Migration in Zimbabwe Migration in Zimbabwe - IOM Publications

Migration in Zimbabwe Migration in Zimbabwe - IOM Publications

Migration in Zimbabwe A COUNTRY PROFILE 2009 Zimbabwe National Statistical Agency (ZIMSTAT) P.O. Box CY 342, Causeway, Harare Zimbabwe Telephone: +26...

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Migration in Zimbabwe A COUNTRY PROFILE 2009

Zimbabwe National Statistical Agency (ZIMSTAT) P.O. Box CY 342, Causeway, Harare Zimbabwe Telephone: +263 4 706681/ 8 and +263 4 703971/ 7 Fax: +263 4 728529 or +263 4 708854 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.zimstat.co.zw International Organization for Migration (IOM) 142 King George Road, Avondale, P.O. Box 2570 Harare, Zimbabwe Telephone: +263 4 335044/ 335048/ 303514 Fax: +263 4 335055

This publication has been financed by the EU

The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout this working draft do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of IOM concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning its frontiers or boundaries. Omissions and errors remain responsibility of the authors. IOM is committed to the principle that humane and orderly migration benefits migrants and society. As an intergovernmental organization, IOM acts with its partners in the international community to: assist in meeting the operational challenges of migration; advance understanding of migration issues; encourage social and economic development through migration; and uphold the human dignity and well-being of migrants. This publication has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union. The views expressed herein can in no way be taken to reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Publisher

Zimbabwe National Statistical Agency (ZIMSTAT) P.O. Box CY 342, Causeway, Harare Zimbabwe Telephone: +263 4 706681/ 8 and +263 4 703971/ 7 Fax: +263 4 728529 or +263 4 708854 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.zimstat.co.zw



International Organization for Migration (IOM) 142 King George Road, Avondale, P.O. Box 2570 Harare, Zimbabwe Telephone: +263 4 335044/ 335048/ 303514 Fax: +263 4 335055

_____________________________________________________ ISBN 978-92-9068-588-3 © 2010 International Organization for Migration (IOM) _____________________________________________________ All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior written permission of the publisher.

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Migration in Zimbabwe A COUNTRY PROFILE 2009 Prepared by Dr Lazarus Zanamwe and Alexandre Devillard A study commissioned by The Acting Director General, Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency (ZIMSTAT) and International Organization for Migration with financial support from the European Union

This publication has been financed by the EU

Contents List of tables.........................................................................................5 List of figures........................................................................................6 Acronyms.............................................................................................7 Foreword..............................................................................................9 Executive summary.............................................................................13 PART A: Introduction..........................................................................17 A.1 International migration: Global, regional and national trends.................. 17 A.2 Scope and relevance of the Zimbabwe Migration Profile......................... 19

PART B: Socio-economic context of migration in Zimbabwe................21 B.1 Zimbabwe economic indicators................................................................ 21 B.2 Zimbabwe population indicators.............................................................. 22 B.2.1 Population size.................................................................................. 22 B.2.2 Rate of natural increase.................................................................... 23 B.2.3 Population density............................................................................ 24 B.2.4 Crude death rate . ............................................................................ 25 B.2.5 Total fertility rate ............................................................................. 26 B.2.6 Composition of the population by age group and sex...................... 27 B.2.7 Literacy............................................................................................. 29 B.2.8 Highest level of education completed.............................................. 29

PART C: Overview of migration trends and statistics...........................31 C.1 Data collection and management............................................................. 31 C.2 Immigration to Zimbabwe......................................................................... 33 C.3 Emigration of Zimbabwean nationals....................................................... 35 C.4 Tourists...................................................................................................... 37 C.5 Refugees................................................................................................... 40 C.6 Asylum-seekers ........................................................................................ 41 C.7 Circular migration: Day trippers................................................................ 41 C.8 Detentions, deportations, prosecutions and repatriations, 2008............. 43 C.9 Remittances ............................................................................................ 43 C.9.1 Introduction of the Homelink Scheme, 2004................................... 45 C.9.2 Introduction of the volume-based tradable foreign currency balances system, 2005–2006............................................. 45 C.9.3 Payment of remittances in foreign currency by money transfer agencies, 2007–2008.......................................................... 46

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

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PART D: Migration management: Legal regimes and policies ..............47 D.1 International instruments, regional cooperation and bilateral agreements.......................................................................... 47 D.1.1 International legal framework for the protection of migrants: Universal instruments.................................................. 47 D.1.2 Regional cooperation........................................................................ 49 D.1.3 Bilateral labour agreements............................................................. 52 D.2 National legislation and policies............................................................... 53 D.2.1 Immigration legislation and policies................................................. 55 D.2.2 Emigration legislation and policies................................................... 57

PART E: Migration challenges and opportunities ................................65 E.1 Migration of highly skilled nationals......................................................... 65 E.1.1 Migration flows and patterns of highly skilled nationals.................. 66 E.1.2 Causes of highly skilled migration.................................................... 68 E.1.3 Impact of highly skilled migration.................................................... 71 E.2 Remittances............................................................................................... 72 E.2.1 Extent of remittance flows to Zimbabwe.......................................... 73 E.2.2 Transfer mechanisms........................................................................ 75 E.2.3 Impact of remittances...................................................................... 76 E.3 Transit migration through Zimbabwe........................................................ 78 E.4 Irregular migration and the human rights situation of Zimbabwean migrants.......................................................................... 78 E.4.1 Causes and factors of irregular migration......................................... 79 E.4.2 Human rights at risk......................................................................... 80 E.5 Trafficking in persons................................................................................ 82 E.6 Migration and HIV..................................................................................... 86 E.6.1 Particularly vulnerable groups.......................................................... 87 E.6.2 Migrants’ access to health services in destination countries in the Southern African Development Community.......... 89

PART F : Conclusions and recommendations ......................................91 F.1 Conclusions .............................................................................................. 91 F.2 Recommendations.................................................................................... 92

References..........................................................................................93

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

List of tables Table 1: Table 2: Table 3: Table 4: Table 5: Table 6: Table 7: Table 8: Table 9: Table 10: Table 11: Table 12: Table 13: Table 14: Table 15: Table 16: Table 17: Table 18: Table 19: Table 20: Table 21: Table 22: Table 23: Table 24: Table 25: Table 26: Table 27: Table 28: Table 29:

Percentage distribution of population by province and sex, 2002............................................................. 23 Crude birth and death rates and rate of natural increase by province, 2002............................................................ 24 Distribution of population by province, 2002................................ 25 Crude death rate by province, 2002.............................................. 26 Fertility rates by province, 2002.................................................... 27 Percentage composition of the population by age group and sex, 2002................................................................ 28 Literacy rates for the population aged 15+ by province and sex, 2002............................................................. 29 Population aged 3+ by age group, sex and highest level of academic education completed................................................. 30 Immigrants by country of nationality, 2003–2007......................... 34 Emigrants by country of destination, 2002–2005.......................... 36 Tourist arrivals by country of origin, 2007–2008........................... 38 Refugees by sex and country of origin as at 30 June 2009............ 40 Asylum-seekers by sex and country of origin as at 30 June 2009........................................................... 41 Day trippers by mode of travel and port of exit, 2005–2007......... 42 Detentions, deportations, prosecutions and repatriations, 2008 ....................................................................... 43 Remittances, travel receipts and diplomatic receipts (USD million), 2000–2008................................................ 44 Repartition of strategic area per coordinating department........... 55 Moving to another country............................................................ 67 Likelihood of leaving home country after graduation.................... 67 African-born physicians registered to work in primary destination countries....................................................... 68 Reasons behind health professionals’ intention to leave ............. 69 Students’ satisfaction and expectations about economic conditions ..................................................................... 70 Consequences of highly skilled migration...................................... 71 Field of study and current occupation .......................................... 72 Remittances to Southern African countries and their share of GDP, 2007................................................................ 74 Main methods of cash-remitting used by migrants....................... 75 Preferred method of remitting goods............................................ 76 Household income......................................................................... 76 Expenditure of remittances........................................................... 77

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

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List of figures Figure 1: Figure 2: Figure 3:

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Percentage composition of the population by age group and sex, 2002........................................................... 28 Countries of origin of victims assisted by IOM SACTAP, January 2004 to August 2006........................................................ 83 Estimated adult (ages 15–49) HIV prevalence, 1990–2007........... 86

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

Acronyms AIDS ART BLA CAT COMESA CSO FDI GDP HIV IFAD ILO IOM MIDSA MTA RBZ RCP SAMP SADC TCPL TFCBS ZIMSTAT ZNASP

Acquired immunodeficiency syndrome Antiretroviral treatment Bilateral labour arrangement Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa Central Statistical Office Foreign direct investment Gross domestic product Human immunodeficiency virus International Fund for Agricultural Development International Labour Organization International Organization for Migration Migration Dialogue for Southern Africa Money transfer agency Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe Regional consultative process Southern African Migration Project Southern African Development Community Total Consumption Poverty Line Tradable foreign currency balances system Zimbabwe National Statistical Agency Zimbabwe National AIDS Strategic Plan

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Foreword The Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency (ZIMSTAT), formerly the Central Statistical Office (CSO), has been collecting international migration and tourism statistics from the Department of Immigration and Control on arrivals and departures, the Zimbabwe Tourism Authority (ZTA) on bed occupancy, and the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) on receipts and expenditures. These internal migration statistics are collected through censuses and surveys. These statistics, however, have gaps that necessitated the production of the first ever Zimbabwe Migration Profile in 2009. The profile is designed to collect various migration statistics required for the planning, implementation and monitoring of national policies and programmes such as the Short-Term Emergency Recovery Programme (STERP) 2009 and the Medium-Term Plan (MTP) 2010–2014. In addition, the Zimbabwe Migration Profile also provides indicators for monitoring the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The profile covers the following areas of migration: the institutional, policy and legal framework of migration in Zimbabwe; immigration; emigration; irregular migration; circular migration; remittances and their development impact; and migrant communities/diaspora. ZIMSTAT would like to acknowledge the financial and technical assistance offered by the International Organization for Migration (IOM). ZIMSTAT would also like to acknowledge the technical expertise of the consultant, Dr L. Zanamwe of the University of Zimbabwe, who offered guidance from data collection to the dissemination of the results. This project would not have been a success without the unwavering commitment of ZIMSTAT staff, in particular those in the International Migration and Tourism Statistics and Computing sections. ZIMSTAT also extends its acknowledgement and gratitude to all stakeholders who gave their valuable contributions during the Stakeholder Workshop held on 1 December 2008, and the various institutions that contributed to the consultative meetings held on 4–8 May 2009 and the Zimbabwe Migration Profile Technical Workshop held at the Kadoma Hotel and Conference Centre on 31 August–1 September 2009. Any comments on this profile will be appreciated in order to improve future profiles. Moffat Nyoni Acting Director, General Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

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PPP

ZIMBABWE – Basic facts Population (2008)

11,7 million

Total area

391 757 km2

GDP Per Capita PPP (2005) Human Development Index rank (2005) Net migration rate (2000–2005)

USD 487 151 out of 177 -11.2

Sources: Intecensal Demographic Survey ICDS, CSO, 2008; Zimbabwe National Census Report, CSO 2004; National Accounts CSO, 2005; Human Development Report 2007/ 2008 Fighting Climate Change, Human Solidarity in a divided world, UNDP, 2007; World Population Prospects: The 2008 Revision, UN DESA, 2008.

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Executive summary Zimbabwe currently faces a number of migration challenges, including significant brain drain and irregular emigration flows. The migration of nationals offers opportunities that might benefit not only migrants and their families, but also the Zimbabwean society at large. However, the capacity of the Government to minimize the negative consequences of migration while maximizing its positive effects is constrained by the lack of a comprehensive and coherent legal, institutional and policy framework for implementing migration processes in an integrated manner. These limitations are exacerbated by the lack of adequate data and analysis that highlights the factors driving migration. In light of these problems, a Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy has been developed, and IOM has supported the Government of Zimbabwe and other stakeholders in the establishment of the Zimbabwe Migration Profile, a repository of migration information for Zimbabwe. In 2002, Zimbabwe had a population of 11.6 million. This number is projected to have reached 12.2 million in 2009. Given that the de facto population was enumerated, the 2002 population might be an underestimate since many Zimbabweans migrated to neighbouring countries or overseas in response to the economic challenges of the past decade. Economically, Zimbabwe has not been performing well since 2000. The country’s gross domestic product (GDP) cumulatively declined by 46 per cent between 2000 and 2007. The unstable macroeconomic environment was characterized by hyperinflation, with the rate of annual inflation reaching 231 million per cent in July 2008. The economy experienced severe shortages of many basic commodities, including drugs, food, fuel, and industrial and consumer goods. The past decade also witnessed increasing poverty levels; for instance, the Total Consumption Poverty Line (TCPL) rose from 61 per cent in 1995 to 72 per cent in 2003. While characteristics of migration in Zimbabwe mirror those of the region, Zimbabwe has increasingly become a country of origin and, to a limited extent, a transit and destination country for migrants. During colonial times, Zimbabwe was a major destination country, with migrants from the United Kingdom and the rest of Europe settling permanently in the country. A significant number of immigrants from Malawi, Zambia and Mozambique recruited to work on mines and commercial farms also settled in Zimbabwe. At Independence in 1980, there was marked immigration, mostly of returning Zimbabweans. By 1990, there were 2,964 immigrants and in 1997 there were 2,483 immigrants; however in

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2003, there were only 643 immigrants coming into Zimbabwe. This figure rose to 1,367 in 2006 but dropped to 752 in 2007. Zimbabwe has experienced a progressive rise in emigration since 2000, and the vast majority of the emigrants were to the Southern African region. Emigration patterns have been complex, marked by an increase in informal crossborder movement, migration of highly skilled nationals and survival migration of the poor and impoverished. There were 11,620 emigrants in 2005, mainly to other African countries. The period from 2007 to 2008 witnessed a general decline in tourist arrivals, albeit with some significant increase for a few countries such as Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Pakistan. The overall net flow of tourists declined by 21 per cent. Between 2007 and 2008, the number of refugees in Zimbabwe declined from 4,563 to 4,039, and by 2009, the figure had dropped to 3,826 refugees. The majority of refugees are from countries in the Great Lakes Region: the Democratic Republic of the Congo (64.3%), Rwanda (16.6%) and Burundi (14.5%). In 2009, there were 643 asylum-seekers in the country and of these, 78.8 per cent were from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It is also worth noting that post-2000, Zimbabwe witnessed growing numbers of day trippers mainly to South Africa and Botswana. The number of day trippers increased from 651,703 in 2005 to 629,387 in 2006. The figure declined to 431,951 in 2007. In 2008, a total of 71 foreign nationals were deported from Zimbabwe, while 114,848 Zimbabwean nationals were repatriated to the country from other countries. Remittances have been noted to bring positive benefits to the country if they are transferred through formal channels and are invested in productive economic activities. It is worth noting that Zimbabweans abroad continued to support their families back home in financial and/or in-kind remittance transfers during the economic decline of the past decade. However, the majority of transfers were through informal channels because of regulatory bottlenecks. According to the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD, 2007), formal remittances to Zimbabwe are estimated to have reached USD 361 million in 2007, contributing 7.2 per cent to the country’s GDP.

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

There is no doubt that the economic situation in Zimbabwe continues to be a major factor fuelling the emigration of highly skilled and low-skilled nationals. It is important to note that migration policies in SADC countries favour the entry and stay of skilled rather than low-skilled workers, resulting in the irregular migration of low-skilled Zimbabwean workers into countries of destination. This is compounded by the fact that significant numbers of Zimbabweans do not hold passports because of the difficulty in acquiring them. Zimbabwe is also a signatory to most international and regional instruments and policies, including bilateral agreements, for the regulation and management of migration and protection of the rights of migrants.

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PART A: Introduction Zimbabwe currently faces a number of migration challenges, including a major brain drain phenomenon and significant irregular emigration flows. In addition to these challenges, the migration of Zimbabwean nationals also includes considerable opportunities that may bring benefits to the Zimbabwean society in general, as well as to migrants and their families. However, the capacity of the Government to manage these migration issues, so as to mitigate their negative aspects and enhance their positive impact, has been constrained by the lack of a comprehensive and coherent legal, institutional and policy framework for implementing migration practices in an integrated manner. The lack of adequate data and analysis of the nature and extent of factors driving migration is further limiting the ability of the Government to devise appropriate policies and programmes focusing on the management of migration for national benefit. However, the past few years have seen a considerable evolution in the national response to migration, and in 2009, a Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy was finalized. This draft policy document represents a major step ahead in the direction of a comprehensive migration policy. It is against this background that IOM is supporting the Government of Zimbabwe and other stakeholders in the establishment of a Zimbabwe Migration Profile, a repository of migration information for Zimbabwe.

A.1 International migration: Global, regional and national trends International migration is at record levels and is unlikely to slow down in the near future. According to the Compendium of Social Statistics and Indicators: International Migration Statistics in the Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia (United Nations, 2009), the total number of international migrants is expected to reach 214 million in 2010. According to the International Labour Office (2010), the total number of international migrants accounts for 3.1 per cent of the global population. Economic migrants account for 85 per cent of the total number of migrants, with the rest being refugees. It is probable that future migration flows will increase as processes of urbanization and globalization continue their advance and the full impact of climate and population change takes effect in both developed and developing countries. By comparison, international migrants were estimated at 75 million

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in 1960 (UN DESA, 2003). It must also be noted that the pace of increase of international migration during the past decades is well in excess of the global population growth rate over the same period. As indicated by the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division (2008), migrants are rather equally distributed across three types (South–North, South–South and North–North): 62 million migrants (33%) are from the South and live in the North; 61 million migrants (32%) are from the South and live in the South; and 53 million migrants (28%) are from the North and are also living in the North. Only 14 million migrants (7%) are from the North and live in the South. However, it is important to take these estimations very carefully. International migration statistics lack precision due a number of factors, including: lack of an internationally accepted definition of international migration (thus, there is a diversity of national approaches), limited data collection systems in numerous States, and difficulty in measuring irregular migration flows. For these reasons, the volume of South–South migrations is undoubtedly underestimated and it is likely that most migration, especially the migration of the poor, takes place within and between developing countries in the South. During the past decades, the gender dimensions of migration have attracted much attention and the notion of feminization of migration has been widely recognized. However, the term “feminization of migration” must not be misunderstood. Women have always migrated; moreover, the proportion of women in global migration flows did not significantly fluctuate during the past decades (about 46.6% in 1960, 49% in 1990, 49.4% in 2000, and 49% in 2010). What has changed is the share of women in labour migration flows that has been increasing since the 1970s. Women do not only migrate as dependents anymore. This is the rise of autonomous female migration that is referred to as “feminization of migration” (United Nations, 2002). Regarding migration trends at the regional level, it can first be noted that Africa has been regarded as the continent with the most mobile populations. In 2005, there were an estimated 17.1 million migrants in Africa and this represented at least 3 per cent of the total African population. The international migrants in Africa account for at least 9 per cent of the total global migrant stocks. Most migration in Africa is largely towards areas of relative prosperity and stability. This migration has, in turn, triggered, precipitated and perpetuated intraregional disparities. This pattern of migration is closely related to labour migration, which is a current and historical reality in Africa. However, entrenched labour migration patterns have undergone major restructuring in the contemporary

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

era. Migration in Africa is increasingly becoming irregular and, like the global trend, is also becoming feminized, with an increased number of women moving on their own. While other countries in the Southern African region have been known to be typical countries of origin or destination, Zimbabwe has historically been a country of origin, transit and destination, all at the same time. The balance between these three elements has evolved over time and currently, Zimbabwe is primarily a country of origin. Finally, it is, to a very limited extent, a country of destination.

A.2 Scope and relevance of the Zimbabwe Migration Profile The scope of the Zimbabwe Migration Profile is broad, embracing a great variety of migration categories. It is framed by the concept of international migration itself, which, according to the Glossary on Migration (IOM, 2004), can be briefly defined as the movement of persons who leave their country of usual residence, to establish themselves either permanently or temporarily in another country. Therefore, the study will concentrate on cross-border movement and will not consider internal migration within Zimbabwe. Despite its wide character, the concept of migration can still be considered as too narrow in view of the specific context of Southern Africa. For instance, in the case of informal crossborder traders, who account for a significant part of cross-border movements in the region, there is no change in the place of habitual residence. Thus such a movement is not considered, stricto sensu, as migration. Consequently, the notion of migration needs to be extended slightly for the purpose of the Zimbabwe Migration Profile, in order to embrace all the types of relevant crossborder movements from, to and through Zimbabwe. It must also be noted that the present study focuses on voluntary migration, leaving aside involuntary migration issues, which principally refer to asylum policies. The first part of the Zimbabwe Migration Profile aims to contextualize the topic through an analysis of the country’s socio-economic patterns. Thereafter follows an overview of migration trends and characteristics, including immigration to Zimbabwe, emigration of Zimbabwean nationals, as well as an analysis of data collection and management. The next section looks at the legal and policy responses to the migration challenges and opportunities. Two levels of responses are considered: the international level, including international instruments, regional cooperation and bilateral agreements, and national legislation and policies. Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

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The last section looks in detail at key migration challenges and opportunities: migration of highly skilled nationals, remittances flows, irregular migration and the human rights situation of Zimbabwean migrants, transit migration, trafficking in persons, and migration and HIV. ZIMSTAT and the Migration Development Unit of the Ministry of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion intend to contribute towards an effective migration management system by preparing the country’s Migration Profile, which will be used as a policy instrument to promote more comprehensive and proactive approaches to manage migration. The Migration Profile will help to strengthen the Government’s ability to evaluate and improve its mitigation policies and development plans through strategic planning workshops and training and enhanced data collection efforts. The development of the profile will benefit government ministries and departments, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and civil society.

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

PART B: Socio-economic context of migration in Zimbabwe B.1 Zimbabwe economic indicators The Zimbabwean economy has not been performing well since the year 2000; in fact, it registered negative growth rates despite the adoption and implementation of several economic recovery programmes and plans. Real GDP cumulatively declined by over 46 per cent during the period from year 2000 to 2007 and the economy is projected to have declined further in 2008. The decline in real GDP resulted from the unstable macroeconomic environment coupled with intermittent droughts, foreign currency shortages and a surge in international oil prices. Consequently the economy experienced severe shortages of basic utilities including electricity, fuel and water, as well as most basic food and non-food commodities such as maize meal, sugar, cooking oil, soap, electricity and essential hospital drugs. According to National Accounts Statistics, some sectors such as agriculture, which is a major contributor to GDP, declined by an annual average of 9 per cent from the year 2000 to 2008 (CSO, 2008). The manufacturing sector declined by more than 8 per cent and the mining sector also experienced an average decline of 7 per cent per annum during the same period. The causes of poor performance of these key sectors include lack of foreign direct investment (FDI), foreign currency shortages, loss of skilled labour and unreliable energy supplies. Exports of goods and services progressively declined, as the hyperinflationary environment adversely impacted competitiveness. The unstable macroeconomic environment was characterized by hyperinflation, with annual and month-onmonth inflation reaching 231 million per cent and 2,600 per cent in July 2008, respectively (CSO, 2008; July Consumer Price Index). Inflation became a huge burden for the country mainly due to the corrosive social and economic costs associated with it. Inflationary developments over this period resulted in the erosion of real disposable incomes and improvement of people, especially those living on fixed incomes such as pensioners and civil servants. The population living below the TCPL rose from 61 per cent in 1995 to 72 per cent in 2003. The human development and human poverty indicators worsened between 1995 and 2003, from a Human Development Index (HDI) of 0.468 to 0.410 and a Human Poverty Index (HPI) of 24 per cent in 1995 to 29 per cent in 2001. Inequality, as measured by the Gini coefficient, worsened from 0.53 in 1995 to 0.61 in 2003 (UNFPA, 2009). Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

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Due to the unprecedented socio-economic and political challenges in the country, migration has increasingly become a survival strategy. The country has gradually shifted from being a migrant-receiving country to being predominantly a transit and migrant-sending country. Zimbabwe has also been confronted by unique migration challenges, including, but not limited to, brain drain, irregular migration, and human trafficking and smuggling. The education and health sectors typify the extent and effect of brain drain in the economic sectors.

B.2 Zimbabwe population indicators B.2.1 Population size According to the 2002 National Population Census, Zimbabwe had a total population of 11.6 million in 2002, of whom 5.6 million were males and 6.0 million were females (see Table 1). The total population grew from 10.4 million in 1992 and is projected to have reached 12.2 million in 2009. The average population growth rate between 1992 and 2002 was 1.1 per cent. The sex ratio (measured as the average number of males per 100 females) in the country was nearly 94 males per 100 females in 2002. The population of the country was mostly rural, with about 35 per cent of the total found in urban areas. The total population size of 11.6 million reflected the number of people present in Zimbabwe at the time of the census, but the actual number of Zimbabweans both in and outside the country could be more. The census used a de facto approach, which essentially is a concept under which individuals are recorded at the geographical area where they are present at a specific time (United Nations, 1991). In 2002, many Zimbabweans migrated to either neighbouring countries or overseas to escape challenging economic conditions.

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

Table 1: Percentage distribution of population by province and sex, 2002 Province

Males

Females

%

Total number

%

Sex ratio

Bulawayo

47.82

42.18

100

676,650

5.82

91.64

Manicaland

47.63

52.37

100

1,568,930

13.49

90.95

Mashonaland Central

49.09

50.91

100

995,427

8.56

96.43

Mashonaland East

48.42

51.58

100

1,127,413

9.69

93.87

Mashonaland West

49.79

50.21

100

1,224,670

10.53

99.16

Matabeleland North

48.30

51.70

100

704,948

6.06

93.42

Matabeleland South

47.36

52.64

100

653,054

5.61

89.97

Midlands

48.08

51.92

100

1,463,993

12.59

92.60

Masvingo

46.80

53.20

100

1,320,438

11.35

87.97

Harare

49.96

50.04

100

1,896,134

16.30

99.84

Total

48.44

51.56

100

11,631,657

100.00

93.95

Source: CSO, 2004.

B.2.2 Rate of natural increase Estimates of the rates of natural increase for the country and provinces are presented in Table 2. The rate of natural increase is the difference between the level of fertility and mortality and does not take into account any growth due to migration. According to the 2002 National Population Census, the rate of natural increase for the whole country was 1.3 per cent for the period September 2001 to August 2002. This was calculated using crude birth and death rates that were obtained using the direct method, which means that the calculations did not take into account immigration or emigration factors contributing to population growth. According to a 1991 United Nations publication, the Handbook of Vital Statistics Systems and Methods, Volume I, the crude birth rate is the number of live births occurring among the population of a given geographical area during a given year, per 1,000 mid-year total population of a given geographical area during the same year, while the crude death rate is the number of deaths occurring among the population of a given geographical area during a given year, per 1,000 mid-year total population of the given geographical area during the same year (United Nations, 1991).

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

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Table 2: Crude birth and death rates and rate of natural increase by province, 2002 Province

Crude birth rate %

Crude death rate %

Rate of natural increase %

Bulawayo

26.99

13.90

1.30

Manicaland

31.28

17.41

1.39

Mashonaland Central

32.45

18.88

1.36

Mashonaland East

29.19

21.43

0.78

Mashonaland West

30.88

19.17

1.17

Matabeleland North

30.23

18.39

1.18

Matabeleland South

30.55

13.45

1.71

Midlands

31.29

18.64

1.26

Masvingo

30.10

17.41

1.27

Harare

30.56

10.60

2.00

Total

30.26

17.22

1.30

Source: CSO, 2004.

B.2.3 Population density Table 3 presents information on population distribution by province according to the 2002 National Population Census. Harare had the largest proportion of population (16.3%), followed by Manicaland (13.5%), and then Midlands (12.6%). Matabeleland had the smallest proportion (5.6%). Population density refers to the number of people per km2 and is obtained by dividing the total population of a country by the total area. According to the 2002 National Population Census, the population density for Zimbabwe was 29 persons per km2, a slight increase from 27 persons per km2 in 1992; this figure is projected to have increased to 31.3 persons per km2 in 2009. Harare had the highest population density of 2,174.5 persons per km2, while Matabeleland had the lowest density (12.1 persons per km2).

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

Table 3: Distribution of population by province, 2002 Province Bulawayo Manicaland Mashonaland Central

Total population

%

Area (km2) 479

Density

676,650

5.82

1,412.63

1,568,930

13.49

36,459

43.03

995,427

8.56

28,347

35.12

Mashonaland East

1,127,413

9.69

32,230

34.98

Mashonaland West

1,224,670

10.53

57,441

21.32

Matabeleland North

704,948

6.06

75,025

9.40

Matabeleland South

653,054

5.61

54,172

12.06

Midlands

1,463,993

12.59

49,166

29.78

Masvingo

1,320,438

11.35

56,566

23.34

1,896,134

16.30

872

2,174.47

11,631,657

100

390,757

29.77

Harare Total Source: CSO, 2004.

B.2.4 Crude death rate Information on crude death rate (CDR) by province is presented in Table 4. The CDR is the number of deaths per 1,000 population in a given period, usually a year. Although it is the most commonly used index for mortality, it is affected by the age–sex structure of the population and is therefore not useful for comparative purposes. According to the 2002 National Population Census, Zimbabwe had an overall CDR of about 17 deaths per 1,000 population. This was calculated using the direct method, which is a method that controls for the effects of differences in the population age and sex distribution (Curtin and Klein, 1995). The CDR of 17 was also a rise from 9 deaths per 1,000 population recorded in the 1992 National Population Census.

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

25

Table 4: Crude death rate by province, 2002 Province

Crude death rate

Bulawayo

13.89

Manicaland

17.41

Mashonaland Central

18.88

Mashonaland East

21.43

Mashonaland West

19.17

Matabeleland North

18.39

Matabeleland South

18.93

Midlands

18.64

Masvingo

18.51

Harare

10.60

Total

17.22

Source: CSO, 2004.

B.2.5 Total fertility rate The total fertility rate (TFR) represents the average number of children a group of women would have by the end of their reproductive years if they had children according to a set of age-specific fertility rates pertaining to a particular period. The rate is totally free of age and sex biases and therefore of great use in comparative analysis. The rate has a major limitation in that it assumes that women of different age groups undergo similar fertility experiences throughout their reproductive periods. Information on the fertility rate in Zimbabwe by province is shown in Table 5. According to the 2002 National Population Census, the TFR for the country was about 3.6. The levels of fertility obtained from previous censuses and surveys all indicate that fertility in Zimbabwe has been declining since 1980. The TFR declined from 5.7 (1982 Census) to 3.6 (2002 Census) and is projected to have fallen to 3.3 in 2009. The decline is attributed to the preference for small families and increased contraceptive use. Fertility differentials by province indicate that Matabeleland North had the highest fertility rate (4.2 children per woman) and Bulawayo had the lowest rate (2.6 children per woman). Fertility is negatively associated with educational attainment. The 2005–06 Zimbabwe Demographic and Health Survey (ZDHS) shows that women with no education had the highest fertility (5.8 children); those with primary and secondary education had 4.5 children and 3.3 children, respectively, while women with more secondary education had the lowest fertility (2.7 children).

26

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

Table 5: Fertility rates by province, 2002 Province Bulawayo

CBR

GFR

TFR

26.97

87.25

2.64

Manicaland

31.26

128.16

4.09

Mashonaland Central

32.40

133.45

4.03

Mashonaland East

29.16

121.26

3.76

Mashonaland West

30.83

122.88

3.67

Matabeleland North

30.19

130.80

4.22

Matabeleland South

28.40

122.65

3.96

Midlands

31.26

125.27

3.92

Masvingo

28.74

114.21

3.74

Harare

30.54

100.53

2.75

Total

30.23

117.23

3.60

Source: CSO, 2004.

B.2.6 Composition of the population by age group and sex Table 6 and Figure 1 show the percentage sex distribution of the Zimbabwean population according to the 2002 National Population Census. The 0–4 years, 5–9 years, 10–14 years and 15–19 years age groups each accounted for slightly over 12 per cent of the population. The 70–74 years age group made up the smallest proportion at 1.1 per cent. It can be further observed that the proportion of the young population (i.e. those under 15 years of age) was 40.6 per cent, while that of the old population (those aged 65 years and above) was about 4 per cent. This implies that Zimbabwe still has a youthful population structure. Table 6 and Figure 1 also show the age–sex ratio. The number of males was less than that of females for all age groups, save for the 0–4 and 30–34 age groups.

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

27

Table 6: Percentage composition of the population by age group and sex, 2002 Age group

Males

Females

Total

Sex ratio

0–4

7.21

7.20

14.41

100.10

5–9

6.57

6.61

13.19

99.38

10–14

6.49

6.51

13.00

99.59

15–19

6.33

6.59

12.93

96.06

20–24

4.85

5.66

10.51

85.61

25–29

4.07

4.42

8.49

92.25

30–34

3.18

3.10

6.28

102.25

35–39

2.03

2.31

4.34

87.68

40–44

1.67

2.06

3.73

81.22

45–49

1.42

1.64

3.07

86.54

50–54

1.10

1.49

2.59

73.91

55–59

0.85

0.97

1.81

87.49

60–64

0.81

0.85

1.67

95.00

65–69

0.55

0.58

1.14

94.77

70–74

0.52

0.54

1.06

96.55

75+

0.62

0.79

1.41

77.94

Not stated Total

0.17

0.22

0.38

76.23

48.44

51.56

100.00

93.94

Source: CSO, 2004.

Figure 1: Percentage composition of the population by age group and sex, 2002 75+ 70–74 65–69 60–64 55–59 50–54 45–49 40–44 35–39 30–34 25–29 20–24 15–19 10–14 5–9 0–4

Source: CSO, 2004.

28

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

The above population parameters act as a basis for comparing future population trends with the current status. Deviations from the expected population projections might be attributed to either the outward movement of people, if there is a notable decline, or to inward migration, if there is a notable increase from the expected trend. Also, future changes in the age–sex structure of the population, especially among the economically active age group (15–45 years) may be due to migration to other countries in search of employment opportunities.

B.2.7 Literacy For the 2002 National Population Census, the population aged at least 15 years who had completed at least grade 3 was classified as literate. The literacy rate is thus the number of persons who had completed at least grade 3 per 1,000 persons in a particular age category. From this definition, 97 per cent of those aged 15 years and above in the country were literate, as indicated in Table 7. Males and females had almost similar literacy rates. The 15–34 age group had the highest literacy rate at 99 per cent. As expected, the literacy rate declined with increasing age, confirming that the older generation was relatively disadvantaged with regard to education. There were no major differences in literacy among provinces. Table 7: Literacy rates for the population aged 15+ by province and sex, 2002 Province Bulawayo Manicaland Mashonaland Central Mashonaland East Mashonaland West Matabeleland North Matabeleland South Midlands Masvingo Harare Total

Males 99 97 96 97 97 96 96 97 97 99 97

Females 98 95 94 96 96 95 95 95 95 98 96

Total 98 96 95 96 96 95 95 96 96 99 97

Source: CSO, 2004.

B.2.8 Highest level of education completed According to the 2002 National Population Census, 36 per cent of the Zimbabwean population aged 3 years and above had completed secondary education or higher (see Table 8). More females than males had completed primary education (23% compared to 20%), while more males (19% compared to 17% of females) had completed secondary education or higher.

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

29

30

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

1,173,442

0.72

0.66

0.81

1.44

1.53

1.65

1.51

2.04

1.58

2.00

3.13

0.73

100.00

955,252

25–29

30–34

35–39

40–44

45–49

50–54

55–59

60–64

65–69

70–74

75+

Not stated

Percentage

Source: CSO, 2004.

Total

100.00

0.76

20–24

1.30

4.79

2.72

2.44

3.18

3.01

4.26

3.45

4.00

2.80

1.40

1.09

0.95

0.79

0.89

0.85

1.26

35.59

27.37

15–19

45.69

10–14

33.61

5–9

Female

No education

Male

3–4

Age group -

2,146,533

100.00

0.31

1.74

1.70

1.94

2.88

3.01

3.76

4.48

4.17

2.61

3.03

4.56

5.88

11.61

33.03

15.28

Male -

2,486,054

100.00

0.28

1.30

1.12

1.43

2.25

2.72

4.23

4.84

5.62

4.94

4.69

6.31

7.61

10.19

28.33

14.14

Female

Primary education

-

-

2,010,352

100.00

0.22

0.22

0.23

0.37

0.64

0.95

1.55

2.69

4.53

8.54

14.83

18.35

21.40

23.82

1.66

Male -

-

1,816,891

100.00

0.12

0.19

0.14

0.19

0.32

0.51

0.98

1.66

2.90

6.21

12.50

18.93

25.22

27.76

2.38

Female

Secondary education or higher

4,697

100.00

20.59

6.79

3.83

4.05

6.28

6.92

8.43

9.24

7.62

5.64

5.64

5.85

4.73

2.19

1.06

0.81

0.32

Male

3,918

100.00

18.20

10.34

3.73

3.80

4.59

6.48

9.11

8.04

8.50

6.20

4.62

6.25

4.85

3.29

0.69

0.92

0.38

Female

Not known

Table 8: Population aged 3+ by age group, sex and highest level of academic education completed

5,116,834

100.00

0.37

1.41

1.18

1.26

1.85

1.92

2.50

3.23

3.80

4.61

7.23

9.26

11.02

14.40

14.75

14.94

6.27

Male

Total

5,480,305

100.00

0.46

1.68

1.14

1.24

1.81

2.05

3.16

3.49

4.37

4.90

6.57

9.38

12.02

13.99

13.83

14.04

5.86

Female

10,597,139

100.00

0.42

1.55

1.16

1.25

1.83

1.99

2.84

3.36

4.10

4.76

6.89

9.32

11.54

14.19

14.27

14.47

6.06

Total

PART C: Overview of migration trends and statistics Over the past decades, Zimbabwe has experienced significant changes with regard to international migration flows. Historically, Zimbabwe has been a country of origin, transit and destination all the same time, although the balance between these three elements has evolved over time (SAMP, 2006). Currently, the country is primarily a country of origin. It is also a country of transit, especially for migrants from East African countries travelling towards South Africa. Finally, it is, to a very limited extent, a country of destination. Before considering in more detail migration flows from, to and through Zimbabwe, there is an issue that cannot be overlooked as it is central to the understanding of migration trends and characteristics and, further, to the development of migration policies: that of data collection and management.

C.1 Data collection and management The importance of data collection and management cannot be overstated. Successful migration policies require a precise understanding of migration flows and their causes and consequences, and are therefore necessarily based on reliable data. Data to be collected include, in the first place, data on migration stocks and flows. Other types of data include countries of origin, the legal status and protection of migrants in countries of destination, as well as the amount of remittances transferred into the country. Data collection related to migration is a particularly difficult task and each type of potential data source has certain limitations. For instance, statistical sources such as household surveys (e.g. population censuses and labour force surveys) are undoubtedly a major data source. However, population censuses are usually conducted only once every 10 years, affecting the timeliness of data and making them less useful. Labour force surveys may be annual but they suffer from relatively small sample sizes. Moreover, household surveys often do not collect information from collective housing or group quarters, which often house many migrants. Other data sources include administrative sources such as population registers or registers of foreigners, residence and work permits, asylum applications, orders of deportation, border collection data, visa types at entry or exit, and data obtained from diplomatic and consular posts, which

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

31

is a valuable source of information on the difficulties that migrants may face in countries of destination. Zimbabwe uses most of these different types of data collection techniques and/or sources in order to measure migration. It has been recognized that the country has “a relatively well-developed household survey programme, though given the current financial situation of the country, future administration of these surveys will be difficult” (Schachter, 2009). The National Population Census is conducted every 10 years, with the most recent census conducted in 2002. It included questions on country of birth, place of usual residence, the place of residence in 1992 (year of the last census), and country of citizenship. Other household surveys include the Inter-Censal Demographic Survey (last conducted in 2007), the Labour Force Survey (last conducted in 2004) and the Income, Consumption and Expenditure Survey (last conducted in 2007) (Schachter, 2009). It has been noted that Zimbabwe, like other SADC Member States, underutilizes its household surveys to measure migration, more particularly, emigration (Schachter, 2009). Zimbabwe also keeps track of residence permits and border control data as an additional means to measure migration. Data are collected at borders through an immigration control form and entered into data entry and exit books that are further processed and analysed by the Department of Immigration and Control and ZIMSTAT. Schachter (2009) described the limits of such data collection as follows: Use of administrative data for migration purposes in Zimbabwe is limited by lack of resources, a high number of informal border crossing points, the historical interrelation between people living on borders, and irregular migration. The manual system is impeded by lack of paper, lack of training for border control agents (who experience high turnover), human error, and data loss.

It should also be noted that Zimbabwean diplomatic and consular posts are not properly involved in data collection on migration. In sum, while data collection on migration is, in essence, a difficult task, Zimbabwe is further confronted by specific difficulties, namely its economic situation and the characteristics of its migration flows and cross-border movements. Migration flows are mainly irregular and circular, and informal cross-border trade constitutes a considerable part of inter-State movements. As a consequence, the data collected are not reliable and are far from representing the complete reality of migration flows and stocks in Zimbabwe. Nevertheless, as long as they are gathered in a careful way, these data can give precious indications. 32

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

C.2 Immigration to Zimbabwe Over the past 40 years, immigration to Zimbabwe has experienced a considerable shift. During colonial times, Zimbabwe was a major destination country in the Southern African region, with migrants from the United Kingdom and the rest of Europe encouraged to settle permanently in the country, and migrants from neighbouring countries such as Mozambique, Malawi and Zambia recruited on a temporary basis to work in mines, commercial farms, and in domestic service in Zimbabwe (Zinyama, 1990). When considering the evolution of regular immigration to Zimbabwe, it must first be noted that the Department of Immigration and Control and ZIMSTAT define “immigrants” as: a) new residents intending to remain in Zimbabwe for at least 12 months, b) temporary residents taking up employment for a limited period, and c) returning former residents who had declared themselves as emigrants when they left, or those who had previously declared they were leaving for less than 12 months but remained abroad for a longer period of time. During the 1960s, the number of regular immigrants rose annually and reached a peak of 14,881 in 1971. Since then, immigration flows progressively dried up, although there was a brief increase between 1980 and 1982, partly due to an influx of returning Zimbabweans who had been living abroad before Independence (Tevera and Zinyama, 2002). According to ZIMSTAT’s Annual Migration and Tourism Statistics Report, annual numbers for immigrants legally entering Zimbabwe were 4,650 in 1978, 7,715 in 1982, 2,964 in 1990, 2,483 in 1997, 643 in 2003, 1,367 in 2006 and 752 in 2007 (CSO, 2007a). Despite the rise of immigration flows during the past few years, Zimbabwe is no longer a significant country of destination. The latest data from ZIMSTAT show that most immigrants originate from Asia and Africa; among European immigrants, the majority are citizens of the United Kingdom (see Table 9).

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

33

Table 9: Immigrants by country of nationality, 2003–2007 Country of nationality AFRICA

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

263

409

245

523

312

5

11

8

5

6

Kenya

4

13

7

19

16

Malawi

24

32

5

33

29

Mozambique

78

31

86

122

27

South Africa

5

119

4

6

66

Botswana

United Republic of Tanzania

51

7

39

90

11

Zambia

23

81

29

46

72

Zimbabwe

1

0

0

0

0

Other

72

115

67

202

85

AMERICA

42

65

26

74

36

3

11

5

27

5

United States

29

29

17

36

29

Other

10

25

4

11

2

ASIA

191

278

232

531

264

India

46

66

63

114

78

Canada

Japan

4

3

5

16

3

Other

141

209

164

401

183

EUROPE

140

212

141

222

129

Austria

3

2

1

9

2

Germany

8

23

10

13

12

Greece

6

3

0

5

0

Italy

7

7

5

3

6

10

6

17

9

12

Portugal

1

3

3

3

1

Republic of Ireland

3

5

0

11

4

United Kingdom

56

104

67

108

50

Other

46

59

38

61

42

Netherlands

OCEANIA

3

11

5

8

6

Australia

3

10

4

5

4

New Zealand

0

1

1

3

2

OTHER

0

0

0

0

0

NOT STATED GRAND TOTAL

4

12

5

9

5

643

987

654

1,367

752

Source: CSO, 2007a.

34

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

Although there are no reliable estimates of irregular immigration flows to Zimbabwe, it is widely acknowledged that, as with legal immigration, Zimbabwe is no longer a significant country of destination for irregular migrants. Many irregular migrants appear to be Mozambican nationals working in the east of Zimbabwe (Tevera and Zinyama , 2002).

C.3 Emigration of Zimbabwean nationals Emigration from Zimbabwe is far from being a new phenomenon. For instance, the migration of Zimbabweans to South Africa in order to work in the mining industry started as early as the beginning of the twentieth century (Zinyama, 1990). When looking at more recent emigration flows, two major phases can be distinguished. The first phase corresponds to the years following the country’s independence in 1980. As described by Tevera and Crush (2003): “Between 1980 and 1984, 50,000 to 60,000 whites left the country because they could not adjust to the changed political circumstances and the net migration loss was over 10,000 per year.” The second phase, from the 1990s to present, shows much more diverse and complex migration patterns than those in the first phase. A number of significant characteristics can be identified with regard to emigration flows and, more generally, cross-border movements that have occurred since the 1990s. First, there has been a progressive rise in emigration flows and cross-border movements; this rise has accelerated since 2000, as the national economic situation dramatically deteriorated (Makina, 2007; Muzondidya, 2008; Kiwanuka and Monson, 2009; IOM, 2009a). Second, the vast majority of migration and cross-border movements occur within the Southern African region. Third, the main forms of migration and cross-border movements that have flourished since the 1990s are the following: irregular migration, informal cross-border trade, migration of highly skilled nationals, and survival migration of the poor and impoverished (Tevera and Crush, 2003). Although the characteristics of Zimbabwean migration – mainly irregular and circular – impede the gathering of reliable estimates on migration flows and stocks, it is nevertheless useful to look at official data disseminated by ZIMSTAT. Such estimates are based on a definition of the notion of emigrant that includes the following two categories: residents who, on departure, declare on bordercrossing cards that they are leaving for more than 12 months, and persons who registered themselves as visitors on arrival but stayed for more than 12 months in the country of destination. According to 2005 estimates, 11,620 emigrants left the country, mainly to African countries (6,256) and European countries (3,758).

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

35

The main destination country was the United Kingdom (3,486), followed by Botswana (1,524), South Africa (1,502) and Mozambique (1,390) (see Table 10). Table 10: Emigrants by country of destination, 2002–2005 Country of destination

2002

2003

2004

2005

AFRICA

6,307

6,330

7,079

6,256

Botswana

2,286

2,193

2,889

1,524

Kenya

66

102

109

110

Malawi

374

1,076

496

687

Mozambique

1,372

1,167

1,751

1,390

South Africa

1,741

87

61

1,502

Swaziland

12

15

28

15

United Republic of Tanzania

23

701

805

81

Zambia

274

718

577

540

Other

159

271

363

407

AMERICA

231

292

366

431

26

35

89

92

Canada United States

202

248

257

301

Other

3

9

20

38

ASIA

92

103

163

221

India

31

22

23

23

Japan

7

12

15

11

Other

54

69

125

187

1,471

1,584

3,597

3,758

7

5

15

4

20

18

34

40

4

1

5

2

37

11

11

17

9

17

14

20

EUROPE Austria Germany Greece Italy Netherlands Portugal Republic of Ireland United Kingdom Other

19

2

3

4

7

35

50

63

1,284

1,378

3,365

3,486

84

117

100

122

Source: CSO, 2005.

While these data present the advantage of giving an estimate of recent emigration flows, they miss two of the central characteristics of Zimbabwean migration, namely its circularity and irregularity, and therefore give an extremely distorted and underestimated image of Zimbabwean emigration patterns.

36

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

It is widely recognized that the main countries of destination of Zimbabwean emigration flows are the neighbouring countries of South Africa, Botswana, Malawi, Mozambique and Zambia (Kiwanuka and Monson, 2009). South Africa appears to be the principal destination country, followed by Botswana (Centre for Development Enterprise, 2008). The migration of Zimbabweans to South Africa has attracted much attention from both journalists and researchers. Despite the great variety of estimates, a range of statistical sources suggest that there is a maximum of 1.5 million Zimbabweans in South Africa, including regular and irregular migrants. On the contrary, very few studies have been conducted on migration in other Southern African countries, and no estimates are currently available in this regard. The various existing research studies converge in highlighting the centrality of economic and employment motivations for leaving Zimbabwe (Makina, 2007: 2 and 2008: 15; Kiwanuka and Monson, 2009: 25). The current economic crisis that Zimbabwe is facing appears to be the main driver of emigration flows and, according to the Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy, “cross-border migration is one of the key survival strategies for many households” (Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a).

C.4 Tourists According to the World Tourism Organization (cited in Gurel Ucer et al., 2006), a tourist is a visitor who travels to and stays in a place outside their usual environment for not more than one consecutive year for leisure, business and other purposes. Table 11 shows the number of tourist arrivals to Zimbabwe by country of origin from 2007 to 2008. According to the Tourism Trends and Statistics Annual Report (ZTA, 2008), Zimbabwe has been experiencing growth in the tourism sector despite the various economic challenges faced by the country. This growth can be attributed to aggressive marketing strategies by ZTA. The period from 2007 to 2008 witnessed declines in tourist arrivals. Despite registering a 31 per cent decline, South Africa remains Zimbabwe’s largest source market for tourists among African countries, with a market share of 54 per cent of all African arrivals. Zambia and Botswana remain in second and third place as tourist source markets, respectively. Of all the African tourist arrivals, there was a notable increase in the 2008 tourist arrivals from Mozambique (25%,) Namibia (14% ), Zambia (15%) and Ghana (2%), signifying growing tourist interest from some African countries despite the negative growth in tourist arrivals registered for the rest of the continent.

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

37

Overall tourist arrivals from Asia increased by 11 per cent in 2008. India, Malaysia and Singapore were the only Asian markets that recorded declines in 2008, while other markets recorded increased tourist arrivals into Zimbabwe. Japan represented the lion’s share of Asian arrivals (31%), followed by China (29%). Europe recorded a 1 per cent decline in tourist arrivals in 2008, with the greatest decline (16%) recorded in arrivals from Belgium, Netherlands and Luxembourg (Benelux countries). Italy had the highest increase of 23 per cent, from an absolute figure of 6,274 in 2007 to 7,655 in 2008. Britain and Ireland had the greatest market share of European arrivals into Zimbabwe, accounting for 21 per cent of European arrivals. Arrivals from the Middle East declined by 10 per cent. Israel remains a major source market for the Middle East region , accounting for 69 per cent of all arrivals from that region. For Oceania, tourists from Australia increased by 9 per cent, while those from New Zealand declined by 2 per cent. Australia had the greatest market share for Oceania with 64 per cent, followed by New Zealand with 30 per cent. Table 11: Tourist arrivals by country of origin, 2007–2008 Country of origin Africa Angola Botswana Democratic Republic of the Congo Egypt Ghana Kenya Lesotho Malawi Mauritius Mozambique Namibia Nigeria South Africa Swaziland Seychelles United Republic of Tanzania Uganda Zambia Other Africa Total

38

2007 23,479 227,777 20,536 650 1,589 26,645 7,804 111,177 1,058 94,290 17,373 7,589 1,362,982 16,111 660 13,237 4,435 301,265 51,952 2,290,608

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

2008 10,439 1,477,890 20,037 639 1,619 21,459 4,551 63,597 875 118,117 19,860 3,776 936,727 6,300 280 10,236 4,387 346,344 15,144 1,732,167

% change - 56 -35 -2 -2 2 -19 -42 -43 -17 25 14 -50 -31 -61 -58 -23 -1 15 -71 -24

America Argentina Brazil Canada Mexico United States Other America Caribbean Islands Total Asia China/Hongkong SAR India Japan Malaysia Pakistan Singapore Republic of Korea Other Asia Total Europe Austria Britain and Ireland Benelux (Belgium , Netherlands and Luxembourg) France Germany Italy Nordic countries (Norway , Sweden and Denmark) Portugal Spain Switzerland Other Europe Total Oceania Australia New Zealand Other Oceania Total Middle East Iran Israel Kuwait Saudi Arabia United Arab Emirates Other Middle East Total Grand total

685 1,032 4,948 454 26,464 4,203 1,961 39,747

655 1,045 5,480 418 32,274 1,605 1,935 43,412

-4 1 11 -8 22 -62 -1 9

12,349 3,990 12,949 1,774 1,033 731 6,597 2,823 42,246

14,169 3,911 14,803 1,770 1,288 556 8,209 2,143 46,849

15 -2 14 -0.30 25 -24 24 -24 11

3,316 22,295

3,247 22,778

-2 2

17,547

14,722

-16

14,446 15,459 6,247

15,134 14,929 7,655

5 -3 23

8,518

7,780

-9

7,865 4,121 2,278 7,027 109,119

8,461 4,002 2,421 7,032 108,161

8 -3 6 0.10 -1

12,724 6,223 1,480 20,427

13,866 6,335 1,333 21,544

9 2 -9 5

625 2,992

215 2,960

-66 -1

70 154 1,520 5,361 2,507,508

92 197 845 4,309 1,956,442

31 28 -44 -10 -22

Source: ZTA, 2008.

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

39

C.5 Refugees According to article 1A of the United Nations Convention relating to the Status of Refugees (1951), a refugee is someone who, “owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality, and is unable to or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country.” The concept of a refugee was expanded by the Convention’s 1967 Protocol and by regional conventions in Africa and Latin America to include persons who had fled war or violence in their home country. Zimbabwe is host to a considerable number of refugees from countries in the Great Lakes Region, which include the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda and Burundi . The country also hosts a small number of refugees from the Horn of Africa countries of Somalia, Eritrea and Ethiopia. As the economic situation in Zimbabwe has deteriorated and relative stability has returned to some major refugee source countries for Zimbabwe,the total number of refugees in Zimbabwe decreased from 4,563 in 2007 to 4,039 in 2008, and then further declined to 3,826 as at 30 June 2009, as shown in Table 12. Table 12: Refugees by sex and country of origin as at 30 June 2009 Country Angola Burundi Congo (Brazzaville) Democratic Republic of the Congo Djibouti Eritrea

Female

Male

Total

1

6

7

271

285

556

17

14

31

1,143

1,317

2,460

1

0

1

4

6

10

Ethiopia

18

22

40

Malawi

1

0

1

Rwanda

284

353

637

Somalia

3

7

10

11

13

24

United Republic of Tanzania

1

0

1

Uganda

4

3

7

Lebanon

1

0

1

Sudan

Other Total

40

0

40

1,800

2,026

3,826

Source: Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009b.

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

C.6 Asylum-seekers An asylum-seeker is a person seeking international protection where national protection has failed. As with refugees, Zimbabwe is host to African asylum-seekers particularly from the strife-torn Great Lakes Region countries of Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda. Of the 643 asylum-seekers recorded as at 30 June 2009, 506 were from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, as shown in Table 13. Eritrea, Somalia and Ethiopia also account for a very small number of asylum-seekers recorded in Zimbabwe in 2009. Table 13: Asylum-seekers by sex and country of origin as at 30 June 2009 Country

Female

Male

Total

Angola

1

0

1

Burundi

17

36

53

1

1

2

Congo (Brazzaville) Democratic Republic of the Congo

183

323

506

Djibouti

0

0

0

Eritrea

1

8

9

Ethiopia

3

4

7

Rwanda

22

30

52

Somalia

5

3

8

Sudan

0

2

2

Uganda

0

3

3

Lebanon

0

0

0

Other

-

-

-

233

410

643

Total Source: Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009b.

C.7 Circular migration: Day trippers Circular migration is the movement of people across the borders of a neighbouring country for a period of less than one day. As the economy declined over the past few years and most basic goods became scarce, Zimbabwe witnessed growth in the number of day trippers to neighbouring countries, particularly for the purposes of shopping. Most day trippers are not required to have official travel documents for crossing borders, as they are given gate passes which are stamped at the border. Of all the border posts, Beitbridge experiences the highest volume of day trippers into neighbouring South Africa, followed by the Plumtree border into Botswana and the Nyamapanda border into Mozambique.

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This circular migration for shopping purposes is supported by the fact that the towns of Musina in South Africa, which is located a few kilometres from the Beitbridge border post, Francistown in Botswana and Manica in Mozambique are reported to have experienced increased volumes in business as a result of an influx of shoppers from Zimbabwe. Table 14 shows the number of day trippers by mode of travel and port of exit from 2003 to 2007. Table 14: Day trippers by mode of travel and port of exit, 2005–2007 Mode of travel and port of exit by country road

2005

2006

2007

South Africa Beitbridge

86,205

74,279

100,727

-

-

14

Maintengwe

5,960

9,989

10,076

Mphoengs

4,253

7,584

26,197

Kazungula

29,672

39,940

25,829

Plumtree

78,989

35,889

7,852

131,051

164,682

76,013

Chirundu

26,736

25,617

14,857

Kanyamba

1,119

0

4,087

43,994

84,618

56,274

12,657

23,344

32,582

428

297

67

Botswana Pandamatenga

Zambia Victoria Falls

Kariba Mozambique Mutare Cashel

1,860

1,743

1,244

Mukumbura

Mount Selinda

97,477

99,792

58,960

Nyamapanda

127,203

61,342

16,428

4,099

271

744

651,703

629,387

431,951

Sango Grand total Source: CSO, 2007.

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

C.8 Detentions, deportations, prosecutions and repatriations, 2008 Table 15 illustrates cases of detention of foreigners who had entered Zimbabwe illegally. In 2008, 70 foreign nationals were deported from Zimbabwe; 117 were prosecuted, while 144,846 Zimbabwean nationals were repatriated into the country from other countries. The majority of those deported to Zimbabwe in 2008 were from South Africa. Table 15: Detentions, deportations, prosecutions and repatriations, 2008 Month

Detentions

Deportations

Prosecutions

Repatriations

January

9

3

13

1,388

February

0

0

0

13,550

March

6

5

14

8,829

April

7

4

19

18,658

May

3

6

14

15,531

June

5

6

7

15,831

July

9

8

12

14,747

August

2

7

8

15,866

September

0

0

0

0

October

9

12

10

17,219

November

13

18

10

11,310

December

2

2

10

11,917

65

71

117

144,846

Total

Source: Republic of Zimbabwe, Department of Immigration and Control, 2008.

C.9 Remittances Remittances can broadly be defined as monetary transfers made by migrants to their country of origin or the financial flows associated with migration. Most of the time these are personal cash transfers from a migrant to a relative in the country of origin, as well as funds donated, deposited or invested by migrants in the country of origin (Baruah and Cholewinski, 2006). It is worth noting that many Zimbabweans who migrated abroad for economic reasons continued to support their family members in Zimbabwe through financial and in-kind transfers during the economic decline of the past decade. Remittances have been noted to bring positive benefits to the country if they are transferred through formal channels and are invested in productive

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economic activities. However, remittance transfers through informal channels such as malaishas (informal couriers who transport goods and money from South Africa to Zimbabwe) which are used for consumptive purposes have limited economic benefit to the country. Table 16 illustrates data on formal remittances (net receipts and payments), travel (net receipts and payment) and diplomats (net receipts and payment) received by Zimbabwe from 2000 to 2008. According to the RBZ, travel receipts refer to money earned from people visiting Zimbabwe, while travel payments refer to the money Zimbabweans spend while travelling outside the country. Diplomatic receipts refer to money earned by Zimbabwe from foreign diplomats serving in the country, while diplomatic payments refer to money spent by Zimbabwean diplomats abroad. Finally, remittances refer to money sent by Zimbabweans abroad to family and friends in the country through formal channels. Table 16: Remittances, travel receipts and diplomatic receipts (USD million), 2000–2008 Year

2000

Remittances (Net) Receipts

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

-1.60

-0.60

1.10

1.10

61.00

18.20

6.50

48.50

76.00

1.40

1.40

1.10

1.10

61.00

18.20

6.50

48.50

76.00

Payments

3.00

2.00

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

Travel (net)

9.60

5.80

26.50

38.90

179.10

121.60

132.60

104.10

85.20

Receipts

88.60

57.90

52.70

61.00

193.70

148.60

149.70

117.10

102.00

Payments

79.00

52.10

26.20

22.10

14.60

27.00

17.10

13.00

16.80

-19.50

-39.00

-36.80

0

-24.20

-24.20

-29.70

-33.20

-31.80

Receipts

Diplomats (net)

35.50

26.00

25.00

26.40

26.00

26.00

26.00

24.60

8.50

Payments

55.00

65.00

61.80

26.40

50.20

50.20

55.70

57.80

40.30

Source: RBZ, 2008.

Formal remittance transfers to Zimbabwe over the past decade have been affected by several changes in the policy and regulatory environment. The fixed exchange rate regulations between 2000 and 2003 resulted in remittances decreasing from USD 1.4 million in 2000 to USD 1.1 million in 2003. Zimbabweans in the diaspora preferred to use informal remittance channels as they were more rewarding than the formal system; as such the country derived no direct benefits from remittance transfers during this period. Travel receipts were subdued during the same period due to negative perceptions and the elections in 2000 and 2002, and also due to the loss of confidence following the land reform programme in 2000. Travel payments also declined between 2000 and 2003 due to a shortage of foreign currency. Diplomatic receipts did not change, reflecting the constant size of the diplomatic community for the period under review.

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

C.9.1 Introduction of the Homelink Scheme, 2004 There was a sharp increase in remittance receipts through formal channels in 2004 to USD 61 million due to the introduction of the Homelink initiative. The RBZ launched Homelink with a specific aim to provide money transfer services and to cater for the investment needs of Zimbabweans in the diaspora. The Homelink flagship products included the Homelink Housing Scheme and the Homelink Money Transfer Service. Many people in the diaspora saw it beneficial to use formal channels when transferring remittances under this scheme due to the prospects of owning a house. The country also benefited through getting much-needed foreign currency from the fees charged on financial transfers and taxes. There was no activity on remittance payments as it still remained difficult for individuals to access foreign currency to send outside the country. Travel receipts started improving in 2004, reflecting a restoration of confidence following the competitive pricing of tourism products occasioned by the competitive auction rate and influx of day trippers. Travel payments remained on the decline due to inadequate foreign currency in the country. Although the inflow of foreign currency into the formal system had improved, much of it was being channeled to essential services such as the procurement of fuel and the importation of the country’s food requirements. Diplomatic receipts remained constant as the size of the diplomatic community remained constant.

C.9.2 Introduction of the volume-based tradable foreign currency balances system, 2005–2006 In October 2005, the RBZ launched the tradable foreign currency balances system (TFCBS). Under the TFCBS regime, a dual exchange rate system prevailed, where interbank market transactions were conducted at a market-determined exchange rate and critical government payments were made at the auction exchange rate, which was under the TFCBS. The RBZ stipulated the bid/offer spread that was permissible for foreign exchange transactions. Authorized dealers were required to keep a minimum balance in line with their correspondent bank conditions plus float money of up to USD 100,000 per bank. All banks with float money in excess of USD 100,000 were expected to sell the excess to the RBZ at the prevailing market-determined rate. Banks were also required to quote the bid/offer rates which they had to visibly display in banking halls. Banks were not expected to turn away a customer wishing to sell foreign currency (RBZ, 2007).

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After the introduction of the volume-based TFCBS, there was a reduction in remittance receipts through formal channels, as those in the diaspora preferred to use informal channels which offered attractive rates, resulting in the resurgence of a parallel market. There were no remittance payments during this period as the country was still experiencing an acute shortage of foreign currency. Travel receipts also declined due to unfavourable exchange rates, which resulted in many visitors shunning the country or preferring to use credit cards when purchasing goods. Travel payments continued to decline due to a shortage of foreign currency in the country. Diplomatic receipts remained constant as the size of the diplomatic community did not change. During this period, the country did not benefit directly from migration in the form of remittances, as many of the transfers were done using informal systems, thus avoiding government taxes and charges.

C.9.3 Payment of remittances in foreign currency by money transfer agencies, 2007–2008 The years 2007 and 2008 saw an improvement in remittance receipts through the formal system due to the payment of remittances in foreign currency by money transfer agencies. Many people in the diaspora began to use the formal system which was less risky and was now as rewarding as remitting money through informal channels, because there was not much of a difference between the exchange rates used in the formal and informal markets. Remittance payment still remained at zero as it continued to be difficult for individuals to access what little foreign currency the country had obtained. Travel receipts declined in 2007 and 2008, indicating waning confidence by foreigners and the imposition of travel bans to Zimbabwe by the United States, the United Kingdom and Japan. Travel payments continued to decline due to inadequate foreign currency in the country. Diplomatic receipts remained constant as the size of the diplomatic community did not change during the period. In 2007 and 2008, the Government benefited from foreign currency payments from migration in terms of taxes paid during remittance transfers. The increase in the volume of remittance transfers through formal channels implied more taxes coming to the Government.

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

PART D: Migration management: Legal regimes and policies Migration legal regimes and migration management policies operate at two different levels: international and national. At the international level, a further distinction can be made between universal instruments protecting migrants’ rights, regional instruments and mechanisms organizing a cooperation framework between African and, more specifically, Southern African countries, and bilateral agreements concluded by Zimbabwe for the regulation of migration flows.

D.1 International instruments, regional cooperation and bilateral agreements D.1.1 International legal framework for the protection of migrants: Universal instruments The international framework protecting migrants is found in essentially two places, namely international human rights law and specific instruments protecting migrant workers – specific International Labour Organization (ILO) instruments (Convention Nos. 97 and 143) and the International Convention on the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families. International human rights instruments can be classified into two distinct groups. General instruments, included in the International Bill of Rights, contain the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (while this is a non-binding instrument, most of its provisions constitute customary international law), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). There are also conventions concerned with the protection of persons against specific forms of ill-treatment, such as the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), as well as conventions concerned with the protection of particular groups of persons, including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the International Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC).

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International human rights instruments identified above protect all human beings regardless of their nationality. Therefore, migrants, as non-nationals, are generally entitled to the same human rights as citizens. Zimbabwe has ratified all these multilateral conventions, with the notable exception of CAT. With regard to international labour standards, there are two principal ILO instruments concerned specifically with the labour rights and legal status of migrant workers: the Migration for Employment Convention (Revised) No. 97 of 1949 and the Migrant Workers (Supplementary Provisions) Convention No. 143 of 1975. Both conventions are accompanied by non-binding Recommendations (Nos. 86 and 151), which contain clarifications and further guidelines. Zimbabwe has not ratified ILO Convention Nos. 97 and 143. The International Convention on the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families (United Nations Convention on Migrant Workers) adopted in 1990 constitutes an important instrument, despite its low level of ratification by States (42 States Parties as of 27 July 2009). It can serve as a comprehensive model for the laws of countries of destination by identifying clearly the rights and benefits migrants should be entitled to vis-à-vis nationals. It underlines explicitly that all migrant workers and their families should be protected, including irregular migrants. It also recognizes the principle that lawfully resident migrant workers should be treated on equal terms with nationals in some important additional areas, such as conditions of employment and the provision of accommodation, including social or public housing. Zimbabwe has not ratified the United Nations Convention on Migrant Workers. However, the Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy foresees the ratification and the translation of the provisions of the Convention into the national legislative framework. Finally, mention must be made of two international criminal law instruments related to migration: the Protocol to Prevent Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons especially Women and Children, and the Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air. Both protocols supplement the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (2000). Zimbabwe has not ratified the two protocols. However, the Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy foresees equally their ratification and domestication. 48

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

D.1.2 Regional cooperation At the regional level, political, historical, social and cultural similarities may facilitate the adoption of human rights instruments and regional cooperation mechanisms that may include schemes for the free movement of persons. Often, regional legal frameworks offer broader and stronger protections than universal international law. However, where regional instruments are more restrictive than universal standards, they should not be considered as a replacement for international standards set in this domain. With regard to human rights instruments, mention must be made of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, adopted in 1981. When referring to regional cooperation mechanisms, a distinction can be made between formal and less formal mechanisms. While formal mechanisms of regional cooperation refer to the conclusion of legally binding agreements between States, less formal mechanisms of international cooperation refer to non-binding arrangements and consultative mechanisms. In the Southern African context, three cooperation frameworks require particular attention: the Southern African Development Community, the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, and the Migration Dialogue for Southern Africa. D.1.2.1 Southern African Development Community In 1980, nine Southern African States, including Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe established the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC). In 1992, the SADCC was transformed into the Southern African Development Community (SADC). The SADC is currently comprised of 15 Member States. Broadly speaking, the aims of the SADC include economic development and regional integration. In this context, the regulation of movement of nationals of SADC Member States is one of the initial goals of the Community. However to date, the development of a free-movement-of-persons regime has been a long and difficult process. In 1996, a Draft Protocol on the Free Movement of Persons in SADC was submitted for consideration of the Member States. While the Zimbabwean Government was generally in agreement with its provisions, the Protocol was dropped, mainly on the insistence of South Africa, Botswana and Namibia (Tevera and Zinyama, 2002: 24; Williams and Carr, 2006: 5). In response an alternative instrument was prepared, the Draft Protocol on the Facilitation of

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49

Movement of Persons in SADC. After a long period of immobility, discussion on the Draft Protocol was revived in 2003 and the text was subsequently approved and signed in 2005 by six Member States, including Zimbabwe. According to article 36, “this Protocol shall enter into force 30 days after the deposit of the instruments of ratification by two thirds of the Member States.” To date, the required number of ratifications – 10 – has not been met. However, it appears that a number of SADC Member States have already started to implement some of the provisions of the Protocol. The Protocol on the Facilitation of Movement of Persons in SADC has the following objectives: to facilitate the movement of nationals of Member States within the region by gradually eliminating obstacles that impede such movement; to expand the network of bilateral agreements in this regard; and to cooperate in preventing irregular migration within and into the region (LefkoEverett , 2008). As a general comment, it can be noted that the Protocol is mainly a programmatic document, setting objectives yet containing few constraining provisions. An exception is the visitors scheme that allows the entry of nationals of SADC Member States in the territory of other Member States without the requirement of a visa, for a maximum period of 90 days per year on the condition that the visitor possesses a valid travel document and sufficient means of support for the duration of the visit. D.1.2.2 Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa The Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) is a preferential trading area established in 1994 – replacing a preferential trade area which had existed since 1981. While COMESA has a larger geographical coverage than the SADC, with 19 Member States ranging from Libyan Arab Jamahiriya to Zimbabwe, it does not include all SADC Member States. The COMESA Treaty advocates for the suppression of obstacles to the free movement of persons, as well as the recognition of the right of establishment and residence among Member States. In 2001, the Protocol on the Free Movement of Persons, Labour, Services, Right of Establishment and Right of Residence was adopted. While the Protocol has not yet entered into force, it has been recognized that the delivery of visas to nationals of Member States had significantly improved (Commission de l’Union africaine, 2008: 20).

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

D.1.2.3 Migration Dialogue for Southern Africa While SADC and COMESA constitute two formal mechanisms of regional cooperation, the Migration Dialogue for Southern Africa (MIDSA) is an example of a less formal cooperation mechanism, or, more specifically, a regional consultative process (RCP). RCPs offer the opportunity for governments – and, in some cases, nonState actors – to discuss migration-related issues in a cooperative manner, with a view to reaching common understanding and formulating effective solutions for regional migration management. In other words, RCPs constitute a structure for dialogue and exchange of information and expertise without requiring a government to enter into formal commitments. MIDSA was established in 2000 and includes all SADC Member States. Its objectives include the following: -- To foster cooperation among SADC Member States on migration-related issues, enhancing their capacity to manage migration within a regional context. -- To contribute to an increased awareness amongst SADC officials and policymakers of the role of migration in the social and economic development of the region, and to ensure that orderly migration is perceived and used as a positive factor in the development process. -- To help develop regional institutional capacities to deal with the challenges of migration management and strengthen the capacity of governments to meet these challenges in a cooperative and knowledge-based manner. -- To enhance the understanding of officials and policymakers of the causes, dimensions and impacts of migration in Southern Africa. -- To promote dialogue and interaction between governments and other agencies and institutions with migration-related interests and expertise. -- To deliver technical cooperation and training to build capacity for migration management, information sharing and research, and information dissemination activities. -- To enhance the capacity of SADC countries to collectively manage migration including substantial progress towards harmonized systems of data collection and harmonized immigration policy and legislation. MIDSA’s latest sessions include the following: Regional Protection Mechanisms for Victims of Human Trafficking in Southern Africa (2008); Human Capital Mobility, Labour and the Millennium Development Goals in Southern

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Africa (2007); Irregular Migration, including Trafficking and Smuggling of Persons (2006); and Migration and Development/Poverty in the SADC Region (2005).

D.1.3 Bilateral labour agreements Bilateral labour arrangements (BLAs) can be defined broadly as all forms of arrangements between States, regions and public institutions that provide for the recruitment and employment of short-term or long-term foreign labour. This broad definition goes beyond the classical binding intergovernmental bilateral agreements and includes also non-legal arrangements, such as Memoranda of Understanding (MoUs), as well as “non-governmental” agreements, for example, arrangements between national employment agencies. BLAs are usually concluded for three reasons: a) economic reasons, in order to organize a match between supply and demand for labour; b) political reasons, in order to promote friendly relations amongst States by encouraging the orderly movement of labour; and c) development reasons, in order to prevent the “brain drain” phenomenon. There is great variety of BLAs, including the following: BLAs as recruitment schemes (seasonal workers schemes, contract workers and project-tied workers agreements, trainee agreements, and working holidays agreements); bilateral agreements facilitating or addressing the consequences of mobility (agreements designed to control/prevent irregular migration, visa facilitation agreements, mutual recognition agreements (recognition of diplomas, right to practice a profession, etc.), social security and double taxation agreements). Zimbabwe has concluded very few BLAs. In the 2000s, the country had an agreement with Cuba for the recruitment of Cuban health professionals in order to limit the negative consequence of the emigration of national health professionals (Chikanda, 2005: 28). This agreement apparently is yet to be implemented. At present, the only applicable BLA appears to be the recent agreement concluded with South Africa for the facilitation of recruitment for commercial farms in Limpopo Province in South Africa. However, the Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy gives a central role to BLAs in national migration management. In the draft policy document, BLAs are considered as a major policy objective in order to reduce irregular migration and irregular cross-border movements in neighbouring countries; protect the rights and interests of Zimbabwean migrants and crossborder traders, including the issue of portability of social benefits and the specific vulnerability of women migrants; and reduce migrants’ vulnerability to HIV infection (Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a). 52

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

D.2 National legislation and policies While the past decades have seen migration challenges as well as opportunities rising in an exponential way, the efficiency of the public authorities’ responses has been for a long time hindered by lack of consistency and comprehensiveness. As noted by IOM (2009a): The capacity of the Government to manage these multifaceted migration issues so as to reduce the negative aspects of migration and enhance its positive impacts have been constrained by the lack of a comprehensive and coherent legal, institutional and policy framework for implementing migration practices in an integrated manner.

The following are among the main challenges in government responses to the increasing emigration and cross-border movement of its nationals: lack of data collection and management that is undoubtedly imperative in order to design a successful migration policy; concentration of government efforts on only two issues (migration of highly skilled nationals and remittances) among a widely diverse set of challenges; lack of coordination and cooperation between State administrations concerned with migration; lack of consistency between migration policies and the general national development plan; and, in certain areas such as trafficking, lack of specific legislation. In other words, Zimbabwe has struggled for a long time to have a global view on migration-related issues and identify general guiding principles in order to develop a comprehensive and coherent migration policy. However, the past few years have seen a considerable evolution in the national response to migration. Since 2006, the Government, in cooperation with IOM, has undertaken considerable efforts to overcome its splintered and incomplete approach to migration and develop a consistent and comprehensive migration strategy. This new approach has had two phases so far. During the first phase, from November 2006 to February 2007, the Government and IOM engaged in an intensive dialogue that led to the recognition of the migration challenges and opportunities facing the country, as well as the strength and weaknesses of the governmental responses. The second phase has been dedicated to the formulation of a new national migration strategy. To this end, the Government and IOM held three migration and development strategic planning workshops in 2007: The strategic objective of these workshops was “that Zimbabwe maximizes the benefits from migration through deliberate national policies and programmes”, while the specific objective was “to develop a national strategy for Zimbabwe that would facilitate the mainstreaming of migration into government’s national and sectoral development policies and plans (IOM, 2009a). Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

53

The result of this second phase was the drafting of a National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy by a task force comprised of officials from the following: the Migration and Development Unit of the Ministry of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion; the Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare; the Ministry of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs; the Ministry of Home Affairs; the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; and IOM. The task force started its work in December 2007 and finalized the draft in May 2009. In June 2009, the draft policy document was presented, discussed and adopted by the Permanent Secretaries of stakeholder ministries. The next step is the presentation of the draft policy document to the Government for consideration and approval. If approved, the National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy will be implemented by the competent authorities. As with the content of the Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy, it is of use to quote the opening paragraph of the document that broadly sets its context and determine its purpose: The National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy affirms the Government of Zimbabwe’s recognition of the growing migration challenges that the country is grappling with. Furthermore, it acknowledges the importance of the migration and development nexus and hence the need for the Government to adopt and implement a national migration and development agenda in a coherent manner. The goal of the National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy is to ensure the exploitation of the development potential of migration through a coordinated and informed response to migration challenges (Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a: 7).

The guiding principles of the draft policy document are the following: orderly and managed migration shall benefit all, including countries of origin, countries of destination and the migrants themselves; migration policy shall be consistent with the national development plan; migration policy shall be coherent with other policies that address or are affected by migration; and close cooperation and coordination between concerned State administrations is crucial. The content of the Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy is organized around seven thematic migration priorities, namely: brain drain, remittances, labour migration, migration and health, migration and gender, irregular migration, and trafficking in persons. In other words, the draft policy document focuses on the main migration challenges facing the country (i.e. mainly emigration-related issues), and contains few elements with regard to migrants in Zimbabwe. For each of the selected themes, the draft policy

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

document provides a description of the considered challenges, identifies policy objectives and proposes concrete strategies to be adopted and implemented. Regarding the institutional framework and inter-agency coordination, the Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy considers making the Migration and Development Unit of the Ministry of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion responsible for coordinating migration and development activities. The Migration and Development Unit should operate under the supervision of the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Migration and Development, which is comprised of representatives from the different interested ministries. Specific technical activities should be directly implemented by the concerned ministries, as shown in Table 17. Table 17: Repartition of strategic area per coordinating department Strategic area

Coordinating department

Institutional, policy and legal framework

-- Ministry of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion -- Ministry of Regional Integration and International Cooperation

Brain drain

-- Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education

Remittances

-- Ministry of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion

Labour migration

-- Ministry of Labour and Social Services

Irregular migration and informal cross-border trade

-- Ministry of Home Affairs, Department of Immigration -- Registrar General’s Office -- Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Gender and Community Development

Cross-border management

-- Ministry of Home Affairs

Human trafficking and smuggling

-- Ministry of Foreign Affairs -- Ministry of Home Affairs, Department of Immigration

Migration and gender

-- Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Gender and Community Development

Migration and health

-- Ministry of Health and Child Welfare

Source: Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a.

D.2.1 Immigration legislation and policies D.2.1.1 Immigration Act and Immigration Regulations Immigration in Zimbabwe is mainly governed by the Immigration Act (adopted in 1979 and last amended in 2001), whose content is further specified by the Immigration Regulations (adopted in 1998 and last amended in 2005). In principle, any foreigner who intends to stay in Zimbabwe for a period longer than 12 months must posses a temporary permit or residence permit (article 15, Immigration Regulation). The first application for a permit has to be made before entry to the national territory. General rules applicable regardless

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

55

of the immigration category include the payment of a fee and the absence of grounds for exclusion as a “prohibited person” (article 15, Immigration Regulation). Categories of exclusion notably include the following grounds: economic grounds (being likely to become a public charge), infectious disease, past criminal conviction, national security (implicit ground), prior violation of immigration legislation, and prostitution (article 14, Immigration Act). The admission of a foreigner for employment is in principle submitted on the condition that the prospective employer can demonstrate to the Foreign Recruitment Committee that no suitable candidate is available locally. The migrant worker is granted a temporary employment permit for a maximum period of five years, including any period of renewal (article 22 (2) and (4), Immigration Regulations). In principle, the holder of a temporary employment permit is not allowed to change occupations or employers during the period specified in the permit (article 23 (1), Immigration Regulations). It must be noted that the Immigration Regulations foresee the possibility for the spouse and children to join the holder of a temporary employment permit (article 22 (2), Immigration Regulations). The stay of foreign students in Zimbabwe depends upon the issuance of a student permit. Such a permit is normally issued for a period not exceeding one year and may be renewed. Foreign students are not entitled to exercise a professional activity (article 32, Immigration Regulations). Permanent resident status is normally granted after five years of regular stay in the country (article 17 (a), Immigration Regulations). However, the Immigration Regulations give special consideration to foreigners who invest substantial sums of money in projects approved by the Zimbabwe Investment Centre: a permanent residence permit can be delivered upon admission to foreigners who have transferred USD 1 million or more for the purpose of investment. A three-year residence permit may be granted to foreigners who invest USD 300,000 or more. Such a permit may be converted to a permanent residence permit on its expiration (article 17 (a), Immigration Regulations). Alongside the aforementioned temporary and permanent immigrant status, immigration legislation foresees the granting of visitor’s entry certificate for a maximum period of either 6 or 12 months (article 9 (5), Immigration Regulations). In principle, holders of a visitor’s entry certificate are not authorized to engage in employment (article 42 (2), Immigration Regulations).

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

D.2.1.2 National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy The Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy contains very few strategies regarding immigration as it focuses on the most urgent challenges that the country is facing, namely the large emigration and crossborder movement of Zimbabwean nationals. It nevertheless includes two significant objectives with regard to emigration and transit migration through the country. First, based on the Protocol to Prevent Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons especially Women and Children, and the Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, the draft policy document foresees the adoption of a legislation that directly addresses trafficking and smuggling and the implementation of “joint border management strategies within neighbouring countries to stem traffickers and other related criminals” (Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a: 49). Second, the draft policy document outlines the intention to grant equal access to treatment of communicable diseases. While the Prevention of Discrimination Act expressly prohibits discrimination on the basis of nationality, the Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy goes a step beyond and foresees, in line with the SADC Protocol on Health, the implementation of “equal access to treatment of communicable diseases (including STIs/HIV) for all SADC nationals, regardless of legal status” (Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a: 49).

D.2.2 Emigration legislation and policies D.2.2.1 Immigration Act and Immigration Regulations The Immigration Act and Immigration Regulations rule departures from the country in great detail. Five separate sections of the Immigration Act are devoted to the process of examining and permitting departures. Regular departure mainly depends on two conditions: the production of a travel document and effecting the departure through a mandated port of exit (articles 24 and 26, Immigration Act). Moreover, for the purpose of migration data collection, the Immigration Regulations require that every person leaving the country complete an exit card and deliver it to the immigration officer (article 64 (2), Immigration Regulations). The Immigration Act also considers the issue of fraudulent travel documents, and more generally foresees penalties for violations of its provisions Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

57

that may include a fine and/or imprisonment for a maximum of six months or one year, depending on the offence. D.2.2.2 Key components of emigration-related policies Migration of highly skilled nationals Widely recognized as one of the greatest development challenges currently faced by Zimbabwe, the migration of highly skilled nationals has unsurprisingly been the subject of a great variety of governmental measures during the past decade. Chikanda (2005) identified six key measures that had been adopted in order to mitigate the negative effects of the emigration of health professionals. First, the bonding of newly qualified health professionals: All the nurses and doctors that started training in 1997 are bonded by the Government for three years. In the case of doctors, they are given their academic certificates while their practicing certificates are withheld for three years.

Second, the introduction of fellowship and scholarship programmes, as well as advanced training programmes, in order to reduce the migration of health professionals wishing to further their studies abroad: An Institute of Continuing Health Education (ICHE) was established to cater for the specialist postgraduate training and continuing education needs of those in the medical field at the University of Zimbabwe’s School of Medicine. ICHE provides all forms of continuing medical education not only for doctors, but for all categories of health professionals: certificated education, skills advancement, update as well as skills renewal. ICHE has achieved considerable success in spite of budgetary constraints (Chikanda, 2005).

Third, salary reviews were introduced, although the impact of such a policy measure was impaired by the hyperinflation prevailing in the country. Fourth, call allowances were introduced to allow health professionals to work extra hours with a view to limiting the impact of staff shortages. Fifth, performance management was introduced in the health sector with a view to increasing professional acknowledgement. Finally, the Government recruited foreign health professionals, notably from Cuba and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in order to limit the shortage of skills (Chikanda, 2005).

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

More recently, the Government has developed, in cooperation with IOM, the Zimbabwe Human Capital Website. As stated by IOM (2009: 4): The website seeks to advertise information on employment and investment opportunities that skilled workers, professionals and investors, local and abroad, may want to take advantage of in Zimbabwe. Further the database which is integrated to the website captures the profiles of Zimbabweans in the diaspora who are interested in participating in various initiatives where their skills would be required.

It must also be noted that a national task force was appointed, chaired by the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education, in order to coordinate the national response to human skills identification, deployment and retention. In 2006, the Government launched a national Human Resource Survey aimed at identifying critical skills shortages hampering the economy and recommending strategies for skills training and development, for attracting and retaining people with vital skills, and establishing synergies with skilled nationals in the diaspora (Tevera, 2008: 21). With regard to the Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy, the proposed strategies combine encouragement for return and circulation of highly skilled nationals residing abroad, replenishment of skills in critical labour shortage areas, retention measures such as the development of opportunities for the career development of highly skilled workers, and alignment of employment conditions in the public sector with those in the SADC region (Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a: 28). Moreover, the draft policy document interestingly brings together the brain drain phenomenon and the high unemployment rate in the country, which is indicative of the incapacity to absorb the national workforce, especially low-skilled nationals. The objective of the Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy is to combine measures aimed at the retention and return of highly skilled nationals with promotion strategies aimed at opening new channels for legal migration of lowand semi-skilled workers. Diasporas and remittances Zimbabwe receives considerable flows of remittances, estimated at between USD 260 million and USD 490 million every year (Tevera, 2008: 21). These remittance flows constitute a significant part (around 7.2%) of the GDP (IFAD, 2007) and provide a major source of income for many households in the country (Tevera, 2008: 21).

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During the past decade, the Government has considered or adopted a series of measures in order to improve transfer services and to stimulate the development potential of remittances. In 2004, the RBZ developed Homelink, a remittance mechanism designed to encourage migrants to remit through formal channels. Two types of products were introduced: the money transfer service and the Housing Development Scheme Project. Licensed money transfer agencies (MTAs) are usually set up through partnerships between financial institutions or commercial banks, the postal system and foreign agents such as Western Union and MoneyGram. With MTAs, there is no need for the sender and the recipient to have a bank account to use the service. However, Homelink facilities adhere to international security standards, implying that full identification of clients is a requirement. Through the Homelink system, recipients of funds through banks can open foreign currency accounts with a USD 200 minimum balance. With regard to the Housing Development Scheme Project, the intention was to promote housing development in Zimbabwe. Loans are paid in Zimbabwean dollars and the repayments are made in foreign currency over a maximum period of five years for the purchase or construction of a house, or 12 months for a residential stand. The Housing Scheme works with partners in the United Kingdom, the United States, South Africa and Botswana. Generally speaking, both Homelink components have only achieved limited success. In particular, the Housing Development Scheme Project has met limited success mainly because of the disparities between Homelink (official) and parallel exchange rates for foreign currency in which repayments are made (Labour and Economic Development Research Institute of Zimbabwe, 2010). Concerning relations with the diaspora, the Government is following a path of measures that include status interest and capacity mapping, diaspora outreach and confidence building, and mobilization of stakeholders. In 2004, the Government entrusted IOM to conduct the study, The Development Potential of Zimbabweans in the Diaspora: A Survey of Zimbabweans Living in the UK and South Africa. The study showed that Zimbabweans in the diaspora were willing to contribute to the development of their country (Bloch, 2005). Following this first step, the Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy considers the adoption of a series of measures including the amendment of the Citizenship Act to allow for dual citizenship and the extension

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

of voting rights to Zimbabweans residing abroad. If adopted and implemented, these propositions would constitute important confidence-building measures. Moreover, the draft policy document foresees the establishment of a government agency that would: deal with the welfare of nationals residing abroad; maintain contact with the diaspora, particularly on investment schemes; and defend the rights of nationals residing abroad. Finally, the draft policy document proposes to further mapping activities by improving the quality of data on migration statistics (Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a: 34–35). Labour migration and the protection of migrants’ rights As previously noted, the majority of Zimbabwean labour migrants in the Southern African region are in an irregular situation. They consequently face a great variety of risks that constitute human rights violations, either during the transit phase or during their stay in the country of destination. With a view to limiting such irregular migration flows and to better protect Zimbabwean nationals abroad, the Government is considering several strategies for better management of labour migration. First, Zimbabwe has entered into a bilateral agreement with South Africa for the facilitation of recruitment for commercial farms in Limpopo Province in South Africa. Second, the Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy foresees the adoption of the following strategies and measures: facilitation of the issuance of national identity documents by decentralizing their issuance at the district and local levels; conclusion of bilateral labour agreements with destination countries in order to facilitate the regular cross-border movement of national workers and ensure the portability of social security benefits; deployment of labour attachés in destination countries that would provide assistance to nationals abroad on all matters pertaining to employment; and promotion of foreign labour and identification of job opportunities abroad (Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a: 37 and 41). The draft policy document also considers the development of preemployment programmes and pre-departure orientation seminars, thus recognizing that providing migrants workers with reliable and accurate information regarding the different aspects of the migration process is an essential component of protection. Finally, the draft policy document aims to “address the root causes of economically motivated migration in high migrant

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sending areas through the promotion of microenterprises and livelihood projects” (Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a: 40). Trafficking in persons While the Government has appointed an Inter-Ministerial Committee on Human Trafficking, it still lacks anti-trafficking legislation, policies and programmes. In this respect, the Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy foresees the ratification of the Protocol to Prevent Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons especially Women and Children, as well as the Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, and the development of a legislation that directly addresses trafficking in persons and smuggling of migrants. It also outlines action specifically directed towards particularly vulnerable children, the implementation of joint border management strategies with neighbouring countries to stem traffickers, and the enhancement of law enforcement agents’ capacities (Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a: 49). Migration and HIV The Zimbabwe National AIDS Strategic Plan 2006–2010 (ZNASP) provides a framework for a multisectoral national response to the epidemic. The overall goal of the ZNASP is to reduce the spread of HIV, improve the quality of life of those infected and affected by HIV, and mitigate the socio-economic impact of the epidemic in the country. The ZNASP acknowledges high population mobility as one of the key drivers of the AIDS epidemic. It considers mobile populations as a vulnerable group and these include sex workers, cross-border traders, uniformed personnel (soldiers, police, game rangers, the militia, customs and immigration officials), truck drivers, the internally displaced and the farming community. The ZNASP also recognizes that the vulnerability and risk factors of mobile populations are caused by long periods of separation from regular partners and social settings, which may result in casual and commercial sex and/or irregular access to HIV prevention and care services. The ZNASP seeks to address high risk vulnerabilities arising from spousal separation through workplace policies that minimize spousal separation. It also provides a framework for the development of policies/programmes that regulate sex work, with particular focus on areas where high commercial sex trade is

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

concentrated and the development of a minimum service package (prevention and mitigation) for the commercial sex industry, as well as a framework for the development of specially tailored programmes for mobile populations that address and mitigate their vulnerability to HIV. Also significant is the fact that the ZNASP calls for the broadening of AIDS mitigation services to the workforce through workplace programmes and policies. The ZNASP seeks to ensure that all sectors actively engage in national HIV policymaking and planning at the national level, and it calls for the further mainstreaming of HIV in sectors such as mining, transport, construction, agriculture, uniformed services, informal cross-border trade and commercial sex (IOM, 2007b: 10). With regard to migration and HIV, the Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy mainly focuses on access to treatment for foreigners in Zimbabwe, it also foresees the conclusion of bilateral labour agreements and therefore the achievement of better migration management as a means to reduce the vulnerability to HIV infection of Zimbabwean migrants (Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a: 56).

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PART E: Migration challenges and opportunities This chapter is a contribution by IOM. Zimbabwe currently faces a number of considerable migration challenges, including migration of highly skilled nationals, irregular migration and migration and HIV. However, the migration of Zimbabwean nationals also includes considerable opportunities that may benefit the Zimbabwean society in general as well as migrants and their families. Among these potential benefits from migration, the most obvious component is probably remittances transferred by Zimbabwean migrants. Relationships with the diaspora and, more generally, labour migration – if managed in a successful way – are other opportunities driven by migration.

E.1 Migration of highly skilled nationals Migration of highly skilled nationals is often described as one of the greatest development challenges currently faced by Zimbabwe. Although the phenomenon is not new, it has reached an unprecedented scale during the last decade. Before going into the details of the phenomenon, its extent, its causes and its consequences, it is useful to give a precise meaning for a few related but distinct notions: “highly skilled migrant”, “brain drain” and “brain waste”. While there is no universal definition of a “highly skilled migrant”, the notion is usually distinguished by a combination of education (usually at the tertiary level or beyond) and occupation, particularly where this occupation relates to the high-added-value and high-productivity sectors that are essential to a country’s development and to the knowledge society. “Brain drain” can be defined as a specific form of highly skilled migration: the permanent or long-term migration of highly skilled workers that has negative effects on the economic and social development of countries of origin, as it removes workers who may be critical for the functioning of the economy and of basic social services that may be critical for the promotion of socio-economic development. Brain drain is often associated with the emigration of professionals with key skills, such as doctors, engineers, and other professionals.

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E.1.1 Migration flows and patterns of highly skilled nationals As with general emigration trends in Zimbabwe, two phases can be distinguished with regard to the emigration of highly skilled nationals. The first phase corresponds to the years following the country’s independence in 1980. As described by Tevera and Crush (2003: 6): “Between 1980 and 1984, 50,000 to 60,000 whites left the country because they could not adjust to the changed political circumstances and the net migration loss was over 10,000 per year.” The second phase, from the 1990s to the present day, shows patterns different from those during the first phase. This “new brain drain from Zimbabwe” represents a lasting phenomenon that has reached considerable proportions and has progressively accelerated since the 1990s. According to a 2003 study, approximately 490,000 skilled Zimbabweans had left the country (Chetsanga and Muchenje, 2003). This figure would have increased to more than 800,000 during the next five years (Tevera, 2008: 19). Due to the general lack of reliable data on emigration from Zimbabwe, such estimates have to be considered with caution. The importance of the phenomenon, however, cannot be contested. The Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy recognizes that “for the past 10 years, Zimbabwe has been losing educated, skilled and experienced personnel at a rate faster than they can be replaced” (Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a: 27). Next to these very general estimates of the emigration of highly skilled Zimbabweans, some studies have focused on the migration potential of Zimbabwean nationals. A survey conducted by SAMP among final-year college and university students showed a very high propensity among Zimbabwean students to leave the country, higher than students from other SADC Member States (see Tables 18 and 19). Nearly three quarters of students indicated that they had given the matter of leaving the country a “great deal of consideration.” Only 6 per cent of respondents had not considering moving abroad. As shown in Table 18, this figure is by far lower than those for students from other SADC Member States. Zimbabwean students appear to be more likely to move abroad after graduation than students from other SADC countries (see Table 19) (Crush et al., 2005: 20).

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Table 18: Moving to another country South Africa

Namibia

Botswana

Zimbabwe

Swaziland

Lesotho

Average

Consideration of moving abroad A great deal

40.0

28.9

33.3

71.2

55.8

43.8

44.8

Some

41.4

40.4

33.7

20.8

29.4

34.4

34.4

None at all

15.7

26.6

27.4

6.0

11.1

17.9

17.2

Don’t know

2.9

4.1

5.7

1.9

3.7

4.0

3.6

Source: Crush et al., 2005.

Table 19: Likelihood of leaving home country after graduation South Africa

Namibia

Botswana

Zimbabwe

Swaziland

Lesotho

Average

Likelihood of moving: likely or very likely Six months after graduation

36.5

28.5

21.0

56.2

31.3

37.1

35.5

Two years after graduation

48.2

47.4

39.8

70.0

55.3

55.1

52.1

Five years after graduation

47.6

58.1

49.8

59.5

58.7

50.3

53.2

Source: Crush et al., 2005. Note: Each question is independent; columns do not total 100 per cent.

Regarding the categories of highly skilled nationals that leave the country, the brain drain phenomenon appears to be generalized. As stated in the Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy: “Zimbabwe has been witnessing an unprecedented and crippling flight of skilled professionals across all sectors of the economy. Skill areas affected include, but are not limited to, engineering, surveying, architecture, audiology, veterinary as well as forensic science” (Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a: 27). According to Tevera and Crush (2003: 7), the hardest hit sectors nevertheless appear to be health and education. Professionals of these two sectors are also the categories of workers that are the most representative of the difficulties that may arise from highly skilled migration. The number and whereabouts of health professionals working abroad are not precisely known and estimates vary from one study to another. In 2000, the Health Minister noted that Zimbabwe was experiencing emigration flows of 20 per cent of its health professionals each year (Chikanda, 2005: 1). According to estimates from a 2003 study, as much as 80 per cent of the doctors, nurses, pharmacists, radiologists and therapists trained in Zimbabwe since 1980 had left the country, mainly to establish themselves in South Africa, Botswana, Namibia, the United Kingdom and Australia (Chetsanga and Muchenje, 2003). According to other estimates, published in a study by IOM (2007a: 6), the emigration of doctors was “only” reaching 51 per cent and the main receiving countries were, Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

67

in decreasing order, South Africa, the United Kingdom, the United States and Australia (see Table 20). While such different estimates epitomize the lack of reliable data on this matter, they also unequivocally show the critical character of the emigration of health professionals from Zimbabwe. Table 20: African-born physicians registered to work in primary destination countries Receiving countries Domestic workforce

United Kingdom

United States

France

Canada

Australia

Portugal

South Africa

Total abroad

Botswana

530

28

10

0

0

3

0

26

68

Lesotho

114

8

0

0

0

0

0

49

57

Malawi

200

191

40

0

0

10

2

48

293

Mozambique

435

16

20

0

10

3

1,218

61

1,334

Namibia South Africa Swaziland United Republic of Tanzania Zambia Zimbabwe

466

37

15

0

30

9

0

291

382

27,551

3,509

1,950

16

1,545

1,111

61

-

7,363

133

4

4

0

0

0

1

44

53

1,264

743

270

4

240

54

1

40

1,356

670

465

130

0

40

39

3

203

883

1,530

553

235

0

55

97

12

643

1,602

Source: IOM, 2007a.

With regard to the emigration of education professionals, according to the Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (PTUZ), as many as 15,200 professionals would have migrated to neighbouring States, such as South Africa, Botswana, Namibia and Swaziland, during the year 2007 alone (Tevera , 2008: 20).

E.1.2 Causes of highly skilled migration The driving forces of migration are usually explained by a combination of push and pull factors. Push factors include the negative aspects of the living conditions of nationals in a given country, such as unemployment and wage differentials. Pull factors include the positive conditions (expected or prevalent) as well as the labour market needs and attractive migration policies in countries of destination. Regarding push factors, there is no doubt that the economic crisis that Zimbabwe is facing has been and continues to be, a major factor that fuels the emigration of highly skilled nationals. In 2005, SAMP conducted research on the emigration potential of health professionals and students (Chikanda, 2005; Crush et al., 2005). These two surveys are of great help in gaining a 68

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

refined understanding of the factors that contribute to the departure of skilled nationals. The first study (Chikanda, 2005: 16) shows that the vast majority of Zimbabwean health professionals (68%) consider leaving the country, mainly for economic reasons (54%). Professional reasons also contribute to the migration potential of health professionals; these reasons include the lack of resources and facilities, heavy workloads and insufficient opportunities for promotion and selfimprovement (see Table 21). The study also shows widespread dissatisfaction with regard to the benefits offered in the public sector (Chikanda, 2005: 22). Table 21: Reasons behind health professionals’ intention to leave Percentage (N = 231)

Reason Economic

54.7

Because I will receive better remuneration in another country

55.0

Because of a general decline in the economic situation in this country

55.0

To save money quickly in order to buy a car, pay off a home loan, or for a similar reason

54.1

Political

30.7

Because I see no future in this country

45.0

Because there is a general sense of despondency in this country

24.2

Because of the high levels of violence and crime in this country

22.9

Professional

29.6

Because of a lack of resources and facilities within the health care system of this country

45.0

Because there is a general decline in the health care services of this country

42.9

Because the workload in the health services of this country is too heavy

39.4

Because of insufficient opportunities for promotion and self-improvement

32.2

To gain experience abroad

32.0

Because of the poor management of the health services in this country

30.7

Because I need to upgrade my professional qualifications due to the unsatisfactory quality of education and training in this country

22.9

Because I cannot find a suitable job in this country

11.3

Because an unacceptable work tempo is expected of me in this country

10.4

Social

23.9

Because the value systems in this country have declined to such an extent that I can no longer see my way clear to remain here

47.2

To ensure a safer environment for my children

25.1

In order to travel and see the world

14.7

In order to join family/friends abroad

14.3

Because of family-related matters

10.0

Source: Chikanda, 2005. Note: Questions allowed for multiple responses.

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The SAMP study of the migration potential of Zimbabwean students shows a very high level of dissatisfaction about current economic conditions and little hope about the improvement of the situation in the future. Only 3 per cent of the respondents were satisfied with their personal economic situation and less than 35 per cent were optimistic that things would improve in the next five years. As shown in Table 22, such pessimism is greater among Zimbabwean students than among students from other SADC Member States. Table 22: Students’ satisfaction and expectations about economic conditions South Africa

Namibia

Botswana

Zimbabwe

Swaziland

Lesotho

Average

Satisfaction about current personal economic condition Very satisfied Satisfied

2.4

4.4

2.3

0.7

1.3

2.3

2.2

22.3

21.2

14.9

2.4

6.5

9.1

14.0

Expectation of personal economic condition five years from now Much better

47.2

27.3

22.1

14.6

23.5

27.3

29.6

Better

34.8

50.1

47.0

19.8

39.4

40.0

38.0

Satisfaction about current economic conditions in your country Very satisfied Satisfied

1.0

5.2

4.5

0.3

0.5

1.4

2.0

16.2

26.8

33.0

0.5

3.4

5.5

14.5

Expectation about economic condition in your country five years from now Much better Better

9.3

21.8

11.7

4.8

2.6

9.3

9.8

36.0

36.8

30.2

15.4

11.1

28.5

27.6

Is the government doing enough to create employment opportunities for graduates? Too much Enough

1.1

5.4

3.4

1.7

0.4

10.9

3.3

11.6

16.8

15.6

4.1

1.8

80.2

20.3

Source: Chikanda, 2005. Note: Only the top two categories of responses were reported.

With regard to pull factors, it is worth mentioning the political changes in South Africa after 1990, which, combined with the economic situation, made the country a newly desirable destination in the country (Tevera and Crush, 2003: 7). Policy trends in Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries also constitute major pull factors, as such countries are increasingly entering into competition to attract and retain highly skilled professionals as well as students from abroad, with a view towards enabling them to work in the country of destination after they complete their studies.

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E.1.3 Impact of highly skilled migration The migration of highly skilled workers has potentially positive and negative consequences, as illustrated in Table 23. Table 23: Consequences of highly skilled migration Positive effects

Negative effects

-- Availability to emigrant workers of opportunities that are not available at home -- Inflow of remittances -- Technology transfers and investments -- Integration into global markets

-- Net decrease in human capital stock, especially those with valuable professional experience -- Loss of heavy investments in subsidized education -- Reduced quality of essential health and education services -- Tax revenue declines

Source: Adapted from Wickramasekara, 2002.

In Zimbabwe, the negative effects clearly prevail over the positive ones. Regarding the two most critical sectors affected by brain drain – health and education – the primary negative consequence is the deterioration of the services provided. As a result of the emigration of teachers, some schools have closed and others have to rely on untrained staff (Tevera, 2008: 20). According to the Government of Zimbabwe’s Ministry of Health and Child Welfare, as of September 2004, 56 per cent, 32 per cent and 92 per cent of the established posts for doctors, nurses and pharmacists, respectively, were vacant (IOM, 2009a: 1). Such a situation implies increased workload for the remaining professionals, reduced level of support and supervision by senior staff and, ultimately, a limitation in the quality and quantity of the health services provided (IOM, 2007a: 9–10). Moreover, the emigration of health professionals affects the capacities to replenish skills. As of March 2007, the University of Zimbabwe College of Health Sciences – the only institution that teaches medicine in the country – had an overall vacancy rate of 60 per cent. Haematology, Anatomy and Physiology are the most affected departments with vacancy rates of 100 per cent, 96 per cent and 95 per cent, respectively (IOM, 2009a: 1). While Zimbabwe has been for the longest time the main regional trainer of doctors in Eastern, Central and Southern Africa, its position as such is obviously being endangered by the present situation. It should also be noted that consequences are not necessarily positive for the migrants themselves. Migrant workers may find it difficult to have their qualifications recognized in countries of destination and they may end up

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71

employed in occupations for which they are overqualified. While few studies address this issue in detail when discussing the impact of the Zimbabwean brain drain, a number of authors (see, for example, D. Tevera) note that “a significant proportion of these skilled migrants are not employed as professionals in their destination countries. […] many skilled Zimbabweans are doing unskilled jobs, such as working as waiters and waitresses” (Tevera, 2008: 19–20). However, according to a more detailed study conducted by Chetsanga and Muchenje (2003: 73), the majority of Zimbabwean health professionals (63.6%) and finance professionals (66.7%) were employed in areas related to their studies, while 47.1 per cent of emigrants in the education sector and 33.3 per cent of those in the agriculture sector were employed in their field of expertise (see Table 24). Table 24: Field of study and current occupation Field of study Occupation

Health

Health

Education

Engineering

63.6

11.8

Education

-

Engineering

-

Agriculture Finance Other

Agriculture

Finance

-

-

-

47.1

6.7

33.3

-

-

53.3

-

-

-

-

-

33.3

-

-

-

-

-

66.7

36.4

41.1

40

33.3

33.3

Source: Chetsanga and Muchenje, 2003.

Despite the considerable negative impacts of the migration of highly skilled nationals, positive effects should not be overlooked. While the most obvious positive impact probably lies in the large amount of remittances sent home by Zimbabwean migrants, another potentially positive impact could stem from the development and implementation of temporary and circular migration schemes for highly skilled migrants. Such schemes could be of benefit to migrants as well as the Zimbabwean society in allowing transfers of knowledge, skills and experience.

E.2 Remittances Remittances are usually defined as the monetary transfers that a migrant makes to the country of origin, or, in other words, the financial flows associated with migration. In the Southern African context, it is important to broaden this definition in order to include the transfer of both funds and goods. Most of the time, remittances are personal transfers from a migrant to a relative in the country of origin. They can also be invested, deposited or donated by the migrant to the country of origin. 72

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

In 2008, the World Bank estimated the amount of officially recorded remittances flows to developing countries at USD 328 billion (World Bank, 2009: 1). This figure would be at least 50 per cent higher if it took into account remittances sent through informal or unrecorded channels. During the same year, sub-Saharan African countries are estimated to have received around 5 per cent of the whole remittances sent through formal channels. Such a figure does not necessarily mean that the region receives low levels of remittances but rather, that remittances are primarily sent through informal channels. In countries of origin, remittances can represent a very relevant percentage of the national GDP and can constitute a very important source of foreign exchange. At the global level, they are greater than official development assistance (ODA) and second only to FDI. At the household level, remittances often represent an important source of income. However, remittances may also have negative effects. For instance, economic dependence on remittances may reduce recipient families’ motivation to develop their own income-generating activities. Remittances may also create an inflation risk. As remittances are generally spent largely on consumption, when a given national economy has a limited capacity to absorb the high demand for goods that result from these inflows, this situation encourages inflation.

E.2.1 Extent of remittance flows to Zimbabwe While there is no doubt that Zimbabwe receives a considerable amount of remittances, it must be outlined that accurate information is difficult to obtain as the vast majority of remittances are currently transferred through informal channels. Therefore, estimates on remittance flows to Zimbabwe have to be considered with great caution. While the World Bank data series on Zimbabwe ends in 1994, it nevertheless provides useful indications on the evolution of trends. The World Bank estimated official remittance flows at USD 17 million in 1980 and observed an increase during the first two years of independence (USD 28 million in 1981 and USD 33 million in 1982), after which official remittance flows decreased until 1994, when they were estimated at USD 44 million (Labour and Economic Development Research Institute of Zimbabwe, 2010: 29). These estimates suggest a correlation between the rise of remittance flows and the rise of emigration flows that occurred just after the attainment of independence and again since the mid-1990s. Following this pattern, remittance flows should have progressively grown since the 1990s, alongside the rise of Zimbabwean emigration. This assumption is reflected by current conservative Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

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estimates that remittance flows to Zimbabwe, both official and informal, may amount to between USD 360 million and USD 490 million every year (Tevera, 2008: 21). According to IFAD (2007) comparative estimates on SADC Member States (see Table 25), Zimbabwe ranks fourth in terms of volume of remittances received (after South Africa, Angola and Mozambique) and third in terms of share of the GDP (after Lesotho and Mozambique). Table 25: Remittances to Southern African countries and their share of GDP, 2007 Country Angola

USD million

% GDP

969

2.2

25

0.2

Lesotho

355

24.1

Madagascar

316

5.7

Malawi

102

4.6

Mozambique

565

7.4

Botswana

Namibia South Africa Swaziland Zambia Zimbabwe Total

21

0.3

1,489

0.6

89

3.4

201

1.8

361

7.2

4,493

-

Source: IFAD, 2007.

According to a recent study published by SAMP, the vast majority of Zimbabwean migrants regularly send back remittances: in the year preceding the study, three quarters of migrant-sending households received remittances. The study also revealed that migrants residing outside of the region were remitting more on average than those within Southern Africa. Within the region, the largest remitters were in Botswana, followed by Zambia and Southern Africa (Tevera and Chikanda, 2009). Such results may have to be viewed with caution as a previous study conducted by SAMP reported that major remittance source countries were South Africa, and, to a lesser extent, Botswana (Pendleton et al., 2006). Regarding the nature of remittances, most migrant-sending households receive both pecuniary remittances and in-kind remittances. While most migrants remit cash at least once a month, and, on average, sent home ZAR 7,759 per annum, non-cash remittances in the form of foodstuffs as well

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as consumer materials tend to increase due to the shortages of food, fuel and other basic commodities, as well as price fluctuations and the depreciation of the Zimbabwean dollar (Tevera and Chikanda, 2009: 31–32).

E.2.2 Transfer mechanisms Studies conducted on remittances in Zimbabwe show a clear preference among migrants to remit through informal channels rather than through formal channels, including banks, and money transfer operators. An estimated two thirds of money transfers to Zimbabwe are done through informal channels (Labour and Economic Development Research Institute of Zimbabwe, 2010: 45). Migrants’ preferred way of remitting cash is to bring the money with them when visiting relatives in Zimbabwe. They also send remittances through friends, co-workers as well as taxi drivers for those staying or residing in neighbouring areas. With regard to formal channels, around a quarter of the respondents in the latest SAMP study said they used a bank in Zimbabwe and 14.5 per cent sent money through the post office (see Table 26) (Tevera and Chikanda, 2009: 23–24). Such findings are not necessarily contradictory with the assumption that two thirds of money transfers are informal as the SAMP results do not refer to the amounts remitted. Table 26: Main methods of cash-remitting used by migrants Method of transfer

No.

%

Personally brings the money

320

34.

Via bank in home country

237

25.6

Via post office

134

14.5

Via friend/co-worker

102

11

Via taxis

26

2.8

Bank in South Africa

12

1.3

1

0.1

91

9.8

Bus Other method Don’t know Total

2

0.2

923

100.0

Source: Tevera and Chikanda, 2009.

The transfer of in-kind remittances reveals, mutatis mutandis, similar patterns as the transfer of cash. Most goods are transferred personally (60%). As Table 27 shows, a residual proportion of goods are sent by mail (11.9%) or brought by friends or co-workers (10%).

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Table 27: Preferred method of remitting goods Preferred method

No.

Official transport – bus

% 40

Official transport – rail Via post office Sends via a taxi

5.3

8

1.1

89

11.9

11

1.5

454

60.5

Via a friend/ co-worker

78

10.4

Sends via visiting family members

30

4.0

Brings personally

Other

40

5.3

Total

830

100.0

Source: Tevera and Chikanda, 2009.

E.2.3 Impact of remittances It is uncontestable that in a period of great economic difficulty, remittances have provided a “safety net” for many Zimbabweans households. According to Tevera and Chikanda (2009: 21), remittances – pecuniary and in-kind – were the major source of income for households receiving remittances (see Table 28). Table 28: Household income

Source of income

No. of households receiving income from source

% of households receiving income from source

Mean annual household income from source (ZAR)

Median household income from source (ZAR)

Weighted total income of all households (ZAR)

Remittances: money

547

77.6

2,672

1,093

597,865

Wage work

355

43.3

3,898

1,312

465,613

Remittances: goods

433

61.4

1,239

455

197,193

Income from informal business

105

14.9

4,477

638

66,946

Casual work

65

9.2

1,404

364

23,681

Pension/disability

48

6.8

857

223

10,748

Income from farm products

45

6.4

970

228

10,292

Income from formal business

62

8.8

5,748

137

8,471

Gifts

35

5.0

345

91

3,188

6

0.5

15,377

20,038

120,229

Other income

Source: Tevera and Chikanda, 2009. Note: No more than one answer was permitted.

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Remittances are mainly used to support living costs and basic needs. The largest part of cash remittances is spent on food; moreover, a considerable part of in-kind remittances are food supplies and groceries, suggesting that in Zimbabwe, remittances are fundamental to food security. Next to food, remittances are mainly used for consumption, mainly clothing, as well as fuel, vehicle purchase and maintenance, and funeral and burial policies – a clear indicator of the high rate of HIV in the region. School fees are another common use of remittances, as with expenditure on housing. Although the use of remittances in order to generate further income is not the most common use of funds, investment in agriculture and the purchase of goods for sale are not negligible ways of using remittances. Finally, as shown in Table 29, Zimbabwean remittance-recipient households also tend to save the money received, either at home or in a foreign country (Tevera and Chikanda, 2009; Labour and Economic Development Research Institute of Zimbabwe, 2010: 36–38). Table 29: Expenditure of remittances No. of households

% of households

Average amount spent (ZAR)

Food

472

67.0

936

Building materials

349

49.5

740

Clothing

346

49.1

459

School fees

342

48.5

493

Fares

205

29.1

319

Farming activities

189

26.8

530

Savings

114

16.2

1,698

Purchase of goods for sale (stock)

87

12.3

2,114

Funeral and burial policies

61

8.7

347

Funeral

55

7.8

119

Vehicle purchase and maintenance

50

7.1

2,053

Fuel

47

6.7

480

Insurance policies

33

4.7

2,393

Repayment of loans

22

3.1

793

Labour costs

20

2.8

437

Vehicle and transport costs

14

2.0

272

Machinery and equipment

14

2.0

1,171

Marriage

13

1.8

211

Feast

13

1.8

88

Other personal investment

11

1.6

1,356

Equipment

10

1.4

726

Other business expenses

10

1.4

467

Other special events

3

0.3

2,991

Other transport expenses

1

0.1

46

Source: Tevera and Chikanda, 2009.

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E.3 Transit migration through Zimbabwe Very few studies have been conducted on transit migration through Zimbabwe. However, it appears that since the mid-1990s, Zimbabwe has become a country of transit for migrants travelling to South Africa from Eastern Europe, Asia and other African countries (Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a: 23). With regard to intra-African migration flows, a recent IOM report has shown that Zimbabwe is a common country of transit for irregular migrants smuggled from East Africa on their way to South Africa, often with the ultimate objective of reaching Europe, North America or Australia (Horwood, 2009). According to the study, the most common route for Kenyan irregular migrants includes Zimbabwe as the last transit country before entering South Africa at the Beitbridge border crossing. The report also noted that around 40 per cent of Ethiopians and 18 per cent of Somalis questioned arrived in South Africa through Zimbabwe (Horwood, 2009: 52, 56). Although there is no evidence concerning the human rights situation of those migrants transiting through Zimbabwe, there is cause for concern as irregular migration involves major risks of abuses and exploitation.

E.4 Irregular migration and the human rights situation of Zimbabwean migrants While it is difficult to estimate the actual number of Zimbabwean migrants in an irregular situation, there is no doubt that irregular migration constitutes a fundamental characteristic of Zimbabwean emigration flows in the Southern African region. Irregular migration of Zimbabwean nationals in the region is by no means a new phenomenon. However, the volume of such irregular migration has undoubtedly increased during the past two decades. Irregular migration can be defined in a very general way as migration that occurs outside the regulatory norms of the origin, transit, or destination country. By and large when we speak of irregular migration, we are referring to two groups of migrants: those who arrive in a clandestine fashion in a foreign country and those who arrive legally and then overstay the period for which their visa or permit is valid. At the global level, it is widely acknowledged that the second group is in the majority. In the context of migration of Zimbabwean nationals in neighbouring countries, while both types of irregular migration exist, there is reasonable doubt on the preponderance of overstaying migrants over clandestine migrants. 78

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

When considering more specifically the irregular employment of migrants, it is necessary to take into account the complexity of immigration laws in order to recognize that there is a potentially significant number of migrants who, though they reside legally in the country of destination, work in violation of some or all of the employment restrictions attached to their immigration status. In the Southern African context, this can be the case of Zimbabwean nationals staying in neighbouring countries under the 90-day visitor’s permit scheme foreseen by the SADC Protocol on the Facilitation of Movement of Persons and exercise a professional activity, in contravention of the conditions of the permit, which does not allow the right to work (Kiwanuka and Monson, 2009: 40).

E.4.1 Causes and factors of irregular migration In broad terms, the causes of irregular migration do not differ from those of regular migration; the irregular emigration of Zimbabwean nationals is essentially motivated by economic factors. When considering the factors influencing the choice of regular or irregular migration, it is essential to take into account the availability of regular migration channels as well as the need for foreign labour in neighbouring countries. When the supply of foreign workers through established channels does not match the demand, or when policy does not keep up with labour market issues in countries of destination, then irregular migration dynamics come into play to fill such gaps. As noted by Crush et al. (2006), few Southern African countries have adopted policies that give labour migration a significant role in national labour market management: Most countries of the region tend to see in-migration more as a threat than an opportunity. Migrants are viewed as carriers of disease, takers of jobs and perpetrators of crime. Policy has tended to focus, as a result, on control and exclusion. Perhaps unfortunately, this general mentality extends to legal immigration. Few, if any, of the SADC States have proactive immigration policies.

In addition, it is important to note that migration policies in SADC countries favour the entry and stay of skilled rather than low-skilled workers. Such policies exclude the majority of migrants (Kiwanuka and Monson, 2009: 53). In the meantime, work opportunities for lower-wage workers exist in the national labour markets; this is an important incentive for irregular migrants. In this context, specific mention must be made of the proposal to create a special permit for Zimbabwean migrants in South Africa. The initiative was announced by the South African Home Affairs Minister in April 2009. It Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

79

foresees the right of Zimbabwean nationals to stay in South Africa for a period of six months, and includes access to work, education, and basic health care (IRIN, 23 June 2009). This special permit is yet to be formally adopted and implemented. Next to labour migration policies adopted by destination countries is another major factor influencing the choice of regular or irregular migration: that of procedural issues, namely, the time it takes for the migration procedure to be completed. Bureaucratic difficulties in the process, as well as excessive conditions and requirements, are incentives for irregular migration. An important factor fuelling irregular migration in Zimbabwe is the fact that Zimbabweans generally do not hold passports. This is explained by difficulties experienced by the Government, which is hampered by the economic crisis, in issuing them, their high cost and the absence of decentralization of the issuance of passports at the local administrative level (Kiwanuka and Monson, 2009: 40; Mawadza, 2008: 4; Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a: 38–39). Such lack of passports prevents Zimbabwean nationals from obtaining visas as well as work and stay permits. Therefore, many Zimbabwean migrants have little choice but to migrate and work abroad in an irregular way. Additional factors that facilitate irregular migration include social networks (little irregular movement can occur without information from family and friends, and advice, encouragement, and support from them), the migrant recruiting industry that plays an extensive role, as well as the human smuggling industry.

E.4.2 Human rights at risk Irregular migrants face numerous risks that constitute human rights violations, during the transit phase of migration as well as during their stay in the destination country. In this respect, it is of use to recall that under international human rights instruments – global and regional – fundamental human rights, including civil, economic, social and cultural rights, are conferred upon all persons without distinction (including national and immigration status). In order to enter illegally in countries of destination or transit, Zimbabwean migrants may use the service of smugglers. As few research studies have focused on this, it is difficult to estimate the extent to which irregular migration of Zimbabwean nationals is linked to the use of smuggling services (Kiwanuka and Monson, 2009: 70). However, a recent study that explores in detail the smuggling 80

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

of migrants across the South Africa–Zimbabwe border gives useful indications. (Araia, 2009: 21). According to the study, just over a fifth of migrants entering South Africa through the Zimbabwean border were smuggled. The main forms of abuse faced by smuggled migrants include extortion, abandonment, theft, physical violence, gender-based violence and corruption. While it is common for smugglers to extort money from their clients during the journey and to threaten to abandon them in the border area, theft and physical violence may not necessarily be committed by smugglers. It must be recognized that while numerous Zimbabwean irregular migrants do not use the services of smugglers, they also face the majority of these risks of abuse. Irregular women migrants appear to be particularly vulnerable during the transit phase and may face rape and sexual abuse during their attempt to cross the Zimbabwean border. Finally irregular migrants are likely to face the widespread corruption that exists at the border and is sometimes related to the smuggling industry (Araia, 2009: 48–49). At arrival, irregular migrants are likely to be employed in unprotected and poorly regulated sectors such as commercial agriculture and construction. Conditions of employment commonly violate labour standards, as irregular migrants are usually paid below minimum wage, are subject to unlawful deductions of salary and overtime without consent, and may be subjected to a wide range of exploitation and abuse. While irregular migrants commonly face very precarious working conditions, migrant women appear to be particularly vulnerable. As noted by Muzondidya (2008: 7) with regard to the specific situation of Zimbabwean women migrant in South Africa: They have more limited employment opportunities than their male compatriots. The few who manage to secure employment usually work as domestic servants in the homes of South Africans or shop assistants in retail shops owned by Asian migrants, where wages are low and sexual abuse is also rampant. Others get employed in hair salons, usually owned by local black South Africans or other migrant African entrepreneurs and are paid on commission. To make ends meet, some female migrants end up turning to prostitution.

Despite the fact that they are commonly employed in violation of fundamental human rights, irregular migrants are not in a position to register complaints against their employers as they are prone to arrest and deportation for violation of the immigration legislation of the destination country. Due to their irregular situation, Zimbabwean migrants may further be exposed to harassment by public authorities. This may include illegal practices Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

81

such as assault, bribery and theft by police during arrest, as well as detention exceeding statutory limits and physical abuse in detention centres (Human Rights Watch, 2006). Access to housing is a major difficulty for Zimbabwean irregular migrants. Many of them arrive in neighbouring countries without a place to stay. Some may find a shelter in churches; others may have to sleep outdoors at markets or bus stations (Mawadza, 2008: 162). In other instances, Zimbabwean irregular migrants live in shared apartments or small houses. Landlords commonly overcharge them, so rooms are sometimes shared by 10 to 20 people in order to reduce rental costs. Such living conditions are unhealthy and unsafe, and often constitute a breach of the national relevant legislation. However, the fear of deportation inherent to their irregular situation prevents irregular migrants from reporting to the public authorities such incidences of rental irregularities or exploitation by landlords in the accommodation market. With regard to access to health services, Zimbabwe’s neighbouring countries offer emergency medical services for free for migrants in critical condition and with no means to pay. With the exception of Botswana, these countries also offer similar health services to all persons, regardless of their nationality or immigration status (Kiwanuka and Monson, 2009: 56). However, in practice, access to health services by irregular migrants can be limited due to the fear of deportation and, more generally, the fear of public authorities.

E.5 Trafficking in persons The definition of trafficking in persons may vary depending on national legislation. Nevertheless, an internationally accepted definition of the notion can be found in article 3 (a) of the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (2000): “Trafficking in persons” shall mean the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of organs.

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

As defined by the Protocol, the crime of trafficking consists of three cumulative elements. Firstly, an action: “recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons”. Secondly, specific means: “threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person”. Thirdly, a purpose: the exploitation of persons. Assessing the reality of trafficking in Zimbabwe and Southern Africa is, like in any other region in the world, an arduous task. By its very nature, trafficking does not allow for a precise evaluation of the number of persons who are trafficked. This is not only due to the criminal and therefore hidden character of trafficking, but also to the difficulty of determining whether a given case is that of trafficking or smuggling, if victims of violence are victims of trafficking rather than victims of another offence. However, despite the lack of such precise data, it is acknowledged that the phenomenon exists and is known. According to a number of research studies, trafficking in Southern Africa is a growing phenomenon and the region has been described as a “major hub” in this respect (Spaan and van Moppes, 2006: 27). Figure 2 indicates the different nationalities of trafficked women who have been assisted by IOM in South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe between 2004 and mid-2006. Although this chart should not be seen as representative of the total number of women trafficked in the region, it gives a striking image of the globalization of trafficking in Southern Africa. Figure 2: Countries of origin of victims assisted by IOM SACTAP, January 2004 to August 2006 Kenya

Somalia China

Rwanda India Angola Zimbabwe

Democratic Republic of the Congo

Mozambique Philippines Bulgaria Thailand

Source: IOM, 2006.

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83

According to the United States Department of State’s Trafficking in Persons Report 2009, “Zimbabwe is a source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children trafficked for the purposes of forced labour and sexual exploitation” (United States Department of State, 2009: 304). Further studies tend to show that the country is primarily a source country for trafficking. It is to a certain extent a transit country and, only residually, a destination country for trafficking (De Sas Kropiwnicki, 2010). A number of risk factors that enhance the vulnerability of Zimbabwean migrants to trafficking can be identified. Among these, the major economic crisis that the country is facing appears to be decisive. According to De Sas Kropiwnicki (2010), many Zimbabweans are “so desperate that they will easily believe false promise.” Other risk factors include porous borders with neighbouring countries that can be exploited by traffickers, the lack of knowledge and the lack of experience of many migrants, fuelled by the reluctance of returning migrants to talk about the dark side of migration. While a number of risk factors apply equally to all migrants, it must be outlined that specific groups of migrants are more at risk than others. These groups include minors, young and elderly women as well as minors travelling alone. With regard to the specific situation of girls and young women migrants in the South African border town of Musina, De Sas Kropiwnicki (2010) makes the following observation: Several key informant note that both boys and girls cross the border. Boys themselves state that they cross with girls, but on arrival in Musina, the girls seem to disappear. Boys can be found in shelters or on the streets, trying to earn a living through begging or piece meal jobs. It is held that girls aged 13–17 may appear at shelters or on the streets, only when they are pregnant. “So where are they all this time?” Some girls are reportedly employed as domestic workers, clean local shops and/or engage in prostitution. […] The absence of a shelter for girls in Musina, has been raised as a significant risk factor, as many of them are forced to rely on men for accommodation.

Trafficking of Zimbabwean migrants is primarily an intraregional phenomenon. Girls and boys, women and men are mainly trafficked within bordering countries, mainly South Africa but also Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia for the purpose of forced labour, domestic servitude and sexual exploitation (United States Department of State, 2009: 304). However, research studies also mention the existence of trafficking of Zimbabwean nationals into China and Egypt (IOM, 2006).

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Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

The usual means of trafficking include smuggling scenarios turning into trafficking situations, where smugglers request additional money for transporting migrants and subsequently keep them in servitude or force the women into prostitution (De Sas Kropiwnicki, 2010). In other cases, migrants are victims of false job offers and the terms and conditions of employment promised at the time of recruitment may dramatically change during the migration process, ending in exploitation of the persons at the destination. More specifically, the United States Department of State has indicated in its Trafficking in Persons Report (2009: 304) that “young men and boys are trafficked to South Africa for farm work, often being forced to labour for months without pay before “employers” have them arrested and deported as illegal immigrants” and mentions small numbers of men being trafficked in the Mozambican construction industry. Towns such as Chiredzi and Rutenga in the southern part of Zimbabwe may be hot spots for the recruitment of girls and young women being trafficked to South Africa. The Draft National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy further recognizes that “trafficking of children is a serious and growing problem in Zimbabwe.” Primary modes of exploitation are domestic servitude and sexual exploitation for girls, whereas boys are mainly forced to work in farms, although they may also be lured into gangs and made to deal in drugs (Republic of Zimbabwe, 2009a: 46). There is less evidence of Zimbabwe being a transit country for trafficking. However, several studies list Zimbabwe as a transit country for migrants – men, women and children – from Malawi, Zambia, Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of the Congo destined for South Africa (De Sas Kropiwnicki, 2009: 27). Moreover, it is known that smuggling and trafficking networks are often interlinked and use the same migration tactics and routes. Therefore, one cannot exclude the possibility of trafficking of migrants from the Horn of Africa (mainly Ethiopian, Somali and Kenyan nationals) to South Africa through Zimbabwe. Finally, with regard to Zimbabwe being a destination country for victims of trafficking, there are very few indications to support this assumption.

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E.6 Migration and HIV Globally, Southern Africa remains the region most heavily affected by the HIV epidemic. The nine countries with the highest HIV prevalence are in Southern Africa, with each of these countries experiencing adult (age 15+) HIV prevalence higher than 10 per cent (UNAIDS, 2009: 27). While HIV prevalence appears to have reached a peak in the mid-1990s, since then the country has experienced a steady fall in HIV prevalence. However, according to the latest UNAIDS (2008) estimates, the adult HIV prevalence rate in Zimbabwe is as high as 15.3 per cent, that is, 1,200,000 adults living with HIV in the country (see Figure 3). Figure 3: Estimated adult (ages 15–49) HIV prevalence, 1990–2007 Estimated adult HIV (15–49) prevalence %, 1990–2007

Number of people living with HIV, 1990–2007

35

2,500,000

30 25 20

2,000,000 1,500,000

15 1,000,000 10 5

500,000

0

Source: UNAIDS, 2008.

Of the different factors explaining the very high prevalence of HIV in Zimbabwe and, more generally, in the region, high population mobility has been identified as one of the key drivers of the epidemic (IOM, 2007b: 2). When discussing the very complex relationship between migration and HIV, it is crucial to understand that HIV can no longer be considered a “pathology of importation” (Lalou and Piche, 2004). On the contrary, it is now widely recognized that migrants, refuges, displaced persons and other mobile persons are often more vulnerable than local populations. As stated in the IOM Position Paper on HIV/AIDS and Migration (2002:1): Migrants are often faced with poverty, discrimination and exploitation; alienation and a sense of anonymity; limited access to social, education and health services; separation from families and partners; and separation 86

Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

from the sociocultural norms that guide behaviour in stable communities. Many of the underlying factors sustaining mobility, such as an unbalanced distribution of resources, unemployment, socio-economic instability and political unrest are also determinants of the increased risk of migrants and their families to HIV infection.

Nevertheless, it must also be kept in mind that migration does not necessarily define a risky state or an environment that produces risks. Different factors must be taken into account, and among them, the type of migration or mobility (regular/irregular, voluntary/involuntary, etc.) is of particular importance.

E.6.1 Particularly vulnerable groups With regard to the relationship between migration and HIV in Zimbabwe, research studies tend to identify the following as the groups most at risk: migrant farm workers and construction workers, truck drivers, informal traders, persons involved in sex work and migrants’ spouses. Migrant farm workers and construction workers Several studies conducted in commercial farms and construction sites of bordering countries – including South Africa and Mozambique – showed that migrant farm workers, including Zimbabwean nationals, were particularly vulnerable to HIV infection (Rogerson, 1999; IOM et al., 2003; IOM and Health and Development Networks, 2005). One of the significant identified factors of vulnerability is also one of the main characteristics of migration, namely social distanciation (Traoré, 2004; Yang, 2001: 151–170; IOM et al., 2003). Once individuals are detached from their communities, they may behave differently. Migrant farm and construction workers work and live without the company of their families. They often have no choice but to live in single-sex hostels that offer limited social support or access to recreation and few opportunities for intimacy. In conditions of loneliness and isolation, far from home and family, sexual intimacy represents a form of emotional intimacy that may be lacking in other areas of these workers’ lives. To ease loneliness, bury anxiety and release sexual frustration, migrant farm and construction workers are likely to engage in casual sex with multiple sex partners, often with sex workers (IOM et al., 2003: 18). Moreover, health is not likely to be a major concern for many migrant farm and construction workers who are employed under dangerous work conditions and are often in an irregular situation in their host country. This relegation of health can also be explained in more general terms that do not only apply to farm and construction workers: Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

87

People travelling, fleeing a danger or pursuing a dream by migrating are understandably reluctant to deal with the possibility of an illness that would slow them down, and may delay thinking about a symptom until a problem has become impossible to ignore (IOM and Health and Development Networks, 2005: 10).

Truck drivers The road freight industry in Southern Africa is believed to have played a significant role in the spread of HIV in the region (IOM and Health and Development Networks, 2005: 37). Truck drivers constitute a particularly vulnerable group with regard to HIV infection and many of the components of the social distanciation process apply to them. As described by IOM (2005: 38): Sexual networks of truck drivers often include wives, girlfriends, sex workers, adolescent girls, assistants, and casual acquaintance. Truck drivers frequently have partners at stops along their route which provide a social network for them, and which they help to support financially. […] In this way, the transport sector binds together many disparate communities, rural homes of truck drivers, stopover towns along major routes, and cross border communities.

Persons involved in transactional sex and sex work Migrants who engage in transactional sex and sex work are obviously extremely vulnerable to HIV infection. However, in the context of Southern Africa, it is important to highlight that these considerations should not only apply to commercial sex workers. It appears that a substantial number of Zimbabwean migrant women, most of them involved in informal cross-border trade, further engage in transactional sex for survival (Kiwanuka and Monson, 2009: 60). Studies have shown how female informal traders who are stuck at border posts and need to raise money in order to return home may engage in transactional sex: In order to avoid paying customs duties, some informal cross-border traders negotiate with truckers to cross with their goods, and wait for all the trucks to cross the border before they can continue with their journey. If one of the trucks is delayed, the trader may have to stay at the border post until the truck is cleared. In some cases, traders are turned back by immigration officials because of insufficient foreign currency, which leads some traders to spend up to two weeks at the border post trying to raise the required money. As a result, some female traders may engage in transactional sex with money changers, uniformed personnel, truck

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drivers or other local men in order to raise the required foreign currency and secure decent overnight accommodation for the duration of their stay. In addition, as highly mobile people, informal cross-border traders may find it difficult to access HIV/AIDS education and prevention programmes, or to act on information received (IOM, 2005: 44).

Like commercial sex workers, female informal traders who engage in commercial sex may have little ability or willingness to negotiate condom use. Moreover, as sex work is criminalized and as commercial sex workers are usually a very mobile population, they constitute a hard-to-reach group for HIV interventions such as prevention campaigns. Finally, although the relationship between trafficking and HIV remains a grey area due to the lack of available information, there is little doubt that victims of trafficking, especially those trafficked for the purpose of sexual exploitation, are at great risk of being infected by HIV as the possibilities to negotiate safe sex may be extremely low. Other forms of exploitation, such as domestic servitude, also include a high risk of sexual assault and, further, a risk of HIV infection. Migrants’ spouses and partners Circular migration and informal cross-border trade are distinctive patterns of Zimbabwean nationals’ mobility. As migrants are usually more vulnerable to HIV infection, they may place their spouses and partners who remain in Zimbabwe at greater risk on their return. However, it is important to note that the vulnerability of migrants’ spouses and partners to HIV infection is not precisely known.

E.6.2 Migrants’ access to health services in destination countries in the Southern African Development Community While it is not the purpose of this report to provide a detailed analysis of Zimbabwean migrants’ access to HIV prevention, treatment, care and support in SADC countries of destination, it is useful to have an overview of the provision of such services, particularly with regard to antiretroviral treatment (ART). In this respect, the main issue is not so much to understand whether legal regimes foresee or not access to treatment to foreigners but mainly to understand whether in practice, such treatment is accessible to migrants (IOM and SIDA, 2009).

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According to a recent study conducted by the Forced Migration Studies Programme of Wits University, Mozambique, Malawi, Zambia and South Africa provide free ART to all persons, regardless of their nationality (Kiwanuka and Monson, 2009: 47–48). The authors of the report further suggest that such health policies in neighbouring countries may induce migration of Zimbabwean nationals living with HIV who are looking for quality health care that is not available in their community. On the contrary, according to Botswana health policy and practices, only nationals receive free ART. Moreover, the authors point out that “even among those migrants who test positive for HIV in Botswana and can pay for treatment, few are given access to treatment regimes.”

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PART F : Conclusions and recommendations F.1 Conclusions This report presented results of the 2009 Zimbabwe Migration Profile and concludes with the following points: -- There were fewer institutions that provided data which were fed into the 2009 Zimbabwe Migration Profile, and this was contrary to the pledges made by stakeholders during the workshop held on 1 December 2008 at The Rainbow Towers, Harare. -- The following institutions provided data for the Profile: • Ministry of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion • Ministry of Labour and Social Services • ZIMSTAT • Department of Immigration and Control • Homelink • RBZ • ZTA • IOM -- Data available in some institutions could not be accessed due to problems within those institutions. Such data include: • data on students studying outside the country, which were supposed to be supplied by the Ministry of Higher and Tertiary Education; and • data on certain aspects of remittances, which were supposed to be supplied by the RBZ. -- There is duplication in the roles of institutions dealing with migration issues, especially among government ministries such as the Ministry of Regional Integration and International Cooperation and the Ministry of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion. -- Most government departments dealing with migration issues are undercapacitated in terms of resources to use in their day-to day-operations such as computer equipment and software, skilled manpower and office stationery. -- Data from institutions varied in format; some were on hard copies and others on soft copy. This made the information rather difficult to harmonize and compile. Migration in Zimbabwe: A Country Profile 2009

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-- There is no official link between the Government and the people who have migrated to other countries. -- Data on remittances are underestimated; it was found that much of the remittances come in different formats and not all of them are recorded. -- Most data gaps in the Zimbabwe Migration Profile are on variables not officially produced, such as brain drain, human trafficking, displaced populations, irregular migration and the development impact of remittances. -- Most institutions agreed to update the Profile once a year.

F.2 Recommendations Recommendations include the following: -- An information dissemination workshop focusing on the Zimbabwe Migration Profile should be held to ensure that the project gets wide publicity and to enlist support for future profiles. -- Capacity should be built in government institutions dealing with migration issues. Resources such as computer equipment and software should be made available and training workshops for personnel in data management should be conducted in order to improve the quality of data required for future profiles. -- The Government, through the Ministry of Economic Planning and Investment Promotion, is urged to speedily finalize the National Migration Management and Diaspora Policy, a framework that will guide all issues relating to migration as this will solve some of the data gaps currently evident in the present profile. -- The Government should engage Zimbabwean diaspora associations and forums so as to ensure the collection of some missing data as well as to encourage the transfer of remittances through formal channels for the country’s national development. -- The Migration Statistics Committee should be capacitated to take a leading role in coordinating all activities related to the Zimbabwe Migration Profile. -- Data on seasonal labourers and cross-border traders should be included in the Zimbabwe Migration Profile. -- There is a need to agree on one software package to be used by all institutions feeding data into the Zimbabwe Migration Profile for easy compilation. -- Migration data collection roles between institutions should be streamlined in order to reduce duplication among and between institutions and departments.

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The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout this working draft do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of IOM concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning its frontiers or boundaries. Omissions and errors remain responsibility of the authors. IOM is committed to the principle that humane and orderly migration benefits migrants and society. As an intergovernmental organization, IOM acts with its partners in the international community to: assist in meeting the operational challenges of migration; advance understanding of migration issues; encourage social and economic development through migration; and uphold the human dignity and well-being of migrants.

Publisher

The Acting Director, Zimbabwe National Statistical Agency (ZIMSTAT) P.O. Box CY 342, Causeway, Harare Zimbabwe Telephone: +263 4 706681/ 8 and +263 4 703971/ 7 Fax: +263 4 728529 or +263 4 708854 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.zimstat.co.zw



The Chief of Mission, International Organization for Migration (IOM) 142 King George Road, Avondale, P.O. Box 2570 Harare, Zimbabwe Telephone: +263 4 335044/ 335048/ 303514 Fax: +263 4 335055

_____________________________________________________ ISBN 978-92-9068-588-3 © 2010 International Organization for Migration (IOM) _____________________________________________________ All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior written permission of the publisher.

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Migration in Zimbabwe A COUNTRY PROFILE 2009

Zimbabwe National Statistical Agency (ZIMSTAT) P.O. Box CY 342, Causeway, Harare Zimbabwe Telephone: +263 4 706681/ 8 and +263 4 703971/ 7 Fax: +263 4 728529 or +263 4 708854 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.zimstat.co.zw International Organization for Migration (IOM) 142 King George Road, Avondale, P.O. Box 2570 Harare, Zimbabwe Telephone: +263 4 335044/ 335048/ 303514 Fax: +263 4 335055

This publication has been financed by the EU