official banquets. Greece did the same thing in ancient times, and in a way peculiar to herself, for it cannot be doubted that the national spirit which held all those little states together, and enabled them to stand up against the greatest military empires of the old world, was largely bred and j

I

, I 1

111 ,,

nurtured a t the Pan-Hellenic gatherings known as the Olympic Games. "Again, in this country, I think that it is an equal benefit to the British administrators from

I

I

8

different provinces to meet. There is many a man

I I

?

i ' I I

I

I

APPENDIX

127

in Madras who has never seen the Punjab, or even in Bombay who is wholly ignorant of Bengal. The Viceroy is almost the only man i n India who has the chance of knowing the whole country and of applying the comparative test. People are apt to complain of uniformity in government. I can assure them that the diff'erentiations of system and plan in India are amazing. I am not the person to wish to blot them out; but I do say confidently that an occasion like the Delhi Durbar, when soldiers and civilians from all parts of Iudia will meet, not for a few hours or a day, but for a fortnight, and can compare notes and exchange ideas with each other, will be fraught with incalcult~bleadvantage, both to the participants and to the administration which they serve. "These appear to me, apart from the act of homage t o the Sovereign, to be the principal benefits that will accrue to India as a whole from the Durbar. I have, as is known, endeavoured still further t o utilise the opportunity in a practical spirit, by arranging for a great Exhibi-

128

APPENDIX

tion of Indian art manufactures to be held a t Delhi a t the same time. I confidently assure the public that they will be greatly astonished a t the range, the variety, and the beauty of this Exhibition.

Whether i t is true that the old

Indian arts are being killed by European competition, a charge that is frequently brought by those who do not m d r o the smallest effort to keep them alive themselves, or whether they are perishing from this apathy, or whether India merely provides, as I suspect, an illustration of a worldwide law, the fact remains that the process of extinction has not been carried nearly so far as many suppose, and that artificers still exist in India, even in these days of commercial ideals and debauched taste, who are capable of satisfying the demand for the artistic and beautiful and rare, if such a demand there be. I cannot pretend b y a single exhibition to create it ; but if i t already be in existence, as I cannot but think, though perhaps dormant and abashed, then we may do a good deal by an opportunity such as

APPENDIX

iig

this to revive and stimulate it, for we shall, I hope, both advertise to the world what we are capable of turning out and also-which is much moie important - encourage the aptitudes and educate the taste of our own people. "And now I wish to say a few words about an even more pract,ical aspect of the case, viz., the charge that will thereby be imposed upon the revenues of India. I have seen statements made about this subject that have startled even my

I

I

&. C I E i

hardened mind. It seems to be quite a popular thing to allege in certain quarters that the Durbar is going to cost India a t least a crore, while in one responsible organ I read that Lord Curzon was going to throw away upon senseless

I

1I i I i

i

pomp and show a sum of two millions sterling. Of course, too, our old friend Nero, who is alleged to have fiddled while ~ o m burned, i has often been brought out for my special delectation. Personally

I deprecate the tendency to apply to every act of State, great or small, the sordid test of its

I

actual equivalent in pice and annas and rupees. I I

!

130

APPENDIX

There are some things for which no expenditure can be too great, just as there are others for which none can be too small ; but I quite recognise that these abstract considerations will not appeal to everybody and that there is both seriousness and sincerity in the contention that, desirable and even necessary as the function may be, the public money should not be needlessly squandered upon it. This plea seem8 to me to be so reasonable that

I propose to give to it tlze answer that i t deserves. It emanates, I think, from two classes of persons -from

those who thinlc that no money ought to

be spent a t Delhi a t all while parts of India are suffering from drought or scarcity, and from those who are anxious that while some money is spent i t should not be too much. I will deal with the first class first. A few weeks ago i t is true that we were in the greatest anxiety and trepidation as to what might be in store for us in Gujrat, in parts of the Deccan, i n Ajmer, and in portions of the Central Provinces and the Punjab; but

I can truthfully say that the past three weeks

I

i 1

f

.

APPENDIX

131

have been, on the whole, the happiest that I have spent since I came to India, for, by the merciful and continuous fall of rain in those tracts where i t wits most needed, we have, I believe, escaped all chance of real or wide-spread famine in the forthcoming winter, and though here and there we may be confronted with distress, yet nothing in the shape of a national calamity is to be feared. But even .supposing that this rain had not fallen or that I am all wrong in my prognostications now, does anyone suppose for a moment that, because we are going to expend e F

certain number of lakhs of rupees at Delhi, one penny less would have been devoted to the relief and sustenance of the destitute in other parts of India 1 At the beginning of the famine of 1899 I gave the assurance on behalf of Government that not one rupee would be stinted or spnred that could be devoted to the alleviation of distress and the saving of human life. That promise we faithfully fulfil, and even if famine burst upon us now or while the Durbar was proceeding, we

132

APPENDIX

sliould not take from the public purse a single anna that would otherwise be consecrated to tlie service of the poor, They have the first claim upon our consideration and that claim we should regard i t as an obligation of honour to discharge.

" Then there is the second class of critics who recognise that the Durbar must cost something, but are apprehensive lest it should be run on t o o exorbitant a scale. I am old enough to remember that the same criticism was rife at the time of Lord Lytton's assemblage in the autumn of 1876. Famine was a t that time abroad in the land, a n d loud were the denunci,ztions both i n the Indian press, and even i n Parliament at home, of h i s alleged extravagance and folly, and yet I have seen calculations made by Lord Lytton which show that when ell recoveries had been made the net cost to India of the Delhi assemblage was only 550,000 and of the entire rejoicings throughout India, Delhi included, X100,OOO.

I n one

respect we are i n a somewhat different position now.

The assemblage of 1877 was an almost

APPENDIX

I33

exclusively official assemblage. I have tried to gather a t the impending Durbar representatives of all the leading classes of the community from every part of India. I want to make it a celebration not of officials alone but of the public. This means tbat me shall have a t Delhi in the forthcoming winter larger camps, more guests, and as a consequence a greater outlay than in 18'17.

Quite apart from our own arrangements, the improvement i n communications and the social progress that have talren place in the last twentyfive years will bring together a much larger concourse of persons.

Nearly everyone would

like to be present, and the number who will actually be present will be very large. All these features will tend t o increase the scale of the proceedings.

Notwithstanding these considera-

tions I desire to assure the public, who have a right t o know, that the proposed arrangements are being run on strictly business

- like

and

economical lines. I remember hearing Lord Salisbury, in a speech a t the Mansion House,

134

APPENDIX

before I left England, eulogise our future Cornmnnder-in-Chief, Lord Kitchenel; for his ability to run n campaign on commercial principles. I think that in ~Sespectof the Durbar we may l a y a similar flattering unction to our souls. T h e whole of the buildings and structures a t Delhi that are being erected for the special purposes of the gathering are being made of materials that will retain their value after their pre1

liminary use, and will be offered for public sale.

I11 marly cases recoveries of from sixty to eighty per cent of the initial outlay are thus expected. The tents and carriages and horses which have h a d to be made or collected in such enormous numbers for the convenience of visitors will be similarly disposed of, and here, in many case8, I expect that we shall retrieve value.

100 per cent of t h e

The entire electric plant for lighting

the camps and the Fort is part of the machinery that has been ordered by the Military Department for instituting the great experiment of ventilating and lighting barracks in India by

APPENDlX

I35

electricity.

Down to the smallest detail we are so arranging that the money will not be thrown

e or other will come away, but in s o ~ r ~form back.

Then I take Government property in

railways in this country, and whether we work them ourselves or through others, the whole, or a considerable portion of the profits come into our hands.

I think that the critics may be

invited to pause and wait to see the t r a 5 c receipts of Uecember, January and February next before they colltinue their lamentations.

I shall be very much surprised if these returns do not put baclr into the poclret of Clovernment the major portion of what i t has spent. There are also the postal and telegraphic services, the profits of which pass into the Government chest and from which we shall receive largelyincreased returns. Finally, I would invite those who are so fearful of a n unrelnunerative outlay to open their eyes to what is going on and has beeu going on for months past in all parts of India. I assert that hundreds of thousands af

APPENDIX

136

Indian workmen and artisans are receiving full employment and good wages in preparing f o r this Durbar.

Go to the cotton mills of Cawnpore

and Jubbulpoi-e and Lahore, where the tents are made, to the factories where the harness and saddlery are turned out, to the carriage-builders where the landaus and victorias are being built by the hundred, to the carpet factories where the du~riesand rugs are being woven, to the furniture-makers where the camp equipage is munufactured; go to every Native State where the durzis and embroiderers will be found working double time ; go to any town or even village i n India, where a native art industry exists and has perhaps hitherto languishecl, but where you will find the coppersmiths and silversmiths, the carvers in wood

and ivory

and stone, the

enamellers and painters and lacquerers, hard at work; go to all these places and then form an opinion ns to the effect upon Indian labour of the Delhi Durbar. Supposing we were to follow the advice of some of our friends and to issue

APPENDIX

I37

a proclamation srkpending the entire proceedings to-morrow, I predict that a cry of protest and of appeal would be heard from one end of the country to the other, and that without benefiting a single individual we should deprive the Indian artisan of one of the greatest opportunities that he has enjoyed for generations and

inflict upon him a cruel and senseless

injury.

" I have t h w argued that a large portion of the expenditure to be incurred a t Delhi will be nominal only, and that we shall take back or give back to India with one hand what we expend with the other.

Let me deal with the

actual figures in the Budget of last March, W e provided for en outlay of twenty-six and a half lalchs (about 31'76,000) upon the Durbar. This is the sum that in the fertile imagination of some writers has been magnified to one more and even t o two millions sterling. I do not include in this outlay the sum of four lakhs which have been devoted to the Arts Exhibition, because I do not

138

APPENDIX

suppose that anyone will be found to argue that that is an expenditure of public money upon the Coronation.

The greater part of i t will be re-

covered, and in any year, Coronation or otherwise,

it would have been a prudent and remunerative expenditure of the public money. Neither do I take the eight and a half lakhs provided for the troops, for we should not of oourse have expended that sum in bringing so large a number of troops to Delhi for the Durbar alone. It is being expended in the main upon the great military manceuvres that are a n inseparable feature of modern military training and that will take place during the month precceding the Durbar, in the same way as the maneuvres held by Lord Duffesin in the same neighbourhood, independently either of Durbar or of Coronation, in the year 1886. There remain then twenty-six ancl a half lalrhs, supplemented by such local expencliture as mhy be imposed upon Local Governmeilts by their preparations, and of the total sum, as I have pointed out, the greater part will most certainly be

APPENDIX

I39

reimbursed. The actual net cost of the proceedings a t Delhi i t is of course impossible a t this date to calculate or forecast ; but I hope I have said enough to show that i t will be almost immeasurably less than the dimensions wliich a too tropical imagination has allowed it to assume, and that a great State ceremonial will never have been conducted in India upon more economical lines.

" I cannot help thinking that the sensitiveness about expenditure here, which I hope that I may have succeeded in allnying, has been to some extent fomented by the impression that prevailed till a little while ago that Inclia might also be called upon to pay for a portion of the entertainment of the Indian visitors and the military contingent who recently proceeded to England to take part in the Coronation festivities there. This was a subject upon which tlie Government of India placed themselves some time ago in communication with the Home Government, and as a sequel to this exchange of opinion it was with pleasure that we

140

APPENDIX

heard that the Secretary of State had persuaded t h e Imperial Exchequer to assume the entire cost of all charges that had been incurred in England in connection with the Indian visitors.

These in-

clude the entertainment of the Indian Chiefs and representatives, and of the Contingent representing the army and volunteers, as well as the entire cost of the India Office ceremony. The principle that each country should pay for its own guests is in m y opinion incontestably right, and i t will,

I hope, be accepted and acted upon in the future.

"I have now said enough, I hope, to show that neither is Rome burning-on the contrary, I believe t h a t she stands on the threshold of a n era of great prosperity-nor

most certainly is Nero

fiddling. I do not indulge much in prophecy in India, and I cannot say what unforeseen vicissitudes, internel or external, may be in store for us; but, humanly speaking, we need not anticipate anything that is likely during the few months that intervene between now and January next to

APPENDIX

141

prevent us from joining in the Delhi gathering with clear consciellces and joyous hearts. It only now remains for us to endeavour to make our celebration in India not less successful than that which has just been carried through in England.

A good Inany eyes in a good many parts of the globe will be directed upon Delhi in January next, and we shall have an opportunity not merely of testifying the enthusiastic loyalty of India to the Ring-Emperor in the presence of his brother, but also of demonstrating to the world that Indie is not sunlr in torpor or stagnation, but is alive with an ever-expanding force and energy.

That all

India should approach these ceremonies with one heart and mind ancl voice is my most e a ~ n e s t prayer, and that those who cannot take part in them a t Delhi should hold similar rejoicings, and be similarly entertained in the neighbourhood of their own homes, it is our hope and desire to arrange. "There is one small matter personal to myself which I may perhaps be allowed to mention before

142

APPENDIX

I conclude, because it also has a wider bearing. I have seen it assumed in many quarters that as soon as the Durbar is over and this anxiety has been removed, T am lilcely to resign my office and go to England in the pursuit of personal or political ainbitions. Indeed, I scarcely know how many times during the past two years similar stories have been flying about. Both the authors of these rumours and those who give credit to them do me an unconscious injustice i n assuming that I could tliinlc of taking my hand off the plough before the end of the furrow is in sight. Not once since I have been in India has any such idea entered my mind. Barring contingencies that cannot bo foreseen, I have no intention whatever of so acting. Much of {;he work to which my colleagues and myself have set our hands is still incomplete. So long as I receive from them an assistance which has never swerved or abated, and so long as health and strength are given to me to pursue the task,

I shall regard it as an abnegation of duty to lay it down. Whether the work be worth doing for

the sake of the country it is not for me to say, but I may be permitted to add that to me at anyrate it appears us the highest and most sacred of trusts."

TEE END

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By Major A R T H U R G R I F F I T H S OTHERS WILL BE ANNOUNCED LATER

JAess~s Eve?leff f3 Co. hnve the jlcnsuve t o alz?zoz/rzce n New Series o f S H I L L I N G Works of Fiction by Pojziilnr Authovs. 0 Duchess! A Trivial Narrative. By W. R. H. TROWBRIDGE, Author of "Letters of her Mother to Elizabeth," " The Grandmother's Advice to Elizabeth," etc.

Round the World with a Millionaire. By BASIL TOZER.

Two Fools.

By G. B. BURGIN, Author of "The Cattle BoatJ" " A Goddess of Gray's Inn," etc.

On the Promenade Deck. By TORIN BLAIR, Author of '* Belinda," etc.

"Why I don't." A

" Epaulettes,"

Series of Humorous Sketches.

By WELLESLEY PAIN (Brother of the wellknown Humorist, BARRYPAIN).

The Malefactors. By CHAS. RAWDON BLAIR, Author of "Adventures on a Houseboat," etc.

Camp Fire Sketches. By A. G . HALES, War Correspondent, Author of " Campaign Pictures," " The Viking Strain," etc.

A Son of the Fleet. By MARY E. ICENNARD, Author of "The Girl in the Brown Habit," etc.

A Girl in London. By JOHN STRANGE WINTER.

London : R. A. EVERETT & GO., 42 Essex St., Strand, W. C.

Everett's Shilling Library-continued. A New Comic Encyclopadia. Written and Illustrated by ARCHIBALD CHASEMORE.

Free Pardon. By REGINALD BARNETT.

The Twillford Mystery. By G. FIR'I'H SCOTT, Author of rLTheLast Lemurian," etc. Noveb by Barry Pain, Mrs Campbell Praed, and other Authors will Be added to the Series in due couyse.

Everett's New T H R E E SN(LLING H .SIXPENNY Novels by F'o$uZar Awthors Crown 8vo. Handsomely Bound Cloth.

A Roumanian Vendetta. By "CARMEN SYLVA" (The Queen of Roumania).

The ~ e n t l e m e kfrom Goodwood. By E. H. COOPER, Author of Newmarlret," etc.

" Mr Blake of

Barcali, the mutineer. A Tale of the South Pacific. By C. DUDLEY LAMPEN. Illustrated by HAROLD PIPVARD.

In Royal Colours.

A Story of the Coronation Derby. By NAT GOULD.

A Sportswoman's Love Letters. 4th Edition. By FOX RUSSELL, Author of "Colonel Botcherby," " Outridden," etc.

THE GREAT INDIAN CORONATION DURBAR AT DELHI l Crown 8vo. With Portrait and other Illustrations. Price 2s. 6d.

LORD CURZON

IN INDIA

By H. CALDWELL LIPSETT '' The Civil.

Assista~itEniior of" Thc Lonrion Dai& Chynicle " a d b t e of and illilit~zryGizzcttc, Lahore

Some of the Subjects dealt with in this book :(I) A Stable Frontier Policy. (2) The Creation of the New Frontier Province. (3) A Reform of the Transfer and Leave Rules in Lhe India11 Civil Service. (4) A Diminution of Report Writing. (5) A Stable Rate of Exchange in the Currency System. (6) T h e Increase of Railways. (7) The Encouragement of Irrigation. (8) X Cure for Agriculturxl Indebtedness. (9) A Reduction of the 'I'elegrapliic Rate between India and Europe. (10) The Preservation of Arch~ologicalRemains. ( I I) Educational Reform. (I z) Police Reform. (13) The Indian Famine, etc., etc. co~atni~ting Lord C Z ~ Y Zsjeeclijustz;fying O~S the Delhi Durhar

BY THE S A M E AUTHOR Crown 8vo. Cloth extra. Price 3s. 6d. 1211

Important Novel of Anglo-Indian Life, entitled :-

A FRONTIER O F F I C E R By H. CALDWELL LIPSETT Assistant Editor Rj" The Londo~zDaiCy Chro7ziclz" and late of" The Civil nnd ilfilitnry Gazette," Lahore

London: R. A. EVERETT & CO., 42 Essex St., Strand, W.C.

T h e most recent a n d ua-to-date w o r k on Veterinarv S c i e n c e

The Veterinary Manual for Horse Owners By FRANK T. BARTON, M.R.C.V.S. With about Sixty Illustrations from Original Drawings, Crown 8V0, well printed and strongly bound, 108. 6d. nett. (2nd Edition, revised.)

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T h e object of this "Veterinary Manual" aims a t supplying the intelligent horse owner with a thoroughly reliable book upon the general management of the horse in health, and its treatment when suffering from accident or l a b o u r i ~ gunder disease. Every care possible has been taken to make the work "practical 'I i n its teaching with an avoidance of technical terms, without sacrificing facts of importance.

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G l q o z o Herald.-" The teaching of this book is up-to-date in its chaiacter, and it will certainly prove a boon to the farmer or owner when he happens to reside far from veterinary advice, and inay require to act in an emergency." fift~.ina~ia~s.-~LAfter careful perusal we consider the book sonndin its essential facts and certainly much preferable to the older manoals." Field.-"There is no doubt that the horse owner will find the manual very useful." -

London ; R. A. EVERETT 85 CO., 42 Essex St., Strand, W.C.

A CENTURY OF

ENGLISH F O X = H U N T I N G GEORGE F, UNDERHILL AUTHOR 01:

HINTS TO HUNTING MBN," ETC.

Demy 8v0, cloth, gilt top, with coloured frontispiece by John Leech, gs. nett. , P R E S S OPINIONS

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"Fox-hunting is a tolerably well-worn theme; of books on the subject there is an abundance, both ancient and modern; so the author deserves credit for a fair measure of originality a n d presenting old friends in new dresses. ' A Century of English FoxHunting' will prove a valuable addition to the libraries of all ~portsnien.~'-lt'rsttt~i~tster Gazette. "The contents of the volume before us are remarkably cleverly compiled, for although many of the facts recorded within t h e cover will be familiar to the student of fox-hunting lore, yet even the rnost learned, we believe, will find some little anecdote of field craft that \rill be new to him. Taking the volume as a whole, we consider it extremely well mapped out, and that it will have a large circulation is not only our desire, but our S/rooti?~gTilnes and BntZ'sh opinion as a sporting writer."--The Sjortst?rar~. "bfr George F. Underhill has written a very entertaining boolr in his Century of English Fox-Hunting.' H e has succeeded in all his purposes, and has produced an admirable volume, notwithstanding the fact that, as soon as he con~mencedhis work, the war denuded the hunting field of many of the keenest foxhunters. In short, the book is an apologia for, and the exposition of, sport, and will be welcomed in the libraries."-&wy n?rd Nnvy Gazette. --

London : R. A. EVERETT & GO,,42 Essex St., Strand, W.C.

AN IMPORTANT NEW WORK

PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE OR

LIFE AMONGST THE REMOUNTS IN SOUTH AFRICA SVDNEV ~ R L V R Y N E Z Hon. Lieutenant R e m o u n t Corps Author of L'The Horse," "Horse Dentition," L'Points of the Eorse," etc.

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For two and a half years with the Remounts in South Africa Crown 8v0, cloth, 2s. 6d.

CONTENTS Remounts for South Africa-Hints for Improvement in the Management and Comfort of Horses at Sea-Various Methods of buying Remounts-The Treatment of Captured and Derelict Horse-Stock-Remount Farms and DepBts-Horses from Foreign Countries Imported into South Africa-The System of Commandeering in South Africa-The Mounted Infantry Pony and Government Breeding and Training Farms-Horse-Breaking at Stellenbosch, ttc., etc.

London: R. A. EVERETT & CO., 42 Essex St., Strand, W.C.

THE GROOM'S GUIDE

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His Duties and How to Perform Them By FRANK T. BARTON, M*R.C*V*S. Crown avo, Cloth, I s , nett. and ~eedin~-watering-Air-Venlilation-Clew Stables-Temperature of Stable-Bedding-Disinfectants. Cleaning IIarness Moonlings, Stirrups, Bils, etc.-Cleaning Rusty Bits-Cleaning Saddles-Cleaning Harness and IJreservatiou of same-lisl of Stable Itequisites-Lamps and Canrlles-hfcasuling fol IIarness-Washing and Preservation of Carriages-Treatment of IIorses on Board Ship, etc. CONTENTS-Foods

" T h e information contained in the book could not well be over-rated, and the publication shoulcl be in the hands not only of grooms, but all gentlemen who have grooms i n their employ."-Cozrttiy Genfletuan.

London : R, A. EVERETT & GO., 42 Essex St., Strand, W.C.

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ARE RACEHORSES DOPED?

Ro Racing

ftnrrn ebottlb be witbout a Qoyp of

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NATHANIEL GUBBIIVS' ON

POPULARBOOK '

THE

LAST STATE OF THE T U R F ! @ @

A Criticism of American Arts and English Efforts

BY NATHANIEL CUBBINS (Capt. E. Spencer) Huthozl of "Cakes and Ale," "The Great Game," [email protected]

Glasgow Nerald.-" Remarkably lively reading." St James' Gazette.-"Distinguished for the brightness a n d style made familiar by the author." Sportsman.-"The volume inay be regarded as a text-book, and so far the best on the market." County Gentleman.-" A very readable book, ably discussed from an English and American point of view." Westmimster Gazette. - " It deals in a thoughtful and fairly exhaustive manner with the present state of the English Turf generally, and with the ' American Invasion.' " Illustrated Sporting am' ~ > a m a t i cNews.-"No one is more at home than Gubbins in the world of horses. This book will be read with amusement and instruction. Such a one will lay down the book with a sigh of satisfaction, whisper to himself ' Good old pink 'un!' and before the waiter leaves the room call for what he

London : R. A. EVERETT & GO., 42 Essex St., Strand, W.C. L

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Crown 8v0, Cloth, 3s. 6d. nett.

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Aberdeen B e e Press.-"The book contains much judicious observation that is worth the attention of the Scottish reader, widely as the Scottish banking practice differs from the English in some important respects." Scotsman.--"Should prove profitable reading to persons who have money to invest." LZoyds.-"The book is written in a bright and breezy style, which makes it eminently readable."

BristoZ iMerc~6ry.--" Mr Warren has some very pointed things t o say about bankers in general, and does not hesitate to criticise very severely some of their methods." li)eynoZds.-"The volume is full of practical information by o n e who knows what he is writing about."

London : R. A. EVERETT & Go., 42 Essex St., Strand, W.C.

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HOW TO CHOOSE A HORSE OR, SELECTlOlV BEFORE PURCHASE

By F R A N K T. BARTON, M.R.C.V.S. Crown 8 ~ 0 Oloth, , 2s. nett

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CONTENTS Special Parts and theit Relationship to Unsoundness-Buying-The Age of the Horse-Horse Societies-Points of Typical Breeds and How to ChooseObjectionable I-Iabits, etc.

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London: R. A. EVERETT & Co., 42 Essex St,, Strand, W.C.

SHOTS FROM A LAWYER'S GUN nY

NICHOLAS EVERITT AUTIIOR OF JOINT-AUTROR

" FERRETS : THEIR MANAGElIENT IN OF "PRAOTIOAL NOTES ON GRAHSES

IIEALTII AND DISEASE." Ah'D GltA8S O ~ O W I N G , " ETC.

A SIGHTING BHOT THISis a book which should be purchased by every Country Landed Proprietor, Gamekeeper, and other persons interested i n the protection and rearing of Game. I t i s not a dry treatise of the Law, bristling with tecl~nicalitiesa i d terms that cannot be nnderatood, but i t is a n elucidation of troublesorno legal poiilts concerning fiport which every day arise and are discussed at the Hall and in the Keeper's Cottage. These ltnotty problems are illustrated, explained, and made into interesting reading by cases drawn from actnal experience. The profecrsional secrets of a certain wily old sporting solicitor, who i n days gone b y mas known na " The Poacherti' Lawyer" (and who figures under the sobriquet of M r Sis-and-Eight), are laid bare, and many an airlusing incident has bcen culled from the storehouse of his inexllaustible nlemory, in t h c recounting of which the .4athor has preserved the original hu~nour,not forgetting t o point the (legal) moral of the tale. How to circumvent the law with impunity, and how the lew-breaker is circumventerl, are alike doalt with ; in short, the hoolt will be found t o be brimful of interesting and most valuable information and lnughi~bleanecdote.

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Exaqples of the absurdities of the Law which are exposed iq this book, I t is law-although unreasonable-that if a rabbit or a land-rail is shot under certain circumstauces (see page Sl), without the shooter having first taken onb a game licence t o kill game, he can be convicted oi such rn omission, a ~ i dfined 220 nnd costs. It is lam-although ridiculous-that a man with his dog may be fined f 2 and costs for trespass in pursuit of a rabbit i n t h e daytime, and yet may be permitted t o commit the same offence with impunity a t night (see pnges 153-154). I t is law-though absurd-that, in spite of thc "Wild Birds' Protectioll Acts," nnturnlistic law-breakers can, and openly do, break the law, defy the authorities of justice, and rnalce a very handsome profit by so doing ont of their lalvlessness (see pnges 261-243). I t is law-although startling-that the oaners of game farms throughout the United ICingdom who are licensed dealers in game (which they prlrctically must be to cmry on their business successfully), are liable to prosecution a n d conviction for being unIawfully in the possession of game birds during the close time (see page 213) ; penalty $1 per head for every phennrant and partridge in their mews. It is law-although i t was never intended so to be-that a t shooting parties, which daily take place throughout the shooting season, the beaters, keepers, loaders, and persons innocently assisting are more often than not liable to be pro~ecutedby t h e Inland Revenue authorities and heavily fined (220 and coats) for killing game without a licence (see page 240).

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CHARACTERS INTRODUCED Mr SIX-AND-EIGHT , Mr LE~ALLING Mr SPOUTER\

, A spo?.ting Zuu;ye?. Articled clerh to lllr Siz-and-EiyAt A leading junior d ?*isingjziwior Uarristere Mr NEWOALD A young jui~iov . Mr SOFTSAP A UCTY young jzinioi~ Mr GIMBLET A solicitor (ex-lrcwyer's clerk) Mr ERUDITE !I'f~esolicitor to zohom Mr SL-and-E;g7it was articled P. C. IRONG~IP , Of Decpdalc Village SQUIREB n o a ~ ~ a n u J.P. s, Of Dcepdalc iifanor Mr SUARPSI~RT Hcad keeper to Squive Brondac?.es

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J A ~ K FUNNYDONE Nephezo

to Squiiv Broadacrcs, a medical student of Barts Sir JOHNROOKETTEB, BART.,J.P. Of Sedgemere Itall PATRI~K O'LEARY S i r John Rockettcr's Irish gariekeepcr Lord S E ~ ~ V I E W , Lovd of tlie Manov of Salt~~oold Mr SPIDER . Lovd Scavirw's ?outc?~er Mr UPPERTON, J.P. , A n egotistical " knozo-all " MPOARROTS A retired gvcmgrocev and lamclozoner Mr STINGIMAN . . Tcnant farmer tindev M r Car?.oIs Mr S K I ~ L I N T Of the Prio?y; propricto~of the home and church ~ ( L W I L ~ Mr ~ U N N I N G ~ ~ A N Lessee of Mr Skinjfint's f u ~ u i sand a brlicuc?. in " E ~ J E T ~

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Mr STUBBLES TOMSTUBBLEB , CHARLIE STUBBLIC~ . Mr STRAWLE~B. Mr CROSS , 31r FIELDMAN . Mr STEELUM Mr ~ L O S ~ H ~ S T, Mr P ~ O W L E R JOSEPH COOKLEY. SAHUEL S P O T T I ~,~ I BOBPI~KEMUP Mrs P I O ~ M U P Mrs SARAHANN ~JULLINQS 3111~1KELLY

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[man his ozun Zazuye?." A tenant jafalmcr , Eldest son of M r Stubbles I'mingest son of M r Stubbles An zcnforlwatc agrioulturivt , A cantankerous a y v i o u l t ~ ~ ~ i b t A n experimental ag?-icultwist A pouc7iing farmer A n econo~nioalfa?nzn9 B town sportsmam tcnd u pot-huntev Of Fi~i?.thoq~e, a phetcsant fnmn p?.qp~,ieto~ A n I d a n d Revenuc 0ficsl. , 11 poacher of Dcade~nGwen , V i f e of Robert Pickemlip 1111- Picke~nz~p's mothel-in-Zn?o . A n I ~ i s hlot.fw of Deepdale ,

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. Mr HARDUP JOESIVISHEM TIMOTHY TATTLER ' SHOOTING JOE" ,

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Poachers ccnd ne'ev-do-zueels

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A sporting p z ~ b l i c w Ostlev of the "Dog and Gzin" . Rafcatckcv and poache~* A n owner of Zurchers

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A FEW P R E S S OPINIONS

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SHOT8 FROM A LAWYER'S GUN

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"\ire have read this book from end to end mith great pleasure. Mr B>verittls style is well calculated t o lure any sportslnan into reading his lectures t o t h e end. Even tlie professional poacher may be grateful to the writer. The pages are full of chatty and amusing a~~ecdotes.W e may disintterestedly commend M r Evcritt's boolc, from which readers will obtain both sound instruction and niore amusement than they would find ill the average sensation novel."-1%~ Field. Wc may say I' W e can congratulate hlr Everitt on this interesting worlc. that h f r Everitt's law ia tl~oroughlysound."-Land and TTrater. " A comprehensive survey of all matters lilcely to interest sportsmen. I t is i ~ ~ t e r c s t i n;end g amusing to note t l ~ enulnbeF of popular fallacies mhich hfr Everitt explodes. Here liunting men will find that fox-hunting is a trespass i n spite of a contrary popular belief ; landowners will discern that the popalar four-feet rule i n connection with d~tchesis fallacious ; ~ l ~ o o t i nl ~g w y e r swill find llow easily they may bc 'cornered ' by difficult questions of game ownersllip. The author's easy, familiar, and yet instructive style will be recognised. The boolc is really an a ~ n u s i i ~dissertation g in the forni of arlicles and interviews o n o subject of interest to all who live in the oountry. We can promise all buyers their full rnoncy's worth in hoth inu~ractioiiand amusement."-Law) Notes. " M PEveritt hns made many a good shot in his boolc, mhich mixes the useful with t h e agreeable. Mr Everitt is a safe guidc. IIe knows his subject uncommonly 1vel1."-The Athcnaum. "Thifi boolc is n veritnble t r i i ~ m l ~ l Every ~, point of law in co~l~iection mith game preservation is most ably dealt mitli, .&lidthe interest never flags throughout. This work on the Game Laws i s peouliarly oiie for gamelceepers, and, indeed, me feel convincer1 that t h e author had their requirements i n view when penning i t , With the aid of a collection of characters, more o r less fictitious, b u t wonderfnlly human, every contingency likely to occur as regards poaching is reviewed as if on the stage, and the whole thing is enlivened by the most amusing and original anecdotes. W e strongly aclvisc our renders to get this hoolc. "-The Gamckccpcr. "An instructivc and, a t the same time, an amusing little manual on this interesting subject, a good deal of it being given dramatically in the form of dialogue between solicitor and client."-The Standard. " ' Shots from a Lawyer's Gun ' ia one of those books which no country house should be without. I t is a useful boolc, as well as an amusing one, and I cannot say grenter things i n its favonr than that M r Evaritt lcnows his subject thoroughly, and writes about i t in an entertaining manner."-Thc Sporting l'imcs or "Pink "1m."

" W e commend the book to all sportsmen and farmers, and do

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i.; packed mith information, and a t the sama time as readable as any novel."-

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The Lecds 11fe1-cury. "In reading this volume you can gain knowledge and have a jolly good laugh a t the same time. There is ncb a dry sentence in the entire book. Sportsmen should read ib, gamekeepers should r e ~ dit, and so should tenant farmers and even poachers. 4s. 6d. is cheap enough for so laborious a n enterpriso, and t h e wonder to us is that it is not retailed at 'six-and-eighb.'"--27~~ Shoothg Times. " A book t h a t should be in the hands of every sporbman and country gentlem an."-T0.d~jJ.