The auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army - Libreria Militare Ares

The auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army - Libreria Militare Ares

OF THE IMfEai:^E ARMY BY G. L. CHEESMAN Price Five ShflHngs net OXFORD THE CLARENDON T-;:'^;ifc^:fc7; PRE5: ^v Tombstone of C. Romanius ...

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OF THE

IMfEai:^E

ARMY

BY G. L.

CHEESMAN

Price Five ShflHngs net

OXFORD THE CLARENDON

T-;:'^;ifc^:fc7;

PRE5:

^v

Tombstone of

C.

Romanius of the Ala Xoricoklm.

(By kind permission of the authorities Stadtmuseum, Mainz.)

J'roiitixJ>ie,r

of the

THE AUXILIA OF THE

ROMAN IMPERIAL ARMY BY

G. L.

CHEESMAN,

M.A.

FELLOW AND LECTURER OF NEW COLLEGE, OXFORD

OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1914

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE BOMBAY

HUMPHREY MILFORD

M.A.

PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY

\ 'C^

'

^^P-

1637

PREFACE The

following essay

is

an attempt to deal with

an interesting branch of

Roman

military history

which has not previously been made the subject of an independent treatise. In a study of this kind, which relies largely

upon epigraphical

evi-

dence to which additions are constantly being

made,

it

is

equally necessary that the scattered

material available should at intervals be collected

and

utilized,

and that the unfortunate

collector

should realize that his conclusions will inevitably be revised in the future in the light of fresh I hope, accordingly, that I

evidence.

some use

have made

of all sources of information available

without acquiring or expressing excessive confi-

my

dence in the finality of of the military

deductions.

system of the

Students

Roman Empire may

complain that a certain number of complicated questions are too summarily disposed of in the following pages, but in detail has

if

discussion of the evidence

been occasionally omitted with the

idea of keeping the size of this book within reasonable limits, I hope that I have been careful to indicate where uncertainty I

my

have

in

many

places been glad to acknowledge

indebtedness to

of study,

who

in

lies.

my

predecessors in this field

one branch of the subject or A 2

325252

PREFACE

4

another have removed so

my is

To two

path.

scholars,

and general

extensive

too

adequate recognition article,

'

many

difficulties

from

my

debt

however,

have received,

to

in the footnotes.

Mommsen's

Die Conscriptionsordnung der romischen

Kaiserzeit,'

was written thirty years ago

;

I

have,

I hope, been diligent in collecting the evidence which has since accumulated, but I have found

to induce

little

me

to leave the path indicated

by the founder

of

Roman

I

Empire.

the

scientific

owe much

study of the

to Professor A.

von

Domaszewski's ingenious and comprehensive work, Die Rangordnung des romischen Heeres, and

my

obligation to

its

none the less that

I

feel

learning and suggestiveness

have sometimes been com-

pelled to differ from the conclusions stated in I

am

it.

also deeply indebted to Professor Haverlield

encouragement and much valuable and can only wish that this essay were

for constant criticism,

more adequate testimony to the value of influence upon the study of Roman history a

Oxford.

I

desire also to express

my colleague,

my

gratitude to

and making

valuable suggestions. G. L.

New

at

Mr. N. Whatley, of Hertford College,

for reading this essay in manuscript,

many

his

College, Oxford.

CHEESMAN.

CONTENTS PACxE

INTRODUCTION The Military Reforms of Augustus

.

.

7

THE AUXILIA DURING THE FIRST TWO CENTURIES Section

I.

A. D.

The Strength and Organization

...

OF THE Auxiliary Regiments

Section

II.

Section

III.

War and

Recruiting and Distribution

.

The Use of the Auxilia for Frontier Defence

Section IV. Arms and Armour

21 57

.

.

.

102

.

.

.

124

.

133

CONCLUSION The Break-up of the Augustan System

APPENDIX I APPENDIX II INDEX

145

170 191

ILLUSTRATION Tombstone of CORUM of the

C.

Romanius of the Ala Nori-

(by kind permission of the authorities

Stadtmuseum, Mainz)

.

.

Frontispiece

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

EMPLOYED

The Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum is referred to simply by the numbers of the volumes without any prefix. The military diplomata (D) are referred to by the revised numbering given in the supplement to the third volume of the Corpus.

Eph..Ep.

=

Ephemeris Epigraphica.

A.E. = L'annee

epigraphique,

edited

by MM. Cagnat and

Besnier. I. G.

edited

R. R.

=

Inscriptiones Graecae ad res

Romanas

periinoitcs,

by Cagnat.

B. J. B. = Bonner Jahrhiicher, the periodical of the Vereln von Altcrtumsfreunden im Rheinlande. W. D. Z. — Westdeutsche Zeitschrift. B. G. U. = Agyptische Urkundcn aus den koni^lichcn Museen

zu Berlin.

Mommsen Conscriptionsordnung — INIommsen, Die Conscriptionsoydnung der rihnischen Kaiserzeit, published in volume vi of the Gesammelle Schriften. von Dom. Rangordnung = A. von Domaszcwski, Die Rangordnung des romischen Heeres, Bonn, 1907. von Dom. Sold = A. von Domaszewski, Der Truppensold der Kaiserzeit, in volume x of the Ncuc Heide'.bsrgcr Jahrhiicher. J. R. S. = The Journal of Roman Studies.

INTRODUCTION THE MILITARY REFORMS OF AUGUSTUS An

Roman auxilia might seem merely to many monographs in which students of mihtary system of the Roman Empire are patiently essay on the

be one of the

the

arranging material for some future scholar to utilize in

more comprehensive work. But while much space must necessarily be devoted to details of military organization, the subject opens up social and political questions of wider range. The extent to which a ruling race can safely use the military resources of its subjects and a

the

effect

on both parties

of

such

a relation,

the

advantages and dangers of a defensive or an aggressive frontier policy, these are questions of universal historical interest,

on which even an essay

of so limited a scope

must necessarily touch in passing. As a preliminary consideration it must be realized that the use of troops drawn from the subject races was not an as this

invention of the imperial government, but goes back to

The heavyarmed yet mobile infantry which formed the greater part of the burgess militia of the cives Romani and the socii constituted an arm which won for Rome the hegemony of Italy, and triumphed alike over the numbers and courage of Ligurian and Gaul or the disciplined professional armies of Carthage and the Hellenistic monthe most flourishing days of the Republic.

archies.

In other branches of the service, however, the

republican

armies were

less

superior.

Their cavalry,

drawn, as was usual in the citizen armies of the ancient world, from the wealthier classes,

was not

sufficiently

;

i^:troduction

8

numerous and proved no match for its opponents in the Second Punic War. The Hght troops came off even worse when engaged either with mountain tribes fighting on their own ground or with the skilled archers and slingers of Carthage or Macedon. So early was this recognized that, in describing an offer made by Hiero of Syracuse to furnish a thousand archers and slingers in 217 B.C., Livy is able to make the Syracusans justify the suggestion to

Roman

pride

by

asserting

that

it

was

already customary for the Republic to use externi in this capacity.^

To make up their notorious deficiency in Government could have recourse to three supply. They could, as in this case, accept

this respect the

sources of or

demand

contingents from

outside the Italian

allies

mihtary league, such as Hiero, Masinissa, or the Aetolians they could make forced levies among subject as the Ligurians, Gauls, or Spaniards

;

tribes,

such

or, finally,

they

could imitate their opponents and raise mercenaries,

although they might save their pride by including such contingents as

'

allies

'.

In fact

all

these sources were

drawn on during the first half of the second century B.C., and all troops of this kind were known as auxilia, to distinguish them from the socii of the old organization. This at any rate seems to be the distinction recognized by the grammarians, and it agrees generally with the terminology employed by Livy, who may be supposed in such a matter to be following his sources. ^ A good example both of republican methods and of the freely

^ Livy, xxii. 37 Milite atque cquitc scire nisi Romano Latinique levium armorum auxilia nominis non uti populum Romaninn Cf. Pol^'bius, iii. 75. etiam externa vidisse in castris Ronianis'. ^ Cf. Varro, De Lat. ling. v. 90 'auxilium appellatum ab auctu, '

:

quum

accesserant

Epit. 17

'

nationum

ci

qui adiumcnto esscnt alienigcnae

auxiliares dicuntur in bello socii '.

'.

Festus,

Romanorum exterarum

^

;

INTRODUCTION phraseology employed

may

be found in Livy's elaborate

description of the measures taken to

required '

P.

for

Licinio

petenti

the

make up

Macedonian campaign

of

the

army

171 B.C.

:

consuli ad exercitum civilem socialemque

addita

sagittarii

9

auxiha Ligurum duo milia,

— incertus

Cretenses misissent,

Cretenses

numerus, quantum rogati auxilia Numidae item equites elephantique.' ^

Of the troops grouped here under the heading of auxilia the Numidians represent a contingent sent by an independent ally, Masinissa, the Ligurians were probably obtained by a forced levy, while the Cretans, nominally allies,

may fairly be

That their shown by the fact

described as mercenaries.

services were hardly disinterested

is

that in the following year the Senate found

it

necessary

to issue a sharp warning to the Cretan states against their

habit of supplying contingents to both sides. ^ that the

Roman

star

was now

The

fact

definitely in the ascendant

probably reconciled the Cretans to this interference with their national customs, for

from

this date

onward Cretan

regiments regularly form a part of the republican armies it

will

be remembered that the Senate

made

use of a body

of Cretan archers against the followers of Caius Gracchus,

and a

similar corps

is

found serving under Caesar in his

second Gallic campaign.

The course of the second century saw the auxilia still more firmly established as an essential part of the republican military S3^stem.

Italian cavalry

had

Before

its close

the

entirely disappeared

in the condition of military service,

;

Roman and the changes

in particular the

and unprofitable Spanish campaigns, made the members of the upper classes, among whom the cavalry

tedious

had been ^

^

recruited, increasingly reluctant to take their

^ Livy, xliii. Livy, xlii. 35. 7. Plutarch, Vit. C. Gracchi 16 Caesar, Bell. Gall. ;

ii.

7.

INTRODUCTION

10

places in the ranks as private soldiers.

^of Marius the if

After the reforms

had no cavalry attached to it, and still existed they must likewise

legion

the Italian contingents

have disappeared when, in consequence of the franchise in 90 all

and 89

alone.*

the former socii were

From this moment

enrolled in the legions.

/generals depended

B.C.,

the

Roman

upon the auxiha

their cavalry

for

of the extension

In the case of the light-armed troops the same

process took place, although here military rather than

probably

reasons

political

recorded use of the

velitcs,

The

predominated.

last

the old national light infantry,

is

during the war against lugurtha, and they were probably abolished by Marius. ^

There is certainly no instance of any

but auxiliaries being employed as light troops during the following century. sarily follows that

the Republic, a

From

these considerations

when, during the

standing

neces-

it

last fifty years of

army came

into

a number of auxiliary regiments formed part of

existence,

When

it.

Caesar mentions that he had Cretan archers, Balearic slingers,

and Numidian cavalry under

his

command

early as the beginning of his second campaign,

so

we can

hardly doubt that these regiments had formed part of the regular troops which he found in the province.^

Thus before the end \

Republic we have the

of

the military system of the

the

of

the

division

Romani and the r

of the

chief feature

army

auxiliary

into the light

legions

troops

Empire, of

civcs

and cavalry

supplied by the unenfranchised provincials, already in existence.

upon troops

Even the

practice of conferring the civitas

of this class as a rcw^ard for military service

The famous occasion when Caesar, distrusting his auxiharies, mounted some of the tenth legion, proves conclusively that he had then no citizen cavalry in his army. Caesar, Bell. Gall. i. 42. ^

-

Sallust, Bell. lug. 46.

^

Caesar, Bell. Gall.

ii.

7.

INTRODUCTION was resorted

to

ii

by the Republic, although probably

only under exceptional conditions.

We

possess a docu-

ment recording a grant of this nature to some Spanish auxiliaries,

members

tinguished

itself at

There

of a

turma Salluitana which had

no evidence, however, that

is

dis-

the siege of Asculum in 89 b.c.^ this

branch of

escaped the effects of the inefficiency in

the service

administration which characterized the last generation of the republican regime. of this

class

Certainly too few regiments

were kept on a permanent footing, and field with

a general of the period either had to take the far too small a proportion of cavalry

make up

or

and

light infantry,

the deficiency by hasty levies called out in

the districts nearest to the scene of operations. for

Caesar,

example, started the campaign of 58 B.C. with a totally number of regular auxiliaries, and during the

insufficient

was forced to make up his deficiency in cavalry by demanding contingents, which were often of more than doubtful fidelity, from the GaUic tribes which

following years

successively submitted to his arms.

To supplement

these

he also raised a corps of German mercenaries and largely increased it later after the defection of the majority of the Gallic contingents to Vercingetorix.^

The

civil

auxilia.

wars saw a large increase in the numbers of the off thousands

Caesar set the example by leading

of his

Galhc cavalry, with the object, doubtless, of using

them

as hostages for their compatriots' fidelity as well as

of increasing his

army.

deavoured to make up ^

Pompeius followed

for the loss of the

suit

and en-

Itahan recruiting

See Dr. T. Ashby's article in the Classical Review for August and A. E. 191 1, n. 126, for a further fragment of the text.

1909,

Germanos equites circiter summittit, quos ab initio habere secum instituerat ', and 65 of the same book.

2

Cf.

CCCC c,

Caesar, Bell. Gall.

vii.

13

'

INTRODUCTION

12

ground by enrolling auxilia from the Eastern provinces in large numbers. The Gallic cavalry proved a great success

;

in the

campaign

of

Thapsus they showed marked

superiority to the African light horse, previously accounted

supreme in cavalry warfare/ and the death of Caesar found them still serving in large numbers in every part of the Empire.

At

least those

who

are found, together

with Lusitanians and Spaniards, in the army of Brutus

and Cassius during the Philippi campaign must liave been stationed either in Macedonia or the East before hostilities began. 2

We

can thus see that when the battle of Actium in

31 B.C. placed the forces of the of

Roman

world in the hands

Augustus, the main lines on which the military system

Empire was based were already clearly marked, work of reorganization, while importing everywhere order and principle into existing practice, involved no breach with the military traditions of the past. To say this is in no sense to minimize his achievement. It must be remembered that while individual of the

and

1

his great

generals, such

as

Lucullus,

Pompeius, or Caesar, had

brought their armies to a high pitch of ,

^

0-.'

efficiency,

the

general military administration of the late republic had

been chaotic in the extreme. issues

Here, as elsewhere, the real

were resolutely evaded, and in case of need a

crisis

had to be met by hasty and inefficient improvisation. Although a standing army had existed in practice for fifty years it was never accepted in principle, and no attempt was made to assess the military requirements of the state and see that an efficient force of the proper strength was maintained. With similar lack of foresight ^ A net. de bell. Afr. 6 Accidit res incredibilis, ut equites minus xxx Galli Maurorum equitum duo milia loco pellcrcnt '. '

-

Appian,

Bell. Civ. iv. 88.

INTRODUCTION

13

the Senate refused to admit the principle of granting

a donative on discharge, while repeatedly granting

it

under pressure, thus weakening the control of the central

government over troops

in the field

and increasing the In consequence,

chances of a military pronuncianiento.

the wars of this period almost invariably begin with disas-

owing to the inadequacy of the standing numbers and efficiency ,1 and end with a political crisis of greater or less magnitude over the donative grievance, which naturally gave an ambitious general an opportunity of using the support of his troops The work of Augustus in to further his own ends. ters in the field,

army both

in

bringing order out of this chaos, providing forces adequate to the needs of the state,

and

re-establishing over

the control of the central government,

is

them

not the least of

his administrative triumphs.

As a preliminary he accepted, as was perhaps inevitable, the principle of a standing army of professional soldiers. This step has of late been severely criticized, especially by admirers of the Continental system, but see

how

short-service levies could

to the defence of frontiers

it is difficult

to

have proved adequate

which were,

for all practical

more distant from Rome than Peshawur is The other alternative, to entrust the provincials with the defence of their own borders, was not in harmony with his general policy, nor, it may be said, was the time ripe for such a step. The words which the thirdcentury historian and administrator, Dio Cassius, puts into the mouth of Maecenas in dealing with this question purposes,

from Aldershot.

were written doubtless with reference to the conditions of his

own

time, but they

earlier period, '

You '^

will

The

and

may

certainly be applied to the

in essence they

still

hold good to-day.

be wise to maintain a permanent force

First Mithridatic

War

is

a very good example.

INTRODUCTION

14 {aTpaTicoTa^ subjects,

from

raised

dOaixxTovi)

the

citizens,

and the alHes distributed throughout

all

the

the

provinces in larger or smaller bodies, as necessity requires.

These troops must always remain constantly

at

;

the

in arms and be drilled most suitable points they must

prepare themselves winter quarters, and they must serve for a fixed period calculated to allow

after their discharge before old age

them a little freedom comes on. For we

can no longer rely upon forces called out

for the occasion,

owing to the distance which separates us from the borders of our Empire and the enemies which we have upon every

side.

we

If

allow

all

our subjects

who

are of

and undergo a military be a continual series of riots and civil

military age to possess arms training, there will

wars, while

if,

on the other hand, we check

activity on their part,

we

shall

all

military

run the risk of finding

nothing but raw and untrained troops when we need a contingent for our assistance.'

^

The solution which Augustus found for this problem was then to revise the military system so that, while using as

much

as possible of the available material, he

did not disturb the political conditions on which the

equilibrium of the State depended. his

Empire as an aggregate less

For

it

was no part

of

intention materially to alter the structure of the of states possessed of greater or

powers of self-government, held together by their

subordination to

Rome and

withheld by their position

from any independent external bilities

he

may have

policy.

contemplated

Whatever

possi-

he

made

for the future

himself few attempts to further the process of unification either

by reducing the

inliabitants

of

the

privileged

by the more generous policy of making wide extensions of the franchise and creating by states to a lower grade or

^

Dio Cassius,

lii.

27.

INTRODUCTION means a new imperial

this '

status

among

citizenship.

This difference of

the inhabitants of the Empire was naturally

reflected in the military system. is

15

The

cives

Romani



among the provinces furnished new Household Troops, and the greater part, at any

franchised communities

the

rate, of the recruits for the legions,

superior position as the ruling race I

—that

to say, the inhabitants of Italy and of the few en-

more heavily

for their

by contributing much numbers than any

in proportion to their

other class in the population.

monarchs

and paid

of the client

The nominally independent

kingdoms were allowed and en-

couraged to maintain armies, often of considerable

size,

under their own control, and frequently led in person the contingents which they were called upon to bring to the aid of the regular troops

when

place near their borders.

These contingents were often

hostilities

were taking

numerous and capable of rendering valuable service. Thus Rhoemetalces of Thrace assisted in the suppression of the dangerous Pannonian revolt of 6-g, and Ptolemaeus of Mauretania was publicly honoured for his loyal cooperation against the African rebel Tacfarinas.^ Along the eastern frontier, kingdoms of this type, the wreckage of the old Hellenistic system, were more numerous and played a more important part. Thus Antiochus III of Commagene, Agrippa II, Sohaemus of Emesa, and Malchus of Damascus contributed 15,000 men to the army which Vespasian led into Palestine in the spring of 67.2 Even the more autonomous city states seem to have retained a militia which was occasionally made use of. So late as the reign of Hadrian, in the army which Arrian led against the Alani, we find a contingent from the free city of Trapezus, which is reckoned among the '

'

^

^

ii. 112 Tac. Ann. Josephus, Bell. hid. iii. 4. 2.

Velleius,

;

iv, 24.

— ^

INTRODUCTION

i6

opposed to

imperial

regular

troops.

avfifxaxoi

as

A

freedom from the direct control of

similar

ofificers

tlic

was permitted to the

chiefs of

some

Roman

of the border

who were allowed to lead their own clansmen to To this type of militia belong the tumuUuariac battle. catervae Germanorum cis Rhenum colentium, including the Batavians under their dux Chariovalda, who serve in the tribes,

of Germanicus,^

campaigns clans

who

and the

levies of the

Dalmatian

started the rebellion of 6.^

Last come the permanently embodied regiments raised

from the subject communities, the auxilia properly so Here, called, who form the subject of this treatise. department of in any other the than probably more military system of the Empire, of Augustus's

own

activity.

we can

trace the results

Regiments

kind had,

of this

as we have seen, existed under the Republic, but they

had probably been few

in

number and the incidence of the Under Augustus

levy had been uneven and capricious.

not only was the number of regiments largely increased

we hear

of

no

less

than fourteen alae and seventy cohorts

War

taking part in the Pannonian inscriptions

show us

6-9

^

—but

the

that, with the exception of Greece,

always the spoiled child of quarter of

of

Roman

the Empire contributed

every

sentiment,

its

quota.

Details

respecting the incidence of this levy on different provinces,

and the methods

of organization

found in later sections.

and

recruiting, will

that while the subject communities had probably

reason than any other

demands

of the

state,

be

It will be sufficient to say here

class to

more

complain of the militaiy

the burden was at least more

equitably distributed than under the Republic and the total contribution required, in 1

Arrian, Ect.

7.

^

Dio Cassius,

Iv. 29.

most cases '

Tac. Ann.

*

Velleius,

at i.

ii.

56

any ;

113.

ii.

rate, 11.

INTRODUCTION

suppose that the fixing of

It is natural to

not excessive.

i^

by each community was connected with the drawing up of the census, which placed the taxation of the Empire for the first time on an organized basis, and it seems probable that more evidence might show a reciprocal variation between the two forms of the quota suppHed

We

contribution required.

know,

for instance, that the

Batavians were altogether excused from the payment of

and value of their conwas probably not exceptional.^

tribute on account of the size tingent,

In

and

all

this case

this

it

is

easy to see

owes to the institutions of the

how much Augustus Republic, and when

we come to consider details his debt becomes even more apparent. A standing army consisting of legions of cives Romani and smaller units of peregrini, supported in the field by contingents from allied and nominally independent states, was already in existence. His task was merely to introduce such changes as might obviate the mistakes and failures of the past, and to establish principles

which should make

for

For in accepting the principle

permanence and

stability.

of maintaining a standing

army Augustus could not have been

blind to the political

dangers which this institution brought

with

it.

He

endeavoured to meet them by fixing the conditions of service, in particular the sum which a soldier might claim

and by establishing a special treasury from which those claims might be satisfied, thus accustoming the troops to look to the central government, not to at his discharge,

their generals, for rewards

department

of the state

for constitutional

When in 69

due to them.

weaken on the Upper Rhine

forms to

the legions

Moreover, in this

even Augustus allowed no respect veil or

his authority.

tore

down

the

imagines of Galba and swore allegiance to the oblitterata iam ^

1637

Tac. Hist.

iv. 12,

B

Germ. 29.

INTRODUCTION^

i8

nomina scnatus populiqucRoiiiani it wasamanifest sign thai after a century of peace a new period of anarchy had begun> Since this mihtary system, with its division of the troops into categories differing from each other in status and prestige,

reflected the

general

conditions

prevalent in

was inevitable that a change in these conditions should have its effect also upon the army. How the Empire, so

it

developments of the first century were

far the political

fore-

by Augustus it is perhaps impossible to any rate, that his system was capable of adapting itself to them. One of these developments was a steady increase in the power of the central government and a disappearance of all forms of local autonomy seen or intended

say

;

it is

certain, at

which involved a division Vespasian almost

more

all

of authority.

the reign of

the great client kingdoms had been

or less peaceably absorbed into the ordinary pro-

Cappadocia was annexed

vincial system.

tania in 39, Thrace in 46, Pontus in 63, y^.

By

The troops which

in 17,

Maure-

and Commagene in had maintained

these kingdoms

were naturally taken into the into auxiliary regiments,

Roman

and

lost

service,

transformed

the privilege which

attached to their former condition of serving only in local

campaigns.

One

instance of such a transference, in the

case of a regiment which

kings of Pontus,

had been

mentioned

is

in the service of the

in Tacitus,-

and we

meet with Hemcseni on the Danube,^ Commagcni

and Noricum,"* and the successors

also

in Africa

of one of Herod's old

Samaritan regiments in Mauretania.^ The resentment with ^

Tac. Hisl.

Tac. Hist. auxilium olim -

i.

55.

iii. ;

Caesa ibi (at Trapczus) cohors, regium donati civitate Romana signa armaque in desidiam licentiamque Graccorum retinebant '. 47

'

mox

nostrum modum, 3

D.

*

viii.

18042 (Hadrian's speech) and D. civ (106) for Xoricum.

^

viii.

9358, 9359, 21039.

Iviii (138-46).

.

INTRODUCTION

19

which the new conditions of service were sometimes received is an instructive comment on the wisdom of Augustus's pohcy in not enforcing their universal appUca-

an earher date. The Thracians, for example, rose open revolt when they were first summoned to supply

bility at

in

a contingent for service at a distance from their

Somewhat

borders.^ militia

similar

the revolt of

6-9 showed

the system.

After

many

was the

on the Rhine and Danube.

cases at

placed by

its

any

Roman

On

own

fate of the border

the latter frontier

an early date the dangers

at

of

suppression the clan chiefs seem, in

have been deposed and reregiments of Pannonians and

rate, to

officials,"^

Dalmatians were raised and transferred to other provinces,

and a garrison was imported from outside to control the country. 2 On the Rhine the process was a more gradual for example, whom we have noticed of Germanicus as a clan levy campaigns serving in the

one.

The Batavi,

under their dux Chariovalda, seem to have been organized in regular auxiliary regiments

century,* although they

many

still

by the middle retained, in

of the first

common

with

other corps of Rhenish auxilia, their clan chiefs as

their praefecti.''

In the year 69

we

also find the Helvetii

maintaining the garrison of a fort

still responsible for

^ Tac. Ann. iv. 46 Causa motus super liominum ingenium, quod pati dilectus et validissimum quemque militiae nostrae dare aspernabantur, ne regibus quidem parere nisi ex libidine '

soliti,

aut

si

mitterent auxilia, suos ductores praeficere nee nisi

adversum accolas belligerare 2 The pyaefecti clvitatiuni, usually ex-centurions, who are mentioned on many inscriptions. Cf. v. 1838, ix. 2364. 2 The question how far this practice was maintained will be '

found discussed in a later section. * They undoubtedly furnished the octo auxiliarium cohorlibus sent

by Nero

Cf. Tac. Ann. xiv. 38, and Hist. iv. 12. cohortibus quas vetere instituto nobilissimi popularium regebant '.

to Britain 5

Tac. Hisi.

iv.

in 61.

12

'

B 2

^

INTRODUCTION

20

within their borders, and a mihtia existing in Raetia

capable of supplementing the garrison of regular auxilia.^

Some even from the

which were more distant

of the Gallic states,

frontier, sent contingents to

support Vitellius,

which were not, however, regarded as a very sensible addition to his forces.

Probably these

last vestiges of

independent organization

and control were swept away at the time of the reorganization of the Rhine army in 70, after the rebellion of Civilis. From this date onward there are at any rate few traces here or elsewhere of any use of irregulars of this type by the military authorities. This militia, which might have proved

invaluable in the days to

come

a victim, together with the local

as a national reserve,

autonomy on which

it

fell

was

based, to the growing tendency towards centralization

which marks the

first

and second centuries. The superby the agents of a centralized

session of local officials

bureaucracy in the

administration coincides with

civil

the complete transference of the burden of the defence of the state to the shoulders of a professional arm}^

It is

the

purpose of the following chapters to discuss one part of this

army, the

part which

from

this

it

auxilia, to trace its organization

played in frontier defence, and to illustrate

study the

lines

on which the military system of

the Empire developed and the causes of ^

and the

For the Helvetii see Tac. Hist.

i.

67

'

its failure.

quod olim The Kactian

castelli

Helvetii suis militibus ac stipendiis tuebantur

'.

Raeticac alae militia are mentioned in the following chapter cohortesque ct ipsorum Kaetorum inventus, sueta armis ct more militiae exercita.' It is quite clear that there were in the proxince (a) regular auxiliary regiments (6) a native militia. I do not understand Professor Reid's statement {The Municipalities of the Roman Empire, p. 203) that the troops maintained there were not Roman legions with regular auxiliaries but contingents of allied forces '. - Tac. Hist. ii. 69 reddita civitatibus Gallorum auxilia, ingens '

:

;

'

'

Humerus

et

prima statim defcctioue

inter inania belli

adsumptus

'.

THE AUXILIA DURING THE FIRST

TWO CENTURIES SECTION

A.D.

I

THE STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION OF THE AUXILIARY REGIMENTS From

the death of Augustus to the period wlien the

began to collapse under the strain the barbarian invasions, more than two centuries later,

frontier defences first of

the imperial

servatism

army

unrivalled

original distinction \

and the of its

presents a picture of military conin

history.

Not only does the of cives Romani

between the legions

auxilia of peregrini remain throughout the basis

organization, but even individual corps

marvellous power of vitality.

show a

Dio Cassius, writing at the

beginning of the third century, notes that, of the twentyfive legions in existence in 14, eighteen still survived in his

own

day, and epigraphical evidence shows that scores

even of the more easily destructible auxiliary regiments could claim as long a record. In appearance, indeed, the only considerable change introduced into the organization of the auxilia 1

during this period was the addition of the

numeri in the second century to the alae and cohortes which had previously been the only units employed. It is

true, of course, that this conservatism

respects rather superficial,

and

was

in

some

that, while administrative

forms and nomenclature remained unaltered, in more essential matters the

army had been deeply

the tendencies of the age.

It is still,

affected b}'

however, possible,

while paying due attention to these changes, to treat

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

22

the two centuries which follow the death of Augustus as a single period in the history of the auxilia

;

it is

only amid

the confusion caused by the barbarian invasions of the third century

we

tion that

and the subsequent attempts

at reorganiza-

definitely lose sight of our old landmarks.

Leaving out of account for the moment the numcri, which, as late creations with a special significance, are

commence with

reserved for future discussion, let us

and

alae

cohortes,

which remained throughout

the

this period

the units of auxiliary cavalry and infantry respectively.

Both these terms, although

their history

is

widely

originate in the military terminology of the

different,

The term

Republic.

cohors

had been

originally applied to

the infantry contingents of the Italian

socii,

which were

not united in legions after the model of the levies of cives

Romani, and ance of the

it

was naturally retained

after the disappear-

socii to describe the similar tactical units of

provincial auxilia.

The term

ala originated as a metaphorical description

two divisions into which the contingents of socii were formed, which were stationed in the normal republican order of battle on either flank of the legions. After the disappearance of the socii the term was applied in a more restricted sense to the two flanking divisions in which the average Roman general massed all his available cavalry. This use of the word continued down to the last of the

days the

When,

of the Republic.

De

hello

Africo writes,

'

for instance, the

satagcntibus celeriter occurreret,'

son in the

De

Officiis,

'

author of

Caesar alteram alam mittit qui *

or Cicero sa3's of his

Quo tamen

peius alieri alae praefecisset,

in bello cum te Pommagnam laudem ct a summo

viro,etabexercituconsequebareequitando,iaculando 1

Dc

Bell. Afr. 78.

-

Cicero,

Dc

Off.

ii.

...,'-

13. .45.

STRENGTH AND ORCxANIZATION the word

is

refer to a

regiment of any fixed

clearly being used in this sense,

units than turmae,

and the auxiliary

adopted the same formation.

It

levies

naturally

has already been noticed

who

that some of the Spanish auxiliaries

War

and does not

In fact the cavalry

size.

never seem to have been organized in larger

of the socii

Social

23

served in the

are officially described as belonging to a turma

Occasional phrases in Livy, such as

Salluitana.

the

statement that the Aetolian cavalry contingent, in the

campaign

was alae unius instar, do not seem more than that the historian used the

of 171 B.C.,

to prove anything

technical terms of his clearer.!

This usage,

own age

to

make

his narrative

however, shows that Livy was

familiar with the restricted

meaning

of the

word

—that

is

must have been a recognized institution in we may add that Velleius states that fourteen alae were employed in the Pannonian campaigns of 6-9 in which he himself had served. It is improbable, however, that the ala was a creation of Augustus, although he may have determined its exact size and organization. In Caesar's account of his Gallic campaigns we find frequent mention of contingents of to say, the ala

the reign of Augustus, and

tribal cavalry serving as

bearing the

title

independent units under

officers

and these units than turmae. The organiza-

of praefecti equitum,'^

must have been much

larger

Mommsen and Marvon Domaszewski declares decidedly against the possibility that the equites sociorum were organized in alae. Writing in Pauly-Wissowa (s.v. Auxilia), he seems to consider that the auxiliary cavalry had adopted the formation before the close of the Republic, although the passages to which he refers, those from Cicero and the author of the Bell. Afr. which are given above, seem at least to be susceptible of a different interpretation. ^ For praefecti equitum cf. Caesar, Bell. Gall. iii. 26 iv. 11, They are not to be thought of as merely commanding turmae, since we have a decurion mentioned in Bell Gall. i. 23. "

In a note to the French translation of

quardt

(xi.

105)

;

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

24

tion of tlicsc regiments, originally of a purely temporary

must have been placed on a more permanent basis when many of them were taken out of their own country to serve in the Civil Wars, and it would have been natural kind,

new term should be used

that a

Evidence in support

to describe them..^

of this conjecture,

which

is,

as

and his elsewhere. The maj ority continuators, has been sought for of Caesar's fracfecti cqiiitum seem to have been tribal

we have

chiefs

;

seen, lacking in the writings of Caesar

one

may cite, for

example, the Aeduan Dumnorix,^

the heroic veteran Vertiscus,^ and the two treacherous Allobroges, Roucillus

and Egus, the sons

On the other hand, when we meet with an an early inscription, ]\Iommsen that officer

of that

it

it is difficult

was

of Adbucillus.'*

ala Scaevae

on

to avoid agreeing with

called after Caesar's well-known

name.^

Many

other cavalry regiments,

which are shown by epigraphical evidence to have existed at an early date and to have been Gallic in composition, bear titles similarly formed from personal names. ^ It is ^ This organization cannot have taken place earUer since it obvious from Caesar's narrative that during the GaUic campaigns no attempt was made to reduce the tribal contingents to units

is

of a fixed size. '

Caesar, Bell. Gall.

^

[Caesar,] Bell. Gall.

civitatis, praefecto *

i.

i8. viii.

12.

He

is

described as principe

equitum.

Caesar, Bell. Civ.

iii. 59 See Eph. Ep. v. 142, n. 1. The ala is only known from x. 601 1. ^ The alae Flaviana, Petriana, Proculeiana, Tauriana, and Sebosiana all bear Gallorum as a secondary title, and the alae Agrippiana, Longiniana, Picentiana, Pomponiana, and Rusonis seem to have been recruited in Gaul in the first century-. The Gallic origin of the ala Atectorigiana is even more obvious. The ala Gallorum Indiana may possibly have a later origin, cf. Tac. Ajin. iii. 42. The theory given above as to the origin of these regiments is unhesitatingly affirmed by von Domaszewski {Rangordnimg, pp. 122, 123), but a little more evidence would certainlj- be advantageous.

^

'

'

1

STRENCxTH AND ORGANIZATION

25

suggested that these corps, or at any rate the majority of

them, represent tribal contingents embodied by Caesar at the time of the Civil Wars under the title of alac and placed under his veteran

officers.

Thus during

this

period the use of the term ala in the restricted sense would be already known, although only the older and

How

wider use appears in literature. expression

won

slowly the

new

is shown by the fact that during the and Tiberius the officers commanding

favour

reigns of Augustus

these regiments were usually described on inscriptions

was not until after came to be generally

simply as praefectus equitum, and

it

this that the title praefectus alae

adopted. Curiously enough,

we

find very few cohorts with titles

which suggest a similar

Probably in

history.^

this case

Augustus's reorganization was more thorough and the

some

of Caesar's corps of

Gallic cavalry, a record of individual

achievement which

existing regiments

had

not, like

might exempt them from

its

scope.

In discussing the size of the auxiliary

Size of regiments.

questions to settle, the numbers and the actual strength at which As regards the first the regiments were maintained. ^ and the inscriptions question, the evidence of Hyginus shows us that both alae and cohortes were known as

regiments

we have two

of the establishment

,

miliariae or quingenariae

—that

roughly speaking, 500 or 1,000

is

to say, they contained,

men

each.

unit seems to have been preferred in the 'while the larger

predominates among

The smaller first

century,

the corps raised by

^ See below, p. 46. puts the treatise De muniIt is difficult to regard tione castrorum into the reign of Trajan. the evidence as decisive, but there can be little doubt that the information contained in the work is in any case applicable to the period under discussion.

^

Cf. V. 3366, X. 6309.

3

Von Domaszewski,

in his edition,

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

26 '

The exact

Trajan and his successors.

theoretical size,

both of the regiments themselves and of the centuries

and

which they were divided, is more difficult Hyginus states that an ala quingenaria was divided into sixteen turmae, and an ala miliaria into iur)nac into

to determine.

twenty-four.i

He

does not state the number of

a turma in either case, and

it

at

any certainty on the basis

in

his

find

inscription

composition of a

I,

found elsewhere

from Coptos which describes the drawn from three alae and

'

Alarum III

:

dec{imones) V, dupl{i-

CCCCXXIIII.

IIII, equites

sesquipiic{arii)

Cohortium VII

of figures

vexillatio

seven cohorts, as: carius)

in

Turning to epigraphical evidence we

treatise.

an

men

seems impossible to arrive

X, eq{uites) LXI, mil{ites) DCCLXXXIIX\^ Von Domaszewski suggests that the cavalry in this detachment are to be divided into ten turmae of 42 men, each commanded by a decurio, a duplicarius, or a sesquiplicarius, and that this figure represents the theoretical strength of the turma in an ala miliaria.^ In an ala quingenaria, on the other hand, the turma probably contained only 30 men. centuriones

:

This seems to be as near certainty as

we

are likely to

arrive in the present state of our evidence, unless indeed

we take

statement of Arrian that an ala con-

literally a

tained 512 men, a total which would presumably give 32

men to ^

Arrian

the ttirma.^

Hyginus,

sixteen as the

16.

An Egyptian

number

of course, the best authority

is,

inscription,

iii.

6581, also gives

of decurions in an ala.

^

iii.

'

Von Dom. Rangordnung,

6627.

writer's

p. 35,

and

also p. 52 of the

same

commentary on Hyginus.

Arrian, icictica, 18 TfiraKoaiutv

al de

£vo TopavTivap^iai

noting that Vcgetius of his equites legion is.

(ii.

14)

lnTrni.\in,

6oi^(Kn tn\

perhaps worth gives 32 as the strength of a turma

linTfCiv, rjvTivn'Pcofio.'ioi'iKTjv

Ka^ovaiv.

It is

^

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION on

tlie

army whom we

imperial

in question

27

possess, but the

remark

a parenthesis inserted into an account of

is

the ideal establishment of a Hellenistic army, and he

may have meant no more discussion

corresponded

quingenaria.

More

than that the unit under

roughly

satisfactory

with

a

Roman

ala

and conclusive evidence

perhaps be found when the barracks of an ala in

will

a frontier fort have been accurately planned.

The

size of the auxiliary cohorts is

Hyginus

greater difhculty.

states,

a matter of even

and there seems no

reason to doubt his statement, that a cohors miliaria

was divided into ten

centuries, a cohors quingenaria into

Archaeological evidence supports this statement

six. 2

and suggests further that the centuries were in each case of the same size, since the centurial barracks in the fort at Housesteads, in Northumberland, which was occupied by a cohors jniliaria, offer almost precisely the same accommodation as those in the Scottish fort at Newstead, which are clearly designed to accommodate two cohortes quingenariae. The question to be decided is whether these centuries contained 80 or 100

one of the

case,

centuries of 100 of 600

men

each.

must be a misnomer,

In either since six

would make a cohors quingenaria consist of 80 would only give

men, while ten centuries

men

800

titles

for a cohors miliaria.

Hyginus suggests the higher The question

On

the whole, although

figure, the

lower

is

probably

probably be found to turn on the strength 30 and 42 suggest contiihernia of 6. A small tuvma of 32 would suggest contubernia of 8 or 4 and a large titrma 1

will

of the contuberniitm. of 40.

Hyginus, 28 Cohors peditata miliaria habet centurias item peditata quingenaria habet centurias VI, reliqua ut supra'. This refers to the description of the cohortes equitatae in the preceding section in which it is stated that Cohors equitata quingenaria habet centurias VI, reliqua pro parte dimidia 2

X

'

.

.

.

'

'.

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

28

to be preferred.

above, which wliich

we

is

Certainly the Coptos inscription cited

probably the most valuable evidence

possess, clearly indicates centuries of 80.

The

most important evidence on the other side is that of Josephus, who describes some cohorts which belonged to TTi^ovs}

army in 67 a.d. as containing dva ^lXlovs His succeeding statement, however, that other

cohorts,

by which

the Syrian

600

contained

may

cavalry, suggests that he

quingenariae

equitatae

cohortes

meant,

apparently

and

infantry

are

120

be basing his reckoning

simply on the number of centuries.

Few would defend and he may be

his calculation in the second instance,

equally wrong in the

first.

On

the whole, therefore,

it

seems safer to assume establishments of 480 and 800

men

for cohortes quingenariae

although

it

remains,

of the cohorts

was

of

and

niiliariac respectivel}',

course, possible

upon

evidence. ^'^

The

war

altered between the Jewish

66-70 and the period of the erection forts

that the size

we

which

have

been

of

relying

for

our

question to be settled in this connexion

last

of

those frontier

is

that of the cohortes equitatae, in which a proportion of

the

men were mounted, which form feature

interesting

of

the

which infantry and cavalry course always been ,

Corps

idea

m

had was probably

together

fought

common, ^ but the

a peculiar and

army.

imperial

of

revived by thd 'Rorhans from observing the practice of ^

Josephus,

\i\iovs neQns, fKciTov (iKoai.

Gj rav

de

5e Xoitthi TpiCTKaibeKa

cif

Bell. Illd. n'l

Nissen,

who

iii.

a-neificoi'

al (5exa

i^nKoainvs

fifV

fiev

dxov

nf^tni,

tivii

iRjTf'ii 6'

accepts the aiithcnticity of these figures,

assumes that both types of cohort mentioned had 120 cavahy attached to them, but it seems impossible to get this meaning from the Greek. See his article on the history of Novaesium in B. J. B. cxi-cxii. 41. "'

Thuc.

V. 57.

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION )the

German

from

tribes,

whom

Julius obtained a contin-

gent accustomed to light in this manner. ^ that

us from inscriptions

There

is,

equitatac

is

a cohors

Ubioruui.^

however, no later evidence for the employment

these

of

It is certainly

one of the earliest of these regiments

significant

known

to

29

and the continued use

tactics, is

of

cohortes

due rather to the necessity of having detach-

mounted men at as many frontier stations as The equites cohortales should be reckoned rather as mounted infantry than cavalry, since we ments

of

possible.

learn from

army

fragment of

a

in Africa that

Hadrian's

address

to

the

they were worse mounted than the

alares, and less skilled in cavalry manoeuvres.^ As regards the strength of these regiments and the proportion of mounted to unmounted men, Hyginus states

equites

that the cohors miliaria equitata contained 760 infantry

and 240 cavalry, while the six centuries, and in other rationem continet

'

—that

respects,

to say,

is

The

infantry and 120 cavalry.*

men

cohors quingenaria contained '

it

in dimidio

eandem

apparently had 380

figures for the

are probably correct, and, since

we

mounted

learn from an

inscription that there were four decurions to a cohors

we may presume

quingenaria, ^

Caesar, Bell.

Gall.

vii.

65

'

that

trans

the

Rhenum

turmae were in

Germaniam

mittit ad eas civitates quas siiperioribus annis pacaverat equites-

que ab

his arcessit

proeliari consuerant 2

X.

4862

ct levis

'

:

equitum ..."

.

.

.

The

armaturae pedites, qui inter eos

'.

.

Ubiorum peditum et from the end of the reign

praef(ecto) cohort(is)

inscription dates

of Augustus. ^

viii.

2532,

18042

' :

Eq(uites) coh(ortis)

Difficile est cohortales equites

Commagenorum.

etiam per se placere,

difficilius

post

alarem exercitationem non displicere alia spatia campi, alius iaculantium numerus .... equorum forma, armorum cultus pro stipendi modo.' * Hyginus, 25-7. :

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

30

This agrees very well with the Egyptian

30 strong. 1

which included 61

vexillation cited above, talcs is

— that

is

to say, 2 iurmae.

On

cquites cohor-

the other hand, there

considerable reason for supposing that the figures for

the infantry are schematic and incorrect.

It is sufficient

here to remark that centuries of 76 could not be divided into contubernia of either 8 or 10, of

and that the 380 men

Hyginus's cohors quingcnaria could not even be divided

evenly

among

The question cannot be by regiments

centuries.

six

settled with certainty until forts occupied

have been planned, but it seems probable number of the centuries remained unaltered

of this class

that while the

the complement of each was reduced from 80 to 60, or possibly to 64,

if it

was thought

desirable to retain the

division into contubernia of 8.-

Having endeavoured

to

determine

the

establishment of the auxiliary regiments,

how

discover at is

far this

it

theoretical

remains to

corresponded to the actual strength

which they were maintained, and here our evidence scanty,

and

likely to

remain

so.

covery in Egypt of some of the

Cohors

some

I

Fortunately, the disofficial

papers of the

Augusta Practoria Lusitanorum has thrown

light

on the question.

regiment had on

its

On January

i,

156,

this

books 6 centurions, 3 decurions,

114 mounted infantry, ig camel-riders {dromcdarii), and

363 infantry, making, with the pracfcdus, a total of 506 men. Between January and Ma}^ 18 recruits were enrolled,

15 infantry, an

cqucs,

a dromcdarius, and a

^ iii. Cf. also the roll of the 6760 with Mommsen's note. Cohors I Lusitanorum cited below. - Hyginus, i, gives this as the size of a legionary contubcrnium, and the four quaternions of Acts xii. 4 suggest that the same system prevailed among the troops of the client kingdom of '

Palestine.

'

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

31

These figures agree fairly well with the arrangement suggested above, although the dromedarii decurion.i

and the regiment appears This, how-

are an additional complication,

even to have exceeded ever,

may

its

'paper-strength'.

be easily accounted for

number of men had served

their

we imagine

if

that a

term and were about to be

discharged. Unfortunately, this document remains isolated,

and further evidence

is

Conditions of service.

not likely to be forthcoming. Questions concerning the method

of enlistment for the auxiliary regiments are reserved,

on

account of their connexion with the broader issues raised

by the whole section.

recruiting system, for discussion in a later

For the present

it

will

be

sufficient to discuss

the conditions of service in this branch of the army, as

they are laid down in the so-called diplomata imlitaria.^ These documents, of which we possess some 70 or 80

examples dealing with the

auxilia,

are

small

bronze

tablets, issued originally to individual soldiers, recording

the privileges granted to

them

either after their discharge

The or after they had completed a term of 25 years. reason for this variation seems to be that while the pyaemia militiae were always conferred after the regulation

number

of years

practice to retain the

had been served,

men with

longer before finally discharging them.

which we hear

of in the early

it

was often the

the colours for some years

This practice,

empire as a standing griev-

ance of the legionaries,^ seems to have prevailed also 1 For text and discussion see Mommsen in Eph. Ep. vii. 456-67. He considers that the papyrus supports 60 as the normal strength of a century in these cohortes equitatae. ^ The name is incorrect but convenient. Excluding D. xc, which is of an exceptional character, the diplomata cover the

period from the reign of Nero (D. ci is the earliest, being apparently issued before 60) to 178 (D. Ixxvi). 2 Tac. Ann. i. 17.

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

32

among

the auxilia during the

first

After 107,

century.^

however, we have no instances of the praemia iinpre-

ccdcd by discharge, a change which

is

probably due to

the perfection of organization, and can be traced also in

the legions.

Previous to the reign of Antoninus Pius, the privileges

granted to the recipient of a diploma include citizenship for himself, the full legalization of

any matrimonial union

into which he has entered or shall enter in the future

{conuhium), and civic rights for his wife, children, and

descendants. of his wife

If

he already possessed a family, the names

and children follow

and the frequency

own on

the diploma,

shows the extent

which the military authorities permitted the

to '

his

of this occurrence

cance of this fact and

army

will

its effect

soldiers

The

signifi-

on the character

of the

to form family ties while on active service. ^

be discussed in a later section.

At the beginning

of

the reign

of

Antoninus Pius,

a change takes place in that part of the formula which

In place of the words

concerns the grant of citizenship. ipsis liberis posterisque

cum

uxorihus, &c.,

eorum civitatem

we read

dedit

ct

conubium

in all the later examples,

Romanam, qui eorum 11011 hahercnt, dedit ct conuhium cum uxoribtts, &c.^ The first inference to be drawn from this alteration is that there now existed a numerous group of auxiliary soldiers who possessed the civitas before their discharge, and we are probably civitatem

I

^ For example, the pyaemia are granted to soldiers who are not yet discharged in diplomata for 60 (ii), 74 (xi), 83 (xv), 84 (xvi), and 86 (xix). The latest example is dated in 105 (xxxiv). ^ e.g. a diploma for 114 (xxxix) mentions a wife, two sons, and a daughter, another for 134 (xlviii) four sons and two

daughters. ^

The

first

to give the

new wording

British diploma of 146 (hii),

and

it is

for the auxiliaries is

universal after this date.

a

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

33

many

actually

the further inference that

in

justified,

possessed

it

when they were

noted, for example, that on a

enrolled.

It

has been

document dating from the

reign of Trajan, six recruits accepted for the Cohors III

Ituraeorum

all

have the

tria

nominal

In this change,

we have a clear instance of the extent to which the was now diffused throughout the Empire. The omission of the phrase liberis posterisque corutn,

then,

franchise

on the other hand, suggests the opposite tendency. It cannot, of course, mean that children born after their father's

discharge would not be

cives,

would be secured by the grant

of

seems clear that those born before

it

the citizenship with him.

by the absence

of all

This

mention

is

for their status

connhium,

but

it

no longer acquired

supported not only

on the

of children

later

diplomata,^ but by the phraseology of an Egyptian document dealing with an kiriKpLo-Ls of the year 148

which distinguishes two classes €7rtTV)(6i^T€?

crvv

Kal

t^kvol's

of veterans, eve tot fxeu

kyyouots, 'irepot /louot

'Pconatcov TTOTitrda^ {sic) Kal ^irtyafxta^

TOTi

^ix^^}

0^^

we have here a

TovTots

that

7ro\tT€La

&c.

eSSOt] ,^

Clearly

translation of both types of formula,

and the translator gave as

T]

ttjs

npos yvuatKas as

to the second the

suggested above.

Clearly,

was considered an important one

same meaning the

too,

changt

the veterans

since

^ Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vii. 1022. Given with commentary by Wilcken and Mitteis in Papyruskimde no, 453. Cf also iii. 14632. The two recruits described on the roll of the Cohors I Lusitanorum as accepti ex legions II Traiana may have been transferred as a punishment, the militiae mutatio prescribed in the Digest, xlix. 16, ,

.

as the appropriate penalty for various military offences.

The last diploma to mention children is dated 138 (cviii). Wilcken and Mitteis, Pa^_yyws^«Mfl'e, no. 459. I have assumed the correctness of Wilcken 's restorations of the text, which is very corrupt in places. ^

'

1637

C

— STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

34

discliargcd before

and

after

it

arc thus divided into two

In view of the prevailing policy of the imperial

groups.

government with respect to the extension is it

of the civitas

has a curiously retrograde appearance, and

this step

it

Possibly difficult to see the motives which suggested it. was merely desired to get rid of an anomalous situa-

by which the auxiliaries had previously occupied a more privileged position than the Household Troops.^ In any case, even after this restriction, there can be little doubt that the grant of the civitas with the improvement in civil status w^hich it brought to the recipient, and the

tion

increased possibilities w^hich

it

offered to his children,

must have done much to popularize the service. We have seen that the idea of such a reward did not originate with the Empire, but it was probably not until the reorganization of the army by Augustus that it was regularly conferred

earn

it

We

and the years

of service required to

definitely fixed.-

do not know

\\'hether at the

time of their discharge

the auxiliaries also received, like the legionaries, a grant

money

of

or land in lieu of a pension.

that their status excluded

The phraseology

It

seems certain

them from a share

in the

diplomata issued to the Praetorians ut etiam si peregrini iuris feminas matrimonio suo iunxerint, proinde liberos tollant ac si ex duobus civibus Romanis natos D. xii (76) shows that in their case children born before their father's discharge had always suffered under the disabilities created for the auxiliaries in the second century. The position ^

of the

'

'



of the legionaries

is still

uncertain.

Such regulations would be covered by the general statement Quidquid auteni ubique militum of Suetonius, Vit. Aug. 49 csset, ad certam stipendioruni praemiorumque formulam adstrinxit, definitis pro gradu cuiusque et temporibus militiae et commodis missionum '. The number of the diplomata seems to tell decisively against the suggestion that they were only issued to troops who had distinguished themselves by exceptional 2

'

conduct

in the field.

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

35

which the emperors distributed among the

donativa,

troops at their accession, and on other special occasions,

and that they could only receive the dona

militaria after

That such

a special preliminary grant of the civitas.^

grants were made, even to whole regiments at a time,

is

shown by the number of cohorts which commemorate the receipt of this honour by employing the title civium Romanorimi.

On pay

the

still

more important matter

of the ordinary

the auxiliary regiments an almost

of

equal un-

Our only two pieces of evidence on the subject, a passage in Tacitus and a phrase in Hadrian's address to the garrison of Africa,^ tell us nothing more

certainty prevails.

than that the equites cohortales were paid on a higher scale than the infantry, but received in their turn less

than the

equites

a preference in favour of the

alares,

mounted men, which

is

not so great as appears at

sight, since it is clear that

upkeep

of their

passages

pay

in

tion

is

own

they were responsible for the

The

horses.

chief defect of these

that they do not mention the

is

any

first

Our only

of the three cases.

amount

of the

basis for calcula-

the fact that a legionary considered

it

promotion

made duplicarius alae hence the pay of an ordinary cavalryman must have been more than half that of a legionary. On a priori considerations it can hardly have to be

been ^

;

less,

if,

Von Dom.

as Hadrian's speech suggests, he paid for Sold, p. 226

;

id.

Rangordnung,

p. 68.

duplex Tac. Hist, iv, 19. The Batavian cohorts demand stipendium, augeri equitum numerum '. Cf viii. 18042, where the emperor gives as a reason for the superiority of the cavalry over 2

'

.

of the cohorts, equorum forma, armorum I do not see how von Domaszewski cultus pro stipendi modo.' concludes from the first passage that the pay of the infantry was one-third that of the legionaries, i. e. 75 denarii a year.

the

mounted infantry

'

Sold, p. 225.

C 2

^

^

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

36

own arms and mount, and

his

aries,

On

had the

if

he

also,

Hke the legion-

cost of his rations deducted from his pay.

the whole, however,

it

seems best to defer speculation

imtil further evidence is forthcoming.

As army with

Internal organization. of a professional

the

organization

internal

reveals

is

only natural in the case

so long a term of service,

of

the

auxiliary regiments

a far more complicated system of grades and

than anything which the ancient world had yet known. The epigraphical evidence is abundant, and the efforts of modern scholars, particularl}' von Domaszewski in his monumental treatise, Die Rangordnung des romischen Heeres, have done much to make the main lines of the system clear. Difficulties in detail still remain, but we may hope for their ultimate solution. The commanding officer of an ala quingenaria or promotions

miliaria,

or of a cohors quingenaria bore the title of

and the cohortcs civium Romanorum, which occupied an exceptional position, were commanded by tribuni. Early inscriptions also mention a suhpraefectus alac and a stihpraefectus cohortis, In but these posts seem later to have been abandoned. praefechis.

CoJwrtes miliariae

•"'

^ I am assuming that the duplicariiis really did receive twice the pay of the private, as his name implies, which is probable" For the prosince he maintained two horses (Hyginus, 16). motion of legionaries to this post cf. viii. 2354 cited below.

See below, pp. 65-7. [D] Decmanio Capro sub praef(ecto) equit(um) 2231 alac Agrippian(ae) v. Snppl. 185 Ti. lulio C. f., Fab(ia) 2

^

xii.

'

'

'

;

Viatori subpraef(ecto)

cohortis

may

III

Lusitanorum

.

.

,'.

The

be due to Augustus's practice of giving auxiliary regiments two praefecti, although this measure was primarily designed in the interest of olticers of senatorial rank. Cf. Suet. Vii. Aug. 38 binos plerumque laticlavios praeposuit Von Domaszewski prefers to connect it with the singulis alis'. early system of brigading several auxiliary regiments together Rangoydnmig, p. 119. under one commander

origin of this post

'

;

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATTON

absence of the praefectus, his

later times in case of the

place seems to have been filled

temporarily in charge with the

by an title

officer

placed

of praepositus or

Questions concerning the order of precedence

curator.

among

37

the praefecti and trihuni, and their place in the are so closely connected

military hierarchy generally,

with the method of selection and appointment of these officers at different periods,

future discussion. 1

It

that they are best

left for

only important here to note

is

that they usually entered the service with this rank, and that

it is

very rare to find the regular commander either

an ala or cohort drawn from among the lower

of

officers.

we should call them, are represented by the troop and company commanders, the decurions who commanded the turmae The remaining

'

commissioned

officers

',

as

and the centurions and decurions of the cohorts. The senior officer in each class was styled decurio princeps or centurio princeps,^ but apart from this we cannot trace of the ala,

any regular order

of precedence with fixed titles such as

found among the legionary centurions.

As regards the and cavalry officers, the This is shown clearly, as decurio alae ranked highest. von Domaszewski has pointed out, by the frequent employment of this officer as praepositus cohortis.^ On is

respective position of infantry

the other hand,

among the

officers

of the cohorts the

centurions ranked above the decurions ^

See below, pp. 90-101.

-

At any rate among the

Pal(atina)

equituni'. 6pnKu>v.

cohorts.

Blaesiano dec(urioni) /. G. R. R. ii. 894

There

is

who commanded

A. E. 1892. 137

coh(ortis) KiVTvpicnv

6

'

C. Cassio

Ligurum

principi

kcu

Trpu'Kiyjr

aTTfipas

no certain inscription of a decurio princeps

alae. ' Cf. viii. 10949, 21560 For the following section I

of the officers of the aiixilia

;

von Dom. Rangordnung,

am

p.

63.

deeply indebted to his discussion on pp. 53-61 of this work.

STREXCxTH AND ORGAXIZATIOX

38 the

mounted men, where such

existed.

which seems to have included equitata, the centurions

come

Coptos inscription, so often

In one inscription,

the officers of a coJwrs

all

first

on the

list,

and

in the

cited, the officers of the 6i

mentioned at all.^ The difference in rank cannot, however, have been very great since all these officers could be promoted to the post of legionary equitcs cohortales are not

centurion

without any intervening step, although this

distinction seems

have been conferred most

to

upon the decurions

of the alae.

In these cases

it

freely

was

of

course necessary for the auxiliary officer to have acquired

the civitas either by serving his

full

time or by a special

grant before his promotion.

Throughout the period these posts seem usually to have filled by promotion from the lower ranks, although we also find instances of legionaries being given com-

been

missioned rank in the auxiliary regiments, and officers of this class

it

is

who seem most frequently to have

secured further promotion to the legionary centurionate.-

Von Domaszewski

wishes to consider that these transfers

were especially characteristic

of the early

days of the

imperial army, and that a deliberate attempt was then

made

to provide every auxiliary regiment with

of ex-legionaries. ^

iii.

-

iii.

With

6627, 6760. 11213 T. Calidius P. '

this suggestion,

(filius)

a

however,

staff" it

is

Cam(ilia) Sever(us) eq(ues),

item optio, decur(io) coh(ortis) I Alpin(orum), item (centurio) leg(ionis) XV Apoll(inaris) annor(um) LVIII stip(endiorum) XXXIIII ..." is a good example of a man who rose from the ranks to the legionary centurionate. mil(itis) leg(ionis) III Aug(ustae), dupHc(arii) 2354 Pann(oniorum), dec(urionis) al(ae) eiusdem, (centurionis) leg(ionis) III Aug(ustae) gives the career of a promoted legionary'. D. XV, xxxii, xxxiv, xc, were granted to centurions and decurions, who must therefore have been of the same status as the men if they had not actually risen from the ranks. viii.

'

.

.

.

alae

'

STRENCxTH AND ORGANIZATION difficult to

agree

insufficient to

not only

;

the epigraphical evidence

is

prove such a wholesale use of imported

but the cases known to us are by no means con-

officers,

fined to the first fifty years of the Empire. will

39

be shown

later,

Further, as

the arrangement does not harmonize

with the general character of the early auxilia.

The holders

who ranked below

subordinate posts,

of

the centurion or decurion,

may

be divided, following the

arrangement adopted by von Domaszewski, into two groups.^

The members

the

of

first

correspond to our non-commissioned

command

to

group practically

officers,

and are able

small detachments or to take the place,

necessary, of the

company

if

These alone, and the

officers.

holders of certain higher administrative posts, to which

the taktische Chargen gave access,^ have a legitimate claim to the title of -principales.

group did not,

The members

strictly speaking,

of the

second

rank above the privates,

but they were granted freedom from certain routine duties in return for special services

were distinguished

in

which they discharged, and title of immunes.

consequence by the

It is of course often difficult to ascertain

whether a

particular post falls into the higher or lower group,

and

with the standard-bearers,

who

this is especially the case

occupy a position system.

by the

of peculiar

importance in the military

In the ala each troop had signifer turmae,

its

own

flag carried

but there seems also to have been

a regimental standard, the bearer of which was ^

see

as

For the line of demarcation between principales and immunes von Dom. Rangordnung, pp. 1-4. It must be admitted that,

although this distinction existed,

on

known

it

is

not always recognizable

inscriptions.

^ These do not concern us here since their rank depended upon that of the officer to which they were attached, and the commander of an auxiliary regiment did not stand sufficiently high for his clerks and orderlies to be ranked among the principales.

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

40

the vexillariiis alac} imaginifer, but

or at

all

A

few inscriptions also mention an

not clear whether this

it is

periods found a place on the

staff. ^

officer

always

In a cohort,

on the other hand, each century seems to have had its signifer, and each turma of mounted men its vexillariiis, but

it

does not appear that there was a regimental standard,

any more than there existed

at this date a standard for cacli

This at least

cohort of a legion.

is

implied by Tacitus

in his description of the entry of the Vitellian

Rome, when he mentions the alarum

signa

army

by the

side of

the legioniim aquilae, but says nothing of the ensigns

of-

the

We

cohorts.^ cohortis,

into

must suppose, then, that the imaginifer mentioned on inscriptions, was not rethe regimental standard-bearer any more than

who

garded as

is

the imaginifer legionis.*

In consequence of this difference in organization the

company and troop standard-bearers among the principales, while in the ^

I

accept, although with

some

of the cohorts

alae only the regi-

hesitation, the

view of Lehner

Dom. Rangordnung,

in B. J. B. cxvii* against that of von It is accepted also by j\Iax IMayer,

rank

p. 55.

Vexillum und vexillarius, For instances of the title vexiUarius alae Strassburg, 1910. The standard of the Ala Longiniana, cf. iii. 4834, 11081. discussed by Lehner, was a vexillum bearing as its device a Celtic religious emblem, the three-horned bull. The signum of a turma of the Ala Petriana shown on a sepulchral monument was a radiated head in a medallion. See J.Tf.S. ii (1912), Fig. 8. Another signum on a Mainz tombstone shows four ivy leaves hanging from a cross-bar. Cf. B. J B. cxiv-cxv, PI. I, n. 3. ^ A. E. 1906. 119. 3 Tac. Hist. ii. 89 Quattuor legionum aquilae per frontem .

'

totidemque

circa e legionibus aliis vexilla,

mox duodecim alarum

signa et post peditum ordines eques dein quattuor et triginta cohortes, ut nomina gentium aut species armorum forent, dis;

cretae

'.

On one of the inscriptions which mentions this officer, iii. he is ranked among the mounted men of a cohors equitata. *

3256,

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

41

mental standard-bearer is included in the higher group, and the signiferi turmae sink to the position of immunes. Returning, then, to the ala we may place at the head the principales the vexillarius, and next to

of

imaginifer,

when

this officer existed.

him the

Other members of

were the non-commissioned ofhcers of every turma, the duplicarius and sesquiplicarius } who derived their titles from the fact that they were paid twice and one and a half times the private's pay respectively, an this class

institution

which

in the Hellenistic military

found

was probably borrowed.^

it

perhaps add the

who commanded

optio,

system from

Lastly we should the escort of the

praefectus {singulares).^

To the lower group,

the immunes, belong the signifer,

armorum, and curator attached to every turma,* strator"' stator,^ librarius,^ and

custos

the cornicularius ,^ actarius,^ heneficiarius staff of

1^,

who form

the praefectus,

the clerical and administrative

and

his escort, the singulares}'^

In determining the position of the holders of these posts among the immunes we are supported by the analogy of the Equites Singulares Imperatoris, a corps modelled

from the auxiliary regiment contained on

upon and

to a certain extent recruited

cavalry.

The list

a

of a

turma of

this

Roman inscription gives the following arrangement ^

2

*

For the position of these officers of. viii. 21567. ^ iii. 11911. Arrian, Anab. vii. 23. viii. 2094 C. lulius Dexter vet(eranus), niil(itavit) '

.

.

.

1:

in ala

eq(ues), cur{ator) turmae, armor(iim) custos, signifer tur(mae) 5

iii.

'

/.

^

iii.

7651. G. R. R.

^° iii.

iii.

4369. 1 1 81 1.

vi.

225.

iii.

*

iii.

.'. .

.

3392.

1094.

13441.

There were of course several of these, and also

of the preceding officers. ^2

^

vi.

signifer turmae.

^^

iii.

12356.

2408 also shows seven equites preceding the

-

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

42

nomina turmae lul(ius)

Mascel(lus) dcc(urio)

Nonius Severiis dup(licarius) Iiil(ius)

Victorinus sesq(uiplicarius)

Aiir(elius)

Mucatral

Aur(elius) Lucius Ael(ius) Crescens sig(nifer)

Aur(elius) Victor

arm(orum

custos)

Aur(elius) Atero cur(ator) Ael(ius) Victor bf (beneficiarius)

Cl(audius) Victorinus lib(rariu5)

Vindex bf (beneficiarius) names of equites follow.

lul(ius)

17

The

fact that

two privates occupy the fourth and

places shows clearly that the holders of

mentioned lower it

in

the

list

signifer

fifth

the posts

belong to the immunes.

not been for this piece of evidence

tempted to place the

all

Had

we might have been

turmae in the higher category.

The analogy of the Equites Singulares also suggests that we may include the hucinator and tithiccn among the immunes of the ala.^ and we have also to add the medicus, whose somewhat exceptional position is discussed later. A distinction between the principales and immunes of the cohorts may be based partly upon the principles already adopted for the ala, partly upon the analogy of the legion, the organization of which was clearly followed in several respects. On these grounds we may class as principales the imaginifer cohortis, the signifer, optio, and tesserarius of each century, and the optio and vexillarins of each turma in the cohortes equitatac. The case of the optio, who commanded, if necessary, in the place of the ^

vi.

3179,

cohortales, 2

xi.

iii.

3007.

Both 32797. 3352, 10589.

appear

also

among

the

equites

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

43

may be taken for granted. It may both optio and vexillarius could be

centurion or decurion, also be noted that

any intervening step.^ The tesserarius, whose main duty consisted in receiving from the centurion the orders and password for the day and transmitting them to the men, is found promoted to the position

of decurion without

charge of a detachment on special duty,^ as

in

imaginifer cohortis.^

The

is

also the

signifer* lastly, can hardly

have

had a position inferior to that of the vexillanus or tesseraand would indeed rank higher than the latter if the analogy of the legions holds good. As regards the immunes,

rius,

commanding a cohort possessed a smaller

the ofhcer

administrative staff than the praefectus alae, including

only the cornicularius ,^ actarius,^ lihrarius^ and hene-

The musicians possibly include the cornicen ^ the tuhicen ^^ and the bucinator ^^ and the

ficiarius.^

as well as

post of niensor seems to be confined to

the cohorts.^"^

At least no inscription has yet mentioned one among the immunes of the ala. Finally, as regards the position of the medici,

who were

attached to the cohorts as well as to the alae, a few tion one of these

ordinarius 1

iii.

On

remarks seem necessary.

special

^^,

army

doctors

is

a British inscrip-

described as medicus

which would naturally mean that he served

11213, 8762.

ci. A. E. 1910. 4. A detachment of the Cohors I 2553 Celtiberorum in Lusitania is under the charge of a centurion of the Cohors I Gallica, a heneficiarius of the procurator, an imaginifer of Legio VII Gemina, and a tesserarius of the Cohors I ^ xiii. * iii. 10315. Celtiberorum. 7705. 2

ii.

^

iii.

^

iii.

A.E. ^^

;

^

10316.

We

1808.

1906.

iii.

no.

8522.

vii.

'

458.

vii.

690.

In

He

12602.

^o iii. 6572. 10589. 6503 the musicians are described col^

xiii.

xiii.

^^

lectively as aeneaiores. ^^

iii.

should perhaps add to this group the capsariiis,

served in the Cohors

I

xiii.

Tungrorum.

6538.

STRENGTH AND ORGANTZATTON

44

and a passage

in the ranks,

in the Digest confirms this

among the immunes} On the other hand, M. Ulpius Sporus, who is described in an inscription erected by his freedmcn at Ferentinum in Etruria as by ranking the mcdici

medicus alae Indianae

be on rather a higher Ostia,

who was

level, as also

in the

[sic] ^,

seems to

M. Riibrius Zosimus

of

Both these and can hardly have reached

second century.^

are apparently Greeks,

their regiments

Astorum-

doctor to the Cohors IV Aquitanorum in

Germania Superior

men

et tcrtiae

by the ordinary

recruiting channels.*

It

has been noticed also that the medici appear to have a special position in some inscriptions of the Praetorian cohorts.^

Probably, then, one ma}^ infer two classes of

mcdici, the

common soldier who possessed some elementary

qualifications

(first

aid

and

and was given

blood-letting)

the position of an immunis, and the fully-trained professional doctor

who was attached

no actual militarv rank.

It

to a regiment but held

was probably

to distinguish

himself from the latter class that the medicus of the

Tungrian cohort added the word ordinarius to his

and method

title.

and the As regards the rate order of precedence of the various posts within the two groups of principalcs and immunes, we know practically nothing. There is nothing to show that it was customary to hold several posts in a regular order,^ or to become 1

Dig.

1.

of promotion,

6, 7.

cognomen is uncertain. One might add M. ^Mucins Hegetor medicus of the Cohors XXXII VoUmtariorum in Pannonia, iii. 10854. * Lucian mentions a doctor of an auxiliary cohort who wTote a history of the Parthian war of Marcus and Verus and must have been a man of some education. Lucian, de hist, conscrib. 24. ^ Von Dom. Rangordmmg, p. 26. The record of the career of C. luUus Dexter quoted above -

"^

3007. xiii. 6621. xi.

I

lis

**

is

quite exceptional.

Usually only one post

is

mentioned.

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

45

It was an immunis before entering the principales. doubtless usual for a man not to receive commissioned

rank without

first

holding some subordinate post, but

we

do not know that any such preliminary qualification was essential.^ Owing to the length of service promotion was probably not rapid, but on the other hand the number of posts available for

was very

large.

In an ala quingenaria,

example, there were 16 decurions, 34

-principales,

and probably over 100 inmmnes} Thus every soldier must have felt confident of obtaining sooner or later a position of greater ease and profit, and this, together with the fact that the ladder of promotion led to commissioned

and even to the coveted legionary must have increased the attractions of

rank,

centurionate,

the profession. Titles of the regiments.

ments were as various it is

in

The

titles of

form as those

unnecessary to give a complete

the auxiliary regiof the legions,

list

of them.

and The

which bear a title derived from a personal name, presumably that of their original commander, have been mentioned already. The majority of them were probably

alae

raised

during

Caesar's

Gallic

campaigns or the

Civil

Wars, and there are few to which a later date can be ^ iii. 1 12 13 gives the sequence eques-optio-decurio, and 8762 that of eques-vexillarius-decurio, but such details are rare. - The principales would be the vexillarius alae, the optio singularium, and a duplicarius and sesquiplicarius to each turma.

armontm, and we do not know, but the inscription of the Equites Singulares quoted above In a cohors quingenaria suggests an average of three to a turma. with only 6 commissioned officers and 19 principales (the imaginifcr cohortis and the signifer, optio, and tesserarius of each century) the chances of promotion would be less. This is another reason for the popularity of the cavalry and the desire of cohorts to Of the immunes each turma has

curator.

become

The

total

equitata.

number

its signifer, custos

of the heneficiarii,

Cf. Tac. Hist. iv. 19.

&.C.,

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

46

assigned with any certainty.^

have borne such

to

titles are

The few cohorts known more difficult to explain,

but have perhaps a similar origin. ^

Regiments raised

under the Empire, on the other hand, were usually called

by the name of the tribe or district from which they were raised, and distinguished by a number from other corps of the same origin.^ In course of time these ethnical titles were in many cases supplemented by others, some of which were granted as marks of distinction and rewards for meritorious service, while others

were purely descrip-

Examples of the former class are the title civium Romanorum, which indicates that on some occasion all the members of a corps received the franchise before their discharge,^ and honorary epithets, such as pia, The title Augusta seems also to have fidclis, or fida} ^ The Ala Indiana may have been called after the Trevir tive.

mentioned in Tac. Ann. i. 42, the Ala Siliana after the general of Tiberius, and the Ala Pannoniorum Tampiana after Tampius Flavianus, governor of Pannonia in 69. The last case, however, is doubted by von Domaszewski, Ravgordnung, p. 122, n. 6. - The only cases known at present are the cohorts Lepidiana and Apuleia civium Romanorum, and a Cohors Flaviana only known from a ciirsus honorum. * The name of the tribe was usually in the genitive plural but might also be in the nominative singular. Thus we find the same regiment described as Cohors I Alpinorum and Cohors I Alpina. The question of duplicate numbering, which is connected with the system of recruiting and distribution, is discussed in the following section. * The fact that the numerous regiments bearing this title appear in the diplomata shows that the status of their members was not permanently raised. One regiment, the Cohors II Tungrorum, bears the title C(ivium) L(atinorum), Ef^h. Ep. lulius Indus

C.

Silius

ix.

1228.

shown that all the auxilia of Germania Inthe titles pia fidelis Domitiana in 89 for their loyalty at the time of the rebellion of Saturninus W. D. Z. 1893. The title yic/a was borne by the Cohors I X'ardullorum vii. 1043. ^

Ritterling has

ferior received

;

;

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION been granted at

all

47

periods honoris causa, although

of the regiments bearing

it

may

some

date back to the beginning

from the names of later emperors, on the other hand, while they were doubtless granted occasionally as marks of distinction, seem often to indicate nothing more than the reign during which of the

Titles derived

Empire. 1

a regiment was raised.

Finally,

from the time

of Severus

Antoninus onwards, every regiment employs a secondary title, derived from the name of the reigning emperor.

A

remarkable

Cohors

I

series

dedicatory inscriptions of the

of

Aelia Dacorum, which

was stationed during

the third century at Birdoswald (Amboglanna), on the British

shows us

frontier,

assuming the

this

successively

regiment

Antoniniana, Gordiana, Postumiana,

titles

and Tetriciana} might be derived either from the regiment {miliaria, quingenaria) its com-

Purely descriptive the size of

titles

,

position {equitata, gemina),^ its

tariormn, sagittariorum), or the

which

A

it

was

or

weapons

name

had been stationed

{scutata,

con-

of the province in

{Syriaca, Moesiaca).

frequent motive for the assumption and accumulation

of such secondary descriptive titles

seems to have been

itself from another same number and ethnical title, and stationed in the same province. This was probably the origin of the title veterana or veteranoriim, which was ^ It is borne by regiments of Dacians and Britons who cannot

the desire of a regiment to distinguish unit bearing the

have acquired

it

during the reign of Augustus

;

D. xxxix,

iii.

10255. -

vii.

As

8 1 8, 819, 820

and

823.

was probably borne by regiments which had been formed by a combination of two previously existing units. The two Alae Flaviae Geminae, for example, which appear in Germania Superior at the end of the first century, would represent the salvage of the old Rhine army 2

in the case of the legions this title

which went to pieces

in 69.

STRENGTH AND ORCiANIZATION

48

borne by five alae and pretation

is

much

five cohorts, ^

disputed

although

its inter-

According to von Domas-

zewski, these regiments were so called because they were originally

formed of discharged veterans recalled to active

service in time of war.^

Cichorius suggests that a regi-

ment assumed this name when another corps bearing the same number and ethnical title, but of more recent origin, was stationed in the same province.^ This certainly furnishes the best explanation in the case of the Cohors III

Thracum

c.

R.,

and the Cohors

III

Thracum

vetera-

norum, which appear together in the Raetian diplomat a

and

for 107

On von Domaszewski's

166.*

difficult to see

why

theory

it

is

a regiment of recalled veterans should

bear the number III, and his explanation that

'

the

numbers borne by these corps are connected with the of the auxilia in the province to which they were attached after their formation from missicii does numbering

'

not

make matters much

would

clearer.

Cichorius's suggestion

also account satisfactorily for the Cohors I Aquita-

norum and the Cohors

Aquitanorum veterana, which

I

appear together in Germania Superior in 74,^ and the Cohors

brorum

I

Claudia

Sugambrorum and the Cohors

veterana

which

were

stationed

I

Sugam-

together

in

The latter would be identical with the regiment mentioned by Tacitus as forming part of the Moesia

Inferior.^

The alae Britannica, Gaetulorum, Gallorum, Parthorum, and Thracum, and the Cohorts I Aquitanorum, III Brittonum, Hispanorum, I Sugambrorum, and III Thracum. ^

1 1

-

^

Rangordnung, p. 80. In Pauly-Wissowa, Rcal-Encyclopddie

See these articles also for some rarer

mentioned here. * D. XXXV and 6 D. xi. *

D. xxxi

(09)

,

titles

s.v. ala and cohors. which have not been

Ixxiii.

and

xlviii

(134).

For proof that two

cohorts are referred to see Cichorius, s.v.

distinct

'

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

49

garrison of the province in the reign of Tiberius. ^

In

other cases where similar dupHcation cannot be proved it must be remembered that our evidence is very imperfect, and that a regiment after assuming this title may have continued to use it when the reason for doing so had

disappeared.

These descriptive and honorary epithets, although sometimes borne alone, ^ were usually employed to supple-

ment the

original ethnical title, with the result that after

a hundred years of meritorious service the

full style

'

a second-century regiment might be almost as long and

of

imposing as that

of the

an example, one

may

emperors cite

the

whom

it

Cohors

I

As Breucorum

served.

quingenaria Valeria Victrix bis torquata ob virtutem appellata equitata, which formed part of the garrison of Raetia.^

Relation of the auxilia

the

to

legions.

It

is

perhaps

relevant to discuss here a point affecting the auxilia

namely, their relation to the legions in

whole,

as a

the

scheme

general

of

military

organization.

It

is

generally supposed that in those frontier armies which

included both classes of troops, a group of auxiliary

regiments was definitely attached to each legion, and

such phrases as

common in Roman Empire.

are

'

a legion with

its

attendant auxiliaries

writers on the military system of the

Evidence as to the exact nature and

even the existence of such a connexion

somewhat

'

difficult

refer to the eight

to

find.

is,

Tacitus does,

it

however, is

true,

Batavian cohorts, who play such an

important part in the events of 69, as auxilia quartae ^

Tac. Ann.

iv. 47.

In these cases an ethnical title may have been dropped, or omitted on the only inscriptions known to us. ^

^

iii.

1637

1

1930,

1

193 1 (reign of Pius), 11933 (Commodus),

P

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

50

but no other passage can be quoted in

dcci))iac Icgio)iis,

the same sense,

and the connexion

in

this

case

was

In the comparacampaign of Bedriacum, which rests at any rate upon a good military source, there is no suggestion that the auxilia marched or manoeuvred in separate groups, each connected with obviously neither close nor durable. ^ tively detailed account of the first

Certainly in the normal order of

a particular legion. battle throughout the

first

century the available auxilia

massed together either as a first line, or in two flanking divisions to the right and left of the legionaries, were

all

and the

auxilia of the

army which

crossed the Rhine in

73 were not divided among the legionary a commander of their own.^

legati,

but had

Supporters of the legionary connexion also refer to the two diplomata issued in the same year and on the

same day (August auxiliary regiments

99) to two different groups of stationed in Moesia Inferior, and

14,

suggest that this curious arrangement can best be ex-

plained on the supposition that each diploma refers only the auxilia of one legion. ^

to

suggests

itself

common

to the

for

A

similar explanation

the fact that onl}^ one regiment

two British diplomata

of 103

seems impossible, however, to interpret

It

mata

in this

manner.

The

all

and

is

105.^

the diplo-

British diploma of 124, for

example, which was issued to

men from

six alae

and

twenty-one cohorts, can hardly be supposed to contain the auxilia of only one of the three legions then stationed Tac. Hist. i. 59. For the position of the auxiUa in the normal order of battle For Domitius Tullus and Domitius Lucanus, see below, p. 103. who held in turn the post of praefecUis aiixilionim omnium adversus Germanos, probably in 73 and 74, sec Dessau, Inscr. Lat. Sel. 990, 991, with notes. ^ D. XXX and xxxi. * D. xxxii and xxxiv. ^

2

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION In Pannonia Superior also so

in the province. ^

regiments

are

common

to the five complete

century diplomata which this theory,

refer

the same legion. ^

we

possess that

words,

we must, on

hardly mention

that the inscriptions of the province

other

many

second-

them all to the auxilia of one and How, then, do we account for the fact

any regiments but those contained In

51

why

should

to the auxilia of one legion,

in these diplomata

all

our

evidence

?

refer

and those attached to the

other two, then stationed in the province, have entirely

disappeared

A

?

stronger argument

tions

is

perhaps to be found in inscrip-

which contain the phrase

legio

.

.

.

et

auxilia eius.^

It could be wished that these texts were more numerous and more precise, but they support the supposition that some connexion existed between each legion and a definite group of auxiliary regiments better than any evidence previously adduced. The connexion, however, must have

1

D.

xliii.

The diplomata of 133, 138, 148, 149, and 154 (D. xlvii, li, Ix, Ixi, and Ixv) contain, on an average, ten regiments each. Four regiments are always present, and five more occur in four diplomata out of the five. This makes it sufficiently clear that, on the theory given above, the auxilia of the same legion must 2

to, particularly in view of the immobility of the frontier troops in the second century (see below, pp. 1 14-16), which forbids the supposition that the same regiments would

always be referred

appear

first

attached to one legion, then, after a few years'

interval, to another.

The

know

III Augusta et auxilia eius, Other instances are a dedication at Bonn by legio I Minervia pia fidelis Sever iana Alexandriana cum auxilis (xiii. 8017), and a Pannonian inscription of the reign of Gallienus which mentions vexillationes legionum Germaniciarmn et Brittanniciarum (at least this seems to be intended) cum auxilis earum. iii. 3228. The formula is certainly a rare one. 3

earliest I

which dates from 158.

of is legio

viii.

2637.

P 3

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

52

been very

and

slight

broken.

easily

Dr.

Hardy has

pointed out that although three out of the four legions stationed in Germania Superior in 70 left the province for

good during the following

thirty-five years, there

abundant evidence that nothing of the auxilia

them.^

same proportion

like the

stationed in the province accompanied

It is also clear that, in the

rate, the

is

number

second century at any

any legion was

of auxilia attached to

not fixed in accordance with any general principle, but

depended upon the exigencies

A

each frontier. garrisons

of the local situation

reference to the

contained

in

the

list

appendix

whereas there are not likely to ha\'e

on

provincial

of

show that been more than will

three thousand auxilia apiece to each of the three legions of

Pannonia Superior, there were probably thirty thousand

to be divided

among

the three legions of Britain, while

Dacia there was only one legion with something

in

approaching twenty-five thousand auxilia. these reservations,

it

Still,

with

seems possible enough that the

auxilia were always considered as in

some sense dependent

and that where several legions were the same province, an arrangement was

on the legions, stationed in

made

dividing the auxilia into a corresponding

of groups, each of

which was

for certain purposes

number attached

to a particular legion.^

Studies in

Roman

History, Second Series, p. 112.

exactly this amounted to is difficult to make out. It would be natural to suppose a system of militarj'^ districts within the province. In Britain, for instance, the line between 2

What

Tyne and Solway, with the auxilia upon it, might have been divided between Legio VI Victrix from York and Legio XX Unfortunately the epigraphical evidence does not support the idea that the activity of the two The point is obscure and legions was localized in this way. Valeria Victrix from Chester.

would not have been worth such a detailed discussion but for the unwarrantable facility with wliich it is usually disposed of.

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION Total number of the auxilia.

This section should natur-

some statement

ally conclude with

53

of auxilia in the imperial service.

of the total

number

Unfortunately, no clear

and direct evidence can be obtained on this point either from literary or epigraphical sources. Tacitus, in his survey of the military resources of the Empire in the reign of Tiberius, after enumerating the legions in detail,

contents himself with a vague sentence suggesting that the auxiliaries were as numerous as the legionaries and

Household Troops. ^

enough

This phrase

is

which he

is

for the period to

perhaps accurate referring,

obviously not meant to be precise, and must

but

it is

certainly

not be taken to express any principle habitually followed in the

we endeavour sources we have the

composition of the imperial army.

If

to check the statement from other remark of Velleius that in 6, at the time of the great Pannonian revolt, the ten legions concentrated under Tiberius's command were accompanied by 70 cohorts and 14 alae.- If we allow for a few regiments being miliariae, this would represent a little over 50,000 men,

a number about equivalent to that of the legionaries.

we may assume

If

a similar ratio in other provinces, the

would amount to must be remembered, however, that

total for the auxilia at this period

150,000 men.^ at ^

this

date

Tac.

Ann.

It

and throughout the whole pre-Flavian iv.

5

'

At

apud idonea provinciarum sociae

triremes alaeque et auxilia cohortium, neque multo secus in

iis

sed persequi incertum fuit, cum ex usu temporis hue virium illuc mearent, gliscerent numero et aliquando minuerentur '. Tlie sociae triremes, i.e. the Rhine fleet, &c., counterbalance the :

Italian fleets at

Ravenna and Misenum.

^

Velleius,

^

The number

certain, Cf.

but

ii.

it

113.

of legions existing at this date is not absolutely seems most probable that there were twenty-eight.

von Domaszewski in the Romisch-germanisches Kovrespondenz19 10, on the date of the creation of legions XXI and XXII.

hlatt,

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

54

period the government relied upon the troops of the client kingdoms and levies of border militia to supplement the imperial troops. With the gradual elimination of

these secondar}' forces, which has already been described,

number of regular units was proportionate!}^ increased. More than twenty regiments were raised in the old kingdom of Thrace after its annexation in 46, and five alae and nineteen cohorts are found in 69 garrisoning the two provinces which had been formed from the kingdom of the

We

Mauretania.^

need not, then, be surprised

if

the

by Tacitus and Josephus show that so number of the auxiliaries considerably the 69

figures supplied

early as

exceeds the figure suggested for the end of the reign

According to Josephus, Vespasian entered

of Augustus.

Judaea

67 with at least 20,000 auxiliaries, which

in

probably represents two-thirds of available in the Eastern provinces. ^

the

total

number

In the Danubian

provinces in 69 there were, according to Tacitus, sixteen alae.^

On

diplomata,

the basis of the information given in the

we can

safely reckon that there

least three cohorts to

four would be

in

every

miliaria.

ala,

would be

at

and that one regiment

Some

40,000

auxiliaries,

must have been stationed in the Danubian In the same year Vitellius provinces at this period. entered Rome with twelve alae and thirt^'-four cohorts, that is to say some 30,000 men, which represented

therefore,

1

Tac. Hist.

ii.

58.

Josephus, Bell. hid. iii. 4. 66. Twenty-three cohorts (of which ten, an unusually high proportion, were niiliariae) and six alae, That the auxiha had been verj' largely of unspecified size. drawn on is shown by the fact that Titus in 70, although he had a whole additional legion and detachments from two others, had only twenty cohorts and eight alae Tac. Hist, v, i. -

;

^

Tac. Hist.

included.

iii.

2.

The

garrison of

Noricum

is

probably not

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION probably two-thirds of the auxiUa

in the

55

Rhine armies

and Raetia.i The garrison of the two Mauretanias, to which allusion has already been made, would amount to about 15,000 men. We thus arrive at the following totals for the auxilia at this period

The Eastern provinces The Danubian provinces Germany and Raetia The two Mauretanias .

.

:

.

jo.ooo

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

men

40,000

45,000 15,000 130,000

To

this at least

another 50,000

men must be added

for the

and the small making a grand total of 180,000 men. The next forty years saw the figure mount even higher. The remaining client kingdoms in the East, which were still strong enough to furnish 15,000 men for the Jewish war in 67, were annexed, and the appearance of several new units with the titles Flavia or JJlpia shows that more than this number of regular auxilia was raised in their place.- Even Hadrian

auxilia of Britain, Spain, Africa, Noricum,

garrisons of the inland provinces,

seems to have made a few additions to the his foreign policy,

though essentially

pacific,

list,

since

was based

^upon a system of frontier defence to which the auxilia ^

This

is on.

drawn upon

the supposition that the auxilia would have been same proportion as the legions. Some of

in the

the regiments which remained behind seem to have been very much weakened, others such as the Ala Picentiana and the Ala

Batavorum probably remained fairly intact. Tac. Hist. ii. 89, iv. 15, 18, 62. Vitellius may have had some of the British auxilia with him (cf. Tac. Hist. ii. 100, iii. 41), but these are more than counterbalanced by the eight Batavian cohorts which had been sent back. 2

For the provenance of these regiments, particularly the made by Trajan in the Eastern provinces, see the

large levies

following section.

STRENGTH AND ORGANIZATION

56

were more than ever

essential.^

In Appendix

I,

where

the evidence as to the strength and distribution of the

auxiha

in the

second century

is

discussed in detail,

it

is

suggested that by the middle of the second century the force

may have amounted

that even this figure

to some 220,000 men, and was probably exceeded sixty 3'ears

later. ^

On

the other hand, Legio

IX

Hispana, destroyed in Britain

and XXII Deiotariana, which was probably annihilated in Judaea either at the same date or twenty years later, were not replaced until Marcus raised legions II and III Italica for the defence of Noricum and at the beginning of the

Ractia.

reign,

SECTION

II

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION In making a levy for the auxiliary regiments, the imperial government was under no obligation to be at pains to legalize

its position.

In an ancient state

was

it

assumed, as a matter of course, that the government had the power to call upon every citizen, if need arose, to take his place in the lighting cives

Romani were never

Even the privileged Empire from the

line.

freed under the

however much they

legal obligation to military service,

may have been spared in practice, so that there can have been little doubt about the position of peregrini. Only in the case of the civitates foederatae was the government theoretically required to limit its demands number of men stipulated in the original foedus. So much it

for the position in

was not

troops

without

subjects, districts

theory

considering

the

in practice, of course

;

to the interests of the

to the

government to

susceptibilities

raise

of

its

more particularly since the inhabitants of those which would furnish the best soldiers would

also prove the

most dangerous rebels

made upon them exceeded

from

all

pride

and

;

demands

the

their endurance.

One

instance

by the

early

Empire

of the conciliatory policy followed

has already been noted

if

the exemption

of the

Batavians

burdens but military service flattered their

side of the

enlisted

their clan-spirit

Romans.

Evidence

effectually

on the

of a similar policy

is

borne by

apparent in the selection of the ethnical

titles

the majority of the auxiliary regiments.

In spite of the

obvious convenience of such a step

it

was unusual

for

all

AND DISTRIBUTION

RFXRUITIN(;

58

the aiixilia raised in one province to form a single

series

Wherever the clanthe name of the clan was accepted as the of the contingent which it furnished to the

with a uniform designation.

spirit existed, official title

imperial forces.^

In Tarraconcnsis, for example, while

the more civilized part of the province was represented by the alae and cohortes Hispanorum, several of the wild tribes of the

north and west, such as the Aravaci, VarduUi,

and Vascones gave they supplied.- The while

the

name

their

to the regiments which

Gallic levies reveal a similar policy

contingents

of

the

Lugdunensis seem to be covered by the general GaUi, a

list

of the levies of Belgica contains the

almost every tribe in that warlike province.^ probable that during the

;

comparatively peaceful

first j'ears of

title of

name

Indeed

the Empire

of

it is

many

of these tribal contingents fought, like the Batavians,

as allies rather than as

Roman

little of

subjects of

Rome, and knew

training or discipline.

In the East the historic position of the great citystates

Syria

of

received

similar

recognition.

Among

the numerous regiments of archers contributed by this

province

we can

distinguish the contingents of Ascalon,

Tyre, Antioch, and Apamea, as well as corps from Chalcis, ^

The

position

distinction of

important

civitas

was not necessarily connected with the foederata

civitates foederatae,

Gaul, did not, so far as

the technical sense. such as the Aedui and

in

we know,

give their

name

Several

Remi

in

to regiments,

and many

of the tribes which did were not civitates foederatae. In Asturia, however, the administrative conventus formed the recruiting districts hence the regiments of Astures, Bracaraugustani, and Lucenses. Mommsen, Conscriptionsordnung, p. 47. ^ We find regiments of Batavi, Canninefates, Cugerni, Frisii, Lingones, Menapii, Morini, Nemctes, Ncrv'ii, Sunuci, Sugambri, Tungri, Ubii, Usipi, and Vangiones. In the other Gallic provinces the only tribal names which occur are the Bituriges and ^

;

Aquitani from Aquitania and the \'ocontii from Narboncnsis.

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

59

Damascus, Hemesa, and Samaria, who represented the incorporated armies of the old cUent states.

The incidence best be judged

upon

of the levy

by a

different provinces

statistical table giving the

This

of regiments raised in each.

is

can

number

not easy to construct

owing to the confusion caused by the duphcation of numbering, and the consequent danger of counting the same corps twice over, or of reckoning two corps as one. There were, for example, in Pannonia two cohorts, each bearing the

title 'I

Alpinorum

',

which can fortunately

be distinguished from one another because they arc both mentioned in the same diploma, but there are scores of similar cases which can only be decided as yet on This extremely inconvenient

a balance of probabilities.

system seems to be due to two causes. In the first place, when new regiments were raised some time after the original levy they

seem to have begun a fresh

instead of being included in the old ones.

series

This process

can be followed most clearly in the case of regiments raised after 70, which were distinguished by a title derived from the

we have

cohorts

Brittonum,

I

Brittonum. 1

name I

and

Aelia

Secondly,

Thus

of the reigning emperor.

Flavia Brittonum,

II

Brittonum,

and

I

I

Ulpia

Aurelia

seems probable that when

it

newly-raised regiments were drafted into different provinces they were province.

numbered

This suggestion

is

in a different series in each

supported by the fact that

where a regiment bearing a high number is found, it generally appears that the rest of the series was originally ^ A Cohors II Augustia Nervia Pacensis Brittonum is mentioned on a Pannonian diploma for 114 (D. xxxix) and the name of Cohors I of the series should probably be restored on the

Dacian diploma dated 145-61 (D. it

Ixx)

does not seem possible to connect

.

it

This title is unintelligible with the Emperor Nerva.

;

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

6o

same province, whereas isolated cohorts For example, the greater

stationed in the

generally have a low number.

part of the Gallic levies were originally stationed on the

Rhine.

Consequently, wc find few duplicate numbers

and several series which run up to four or even higher. The Thracian regiments, on the other hand, on account of their special utilit}^ as archers,

were distributed very

widely throughout the Empire during the

first

century,

and of the twenty-seven corps known to us, seventeen are numbered I or II, and are distributed over eight provinces. Apart from this difficulty the following list contains in any case more regiments than ever existed at any one time. Fresh regiments must have been raised to fill the gaps caused by such disasters as the defeat of Varus and the rebellion of Boudicca, but in only a few cases can distinguish the earlier from the later levies.

wc

only

It is

possible to put in a separate class those regiments which

bear a

title

derived from the Flavians or later emperors,

and were probably raised

after 70.

Still, if

these limita-

tions arc borne in mind, the following table

may

scrx'c

show approximately the quota which each province

to

contributed

:

A. Raised before 70.

Recruiting area. Britain Belgica

... ...

Lugduncnsis Aquitania

.

.

.

.

Alae.

Cohorts.

2

10

5

25 o

^

45 24 7

^

^

B. Raised after 70. Alae.

Cohorts.

o

6

i

11-

o o

o o

For further information as to the evidence on which this is based see Appendix II. ^ Including one ala and four cohorts of Batavians who replace the regiments which mutinied under Civilis. ^ Including all the alae with titles derived from proper names but no racial title. Inscriptions show that they were mostly recruited in Gaul, but some should perhaps be given to Belgica. * Including all the cohorts which bear the general title Galli. ^

tabic

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

6i

62

RFX.RUITING

AND DISTRIBUTION

A. Raised before 70.

Recruiting area.

Arabia

Alae.

Cohorts.

B. Raised after 70. Alae.

Cohorts.

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION to sec

what

legal or political obstacle should prevent

Augustus and

his successors

from

utilizing the military

material available in the senatorial provinces.

Mommsen

63

is

right

believing

in

that

Even

conscription,

if

as

opposed to the enrolment of volunteers, could only take place in a senatorial province with the authority of the

Senate (and this theory

is

questioned by both Gardt-

hausen and Liebenam),i there

made

should not have been conditions

when they

is

no reason

for the auxilia

certainly were

made

why

levies

under these

for the legions.-

In no case did any military power remain in the hands of the Senate, since the recruits

marched away matter of

fact,

would immediately be As a

garrison imperial provinces.

to

the reason for the smallness of the senatorial

Few

contingent seems to have been a practical one.

from Narbonensis and Baetica, because

auxilia were raised

the greater part of the inhabitants of these provinces had received the franchise and were consequently eligible for tive title to indicate previous residence in the province.

It is

thus borne by the Cohors II Hispanorum scutata and the Cohors I Lusitanorum. Arrian, however, had Kvprjvn'toi, both cavalry and onX'iTai, in the army under his command in Cappadocia in Hadrian's reign, so that in some cases at any rate Cyrenaica =

Cyrenaeorum, just as Gallica is sometimes used for Gallorum. A levy in Cyrenaica is mentioned by Tacitus {Ann. xiv. 18), but he does not say whether legionaries or auxiliaries were required. ^ Gardthausen, Augustus, Liebenam in Pauly-Wissowa, p. 631. s.v. dilectus. 2

The

anno

crucial passage

is

dilectus per Galliam

Ann. xvi. 13 eodem Narbonensem Africamque et Asiam

of course Tac.

habiti sunt supplendis Illyrici legionibus

come from the

acta

senatus.

'

',

which appears

But the evidence

for

to

imperial

is very strong, and the Senate may merely have been consulted as a matter of courtesy. Tiberius used to bring military questions before the Senate in the same way de legendo vel

control



'

exauctorando milite ac legionum et auxiliorum descriptione Suet. Tib. 30 without giving up his prerogative.



',

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

64

Achaia, Asia, and to a certain

service in the legions.

extent Macedonia, were treated as being on the same footing, partly because Greeks did actually serve in the

Eastern legions, partly because of the Philhellenic policy of the imperial

government, which would not deny to the

Greek

although

states,

were

they

the privileges enjoj^ed

franchised,

urban communities of the period

of the

West.

technically

unen-

by the enfranchised

Also no doubt the Greek

was not rated highly as a

fighting

On

man.

the other hand, from Cyrenaica, Crete, Cyprus, parts of

Macedonia, and Africa obtained.

^

useful troops could be

The way in which the system worked

is

and were shown by

the case of Noricum, which, although an imperial province,

included

many

enfranchised communities and contributed

recruits to the

Rhine legions

in the

middle of the

Its contribution of auxilia in

century. 2

first

consequence

is

limited to one ala and one cohort, as against the eighteen

regiments

furnished

by the neighbouring province

of

Raetia.

In contrast to Narbonensis,

it

was upon the remaining fell most heavily.

three Gallic provinces that the levy

came more than a quarter of the auxiliary infantry in the pre-Flavian period and nearly half the cavalry. The Gallic troopers indeed maintained for a century the reputation which they had won under

From

district

this

^

^ Later, of course, the franchise became as widely spread in In the first half of the first century, however, Africa as in Spain. this was not yet the case, and the example of Tacfarinas (' natione Numida, in castris Romanis auxiliaria stipendia meritus ', Tac. Ann. ii. 52) shows that auxilia were recruited in this pro-

completely under senatorial control. 2, brackets Italy, Spain, Macedonia, and Noricum together, as the civilized provinces from which the Praetorians were recruited before the reforms of vince while 3

xiii.

it

was

still

6860, 6864.

Dio, Ixxiv.

'

'

Severus. ^

If

the

cohoi'tes

vohintarionim be excluded from the reckoning.

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION command, and

Caesar's

Strabo,^ writing in the reign of

Augustus, places them above imperial army.

65

all

other cavalry in the

Arrian,^ too, notes their reputation

and the

number of Celtic words in the cavalry drill-book, although in his day their position had been taken by the Pannonians, already prominent in the campaign of 69.^

Spain sent the

and

largest contingent after the Gallic provinces,

contributed a few words to the drill-book,* but

also

we hear

nothing of the quality of the Spanish troops and they soon importance.

lost their early

auxilia of Spain

however,

a

and Gaul

clear

The predominance

indication

of

Augustus to base the Empire on Archers alone, and these in

determination

the

home

of

Lastly, a

of

Western provinces. comparatively small numbers,

dangerous and un-Roman

word must be

is,

its

were drawn from the East,^ which was the

of the

in the pre-Flavian period

still

regarded as

ideals.

said about a group of regiments

which do not appear in the above lists and are too numerous These are the cohorts which bear the

to be passed over. titles

voluntariorum civium Romanorum, ingenuorum

Italica ^

c.

R.,

^

R.,

and campestris.^ Collectively these regiments

Strabo, p. 196

inneiai dpiarrj

c.

Trnpii

KpeirTou?

8'

imroTai ^

Trefoi,

Kai

ean

'PwfxaioiS Trjs

tovtuv,

Tactica, 33.

Seethe boastful words of the Gascon Antonius Pnmus. Tac. Hist. iii. 2 Duae tunc Pannonicae ac Moesicae alae perrupere hostem nunc sedecim alarum coniuncta signa pulsu sonituque et nube ipsa operient ac superf undent oblitos proeliorum equites equosque '. Cf. also Tac. Ann. xv. 10 alaris Pannonios, robur equitatus '. ^

'

:

'

*

Arrian, loc.

cit.

5 The list shows that the majority of the oriental regiments were not raised until after 70. ^ Two cohorts numbered III and VII bear this title, for which I can find no explanation. To be distinguished from these is the Cohors I Campanorum voluntaria (vi. 3520), which was stationed first in Dalmatia, then in Pannonia. Apparently it really was originally a regiment of Campanians, since a soldier

1L37

E

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

66

constitute the cohortes civium of

which Augustus

of the legionaries.^

authorities levies

by

his will a donative equal to that

various passages in the literary

appears that they represent the result of two

sufficient is

rising,

When

Varus. 2

to the soldiers

From

left

made by Augustus

Pannonian

This

it

Romanorum

in Italy, the first during the

and the second

after the defeat

of

free-born citizens could not be found in

numbers the levy was extended

to freedmen.^

corroborated by the evidence of the inscriptions,

since the title ingenuorum clearly implies the existence of

regiments whose members could not Originally,

as the provisions of

make

the will

this boast.* of

Augustus

show, these cohorts occupied a peculiar position, and were practically on a level with the legionaries, in consegives Suessa as his birthplace (iii. 14246^). The statement of Cichorius that the Dalmatian Cohors I Campanorum is identical

with the Pannonian Cohors I Campestris is misleading. On no Pannonian inscription does the title occur otherwise than in the abbreviated form 'Camp.' On the other hand, the Roman inscription cited above speaks plainly of the coh{ortis) primae voluntariae

Campanorum

in

Pannonia

Inferiore.

Tac. Ann. i. 8. ^ Dio, Iv. Velleius, ii. iii Suet. Aug. 25. Similar 31, Ivi. 23 regiments may have been raised at a later date, e. g. the cohorts I ^

;

and

;

II Italica c. R., which seem to form a fresh series and appear only in the East. Can they represent the remainder of the 4,000 oriental freedmen whom Tiberius enrolled to put down the brigands in Sardinia (Tac. Ann. ii. 85) ? If any survived, the Eastern provinces would have been the natural place to send them to. ^ Cf. the previous passages with jSIacrobius, Sat. i. 11, 32 Caesar Augustus in Germania et lllyrico cohortes libertinorum complures legit, quas voluntarias appellavit'. * There were at least thirty-two cohortes voluntariorum, among which VI is the highest number borne by a cohors ingenuorum (xiii. 8314, S3 15). At about this point the supply of free-born recruits probably gave out, since cohors VIII does not bear this designation. '

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION quence of which their commanders bear the tribunus}

The

67 title

of

presence, however, of the Cohors VIII

Voluntariorum on the Dalmatian diploma of 93 shows that unenfranchised recruits had been accepted even during the pre-Flavian period, and in the following century only their title distinguishes these regiments

from the ordinary

auxilia.

The evidence hitherto considered has mainly served illustrate the original distribution of the

service

burden

to

of military

and the respective quotas furnished by the

different

provinces to the auxilia at the time of their organization.

To

trace the further workings of this system

it is

necessary

examine the principles on which the auxiliary regiments were distributed among the military areas and to trace the relations between this distribution and the

to

method

A a

of recruiting.

casual glance at the military diplomata, which give

fair

idea of the composition of the more important

provincial garrisons between the reign of Vespasian

that of of

Commodus,

suggests that

it

was the

and

settled policy

the imperial government to destroy the possibility

of national cohesion

and

local

sympathies among the

regiments raised from their subjects by distributing the contingents of each recruiting district over as wide an

area as possible, and making every frontier a mosaic of different nationalities.

It will

army

corps

be shown later

that this theory, which has been frequently adopted

by

^ Seeck suggests that, as the Western legions were recruited mainly in Italy at the beginning of the first century, these cohorts represent the contribution of the enfranchised communities in the provinces. Rheinisches Mtiseum, xlviii. 611. This, however, is not only opposed to the literary evidence, but inscriptions also show us soldiers of Italian origin. Cf. iii. 9782 (Cemenelium) and A. E. 1909. 130 (Placentia).

E 2

68

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

modern

writers, will not stand before a closer scrutiny of

the evidence as an explanation of the state of things existing in the second century

can also be shown

it

;

that such a principle of distribution was not the original policy inaugurated

Our

earliest

by Augustus.

evidence relates to the composition of the

garrison of the

Danubian provinces, and the account

of

the great rising which took place here in the year a.d. 6

by the contemporary observer

Velleius

makes

it

clear that

the strength of the rebels lay in the training which

had received

in the

Roman

army.

military knowledge of the leaders

the rank and

file

many

His reference to the

and

discipline of

thef^

indicates that regular auxiliary regiments,

and stationed near their homes, had mutinied in sympathy with their fellow tribesmen.^ Concerning the state of things on the Rhine frontier we have more detailed information which points to the same raised

locally

conclusion.

The account

in the

Annals of the campaigns

Germanicus mentions cohorts

of

of Raeti, Vindelici,

and

Gauls in addition to the tumnltuariae catervae of the militia.2 Later in the century we find an Ala Treverorum engaged in putting down a revolt of their own countrymen in 21,^ an Ala Canninefatium engaged in the

local

disastrous expedition of L. Apronius against the Frisii in

and Vangiones and Nemetes helping

28,'*

of the Chatti in 50.^ tive

Finally,

to repulse a raid

when we turn

to the narra-

contained in the Histories of the events of the

disastrous year 69,

The

we

find

abundant evidence that at

mutineers in Dalmatia seem to have been mihtia rather than regulars, of. Die, Iv. 29 Kal nva koi (T(f)f'is bmafiiv ^

7T(ix\j/ni

original

KfXfva-devres, (TvvrjXdop rt ini tovto) koi rrjv rjXiKinv

crcfioiv

avBoiaav

but the phraseology of Velleius (ii. 1 10) leaves little doubt that regular auxiliaries were also implicated. ^ Tac. Ann. ii. ^ lb. iii. 42, 17. ('180V,

*

lb. iv. 73.

s

lb. xii. 27.

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION this date three-fourths of the

6q

Rhenish auxilia were drawn

from Gaul proper or the Teutonic tribes of Belgica. The only regiments mentioned by Tacitus which are not of local

are

origin

frontier

(i)

Thracians,

who appear on every

owing to their special qualifications as archers

^ ;

who may have entered the province in 43 IV Macedonica, which was transferred from with Legio Spaniards,

(2)

Spain to the Rhine to replace the troops sent to Britain,

and (3) Britons, who probably began to arrive from the newly conquered areas a few years later. ^ Epigraphical evidence adds to the list a few regiments from the Danubian provinces and some corps of oriental archers.^ In other provinces the same policy can be traced, although the evidence

example, the

for

own

served in his

is

abundant.

less

province,*

and

in Palestine

Samaritan regiments garrisoning Caesarea.^ ^

'

Immissa cohorte Thraecum,' Tac.

In

seems

deserter Tacfarinas

Hist.

i.

Africa, to

have

we

find

On the whole

68.

Praemissis Gallorum Lusitanorumque et Britannorum cohortibus,' lb. i. 70. The regiments referred to are probably the Cohors III ^

'

Britannorum and the Cohorts VI and VII Lusitanorum which appear in Raetia at a later date. Cf. D. Ixxiii, /. G. R. R. iii. 56. ^ Early inscriptions mention Cohorts VII and VIII Breucorum (xiii.

I

IV Delmatarum (lb. 7507, 7508, 7509), 7510, 751 1, 7582), I Ituraeorum (lb. 7040,

7801, 8313, 8693),

Pannoniorum

(lb.

7041, 7042, 7043), I Sagittariorum

Silauciensium

(lb. 8593).

The

(lb.

7512, 7513, 7514),

last title is unintelligible,

and and

The soldier mentioned is a certain Tib. lulius Sdebdas from Tyre, so the regiment clearly came from the East, and its title should perhaps read Seleuciensium i. e. from possibly corrupt.



Seleucia. *

Tac. Ann.

52.

ii.

Josephus, Ant. xx, 6, i. Bell. lud. ii. 12, 5. The small garrisons maintained in the provinciae inermes seem also to have been of local origin cf the Ligurum cohors, vetus loci auxilium stationed in the Alpes Maritimae, Tac. Hist. ii. 14. See also D. xx and xxvi for the composition of the garrison of Sardinia. ^

;

.

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

70 there

is

sufficient

evidence to show that although each of

the great frontier armies contained imported elements, in particular the ubiquitous Thracian

the original policy of the imperial

draw the

auxilia in each case

and oriental archers, government was to

from the nearest recruiting-

areas.

Both the advantages and the defects sufficiently obvious.

It

of this

system are

saved trouble, a reason which

had already commended it to the administrators of the Republic, and it avoided the dangerous and widespread discontent which, as the case of the Thracians shows,

would have followed any wholesale attempt to remove the newly organized regiments to distant provinces.^ Lastly, the men would be fighting on ground which they knew against an enemy with whose methods of fighting they

would already be acquainted. On the other hand, there was of course the obvious danger that in a border war which assumed the character of a national struggle the local auxilia might desert to their own countrymen and use the training which they had acquired in the Roman service to increase the strength of the hostile resistance.

As a set-off justice

Romans reckoned with some enmity was usually stronger than and in fact there were many tribal

to this danger the

that tribal

national feeling,

chiefs like Flavus, the brother of Arminius,

who were well

content with the rewards and distinctions which recompensed their fidelity.^ Events, however, made it clear that this confidence was misplaced. A time was to come

when the border

tribes

would identify themselves readily

with the cause of imperial defence, but the influences

which were to bring about ^

2

Tac. Ann. '

taria

iv. 46.

this result

See above,

in

p. 19.

torquem dona memorat,' Tac. Ann. ii. 9.

Flaviis aucta stipendia,

were often slow

et

coronam aliaque

mili-

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION and the

their operation,

first

71

century saw on almost every

a more or less serious outbreak of national

frontier

feeling, in

which the auxilia often participated.

Yet even

the most serious of these revolts, that of Civilis in 69,

showed how the new leaven was working. The political conceptions of the mutineers were borrowed from their conquerors, not from their ancestors, and in the darkest hour of the revolt a Gallic cavalry regiment, the Ala Picentiana, was the first to return to its fidelity.^ The first district in which the Augustan policy broke down was the Danubian provinces, and a glance at the names of the regiments stationed here in the pre-Flavian period shows that the lesson of the great rebellion was not thrown away upon the imperial authorities. In Pannonia a diploma of the year 60 ^ shows us the following and II Alpinorum, I Asturum et Callaeand II Hispanorum, I Lusitanorum, and V

seven cohorts,

corum,

I

Lucensium

I

et Callaecorum,

of the province,

the strength of

forming part of the garrison

and we may add the Ala Aravacorum on an early inscription.^ In Dalmatia early

inscriptions give the following cohorts

:

Campanorum Voluntariorum civium Romanorum.

I

8438.

iii.

VIII Voluntariorum civium Romanorum. Ill Alpinorum.

Lucensium.

I

must date before

iii.

iii.

iii.

1742.*

8491, 8495, 14632. 8486, 8492, 8494, 9834.

80,

when

the

All these

regiment appears in

Pannonia. ^ Non tulit ala Picentiana gaudium insultantis vulgi, spretisque Sancti promissis aut minis Mogontiacum abeunt,' Tac. Hist. iv. 62. I follow the diplomata in using the form Picentiana ^not Picentina, which Tacitus preferred. '



3 iii. 3271. D. ii. This supports the statement of Macrobius, already cited, that some of the cohorts voluntariae were stationed in Illyricum. ^

*

^

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

72

This

list

miglit peiiiaps be lengthened, but

is

it

suffi-

It is clear that after the rebellion

cient for our purpose.

Augustus imported into the disturbed area a number

of

regiments from other provinces, particularly from Spain,

where the large garrison maintained during the part of his reign could

now

earlier

safely be reduced.

The

Pannonian and Dalmatian regiments, on the other hand, were transferred elsewhere several of them, as we have



where they served to replace the

to the Rhine,

seen,

troops

who shared

the fate of the legions of Varus.

The same sequence in the years

of events took place

69 and 70.

The temporary

on the Rhine

success of Civilis

was largely due to the wholesale defection to his standard of the Gallic and Teutonic regiments then stationed on the Rhine frontier. in the

summer

After the suppression of the rebellion

of 70 a

number

of these regiments

were

disbanded or sent elsewhere,^ and their place was taken

by the

auxilia

who had accompanied

the

new

legions sent

into the province by Vespasian.

which appear

in the

Rhine

in

Of the 29 regiments the second century only

II bear titles indicating a local origin, and

had

some

of these

probabl}^ not belonged to the pre-Flavian garrison

but had only returned to their native country

in

70 after

^ The probably does not contain all the list given above regiments originally sent to the Rhine. A large proportion of the auxilia stationed in Britain are of Danubian origin, and these troops are more likely to have come from Germany, than, as has been sometimes suggested, with Legio IX Hispana from Pannonia. - It seems that all the eight Batavian cohorts which supported Civilis were dismissed, and that the Cohorts I and II Batavorum, which we meet on second-century inscriptions, were new creaThe Alae Petriana and Sebosiana and two cohorts of tions. Tungrians, which' had formed part of the Rhine army in 69, appear later in Britain. But they had left the Rhine to take part in the civil war in Italy, and were not guilty of complicity in the mutiny.

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION a long stay in other provinces.

It

has been noticed, for

example, that of the two veterans of the Cohors

whom

norum, to Galatian

near the

;

is

a Thracian, the other a

further, that one of these diplomata

site of

Aquita-

I

the diplomata of 82 (D. xiv) and 90

were granted, one

(D. xxi)

73

the later town

was found

of Nicopolis ad Istrum, where

the owner had presumably settled after his discharge. This suggests that the regiment

had been stationed

in

Moesia

native province in 70 with the

and only returned to its Moesian legion VIII Augusta. It is on these two frontiers, the Rhine and the Danube, that the transfer of troops can most easily be traced, because of the importance of the military events which caused

it

to take place.

In other parts of the Empire

other tendencies were at work during the

century

first

which produced the same result in less noticeable fashion. One need only mention the steady drift of troops from the Danube to the East in the reign of Nero,^ and from the Rhine to the

Danube a

intelligible that the

little later,^

second-century

army

and

is

it

list

easily

shows few

traces of the original policy of Augustus. If,

then,

it

were correct to assume that the

auxiliary regiment

is

always a correct index of

title of

its

an

composi-

^ Legio IV Scythica remained permanently in Syria V Macedonia and XV Apollinaris were in the East from 62 and 63 Auxiliary regiments probably accompanied respectively to 70. these legions, and some in all likelihood remained with the first ;

named. (I Adiutrix, X Gemina, Rapax) were transferred from the Rhine to the Danube between 70 and 107 the list of Still the auxilia does not alter so much as might be expected. transference of some regiments can be traced, e. g. the Ala Claudia Nova and the Cohors V Hispanorum were sent to Moesia Inferior between 74 and 82 and remained there. Cf. D. xi, xiv, and ciii. -

XI

It is true

Claudia,

that although five legions

XIV

Gemina, and

XXI

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

74 tion,

it

would certainly be

justifiable to

comment on

the

extraordinary mixture of nationalities in the frontier garrisons of the second century.

Fortunately, however,

the frequent mention of the origin of individual soldiers

on diplomata and sepulchral inscriptions ^ gives us the means of checking this assumption and of working upon a surer basis of fact.

The

tions of this type from

following

lists

give the inscrip-

Pannonia arranged

in

two groups

according to their date, the year 70 being taken as the dividing line

;

that

is

to say, the soldiers mentioned in the

Some inscripfirst group were enrolled before that date. tions which could not be dated with any certainty have necessarily been omitted, also others where there

was

reason to believe that the soldier mentioned was enrolled

when

his

regiment was in a different province. ^

To

the

second group, which illustrates the recruiting system from the Flavian period onwards, a

list of

from Dacia has been added. of the regiment

is

title

followed by the nationality or place

origin of the soldier, stated

of

similar inscriptions

In each case the

in

the

form given on

Mommsen collected the existing evidence in Eph. Ep. 159-249, and stated his conclusions in the Conscriptionsordnung. Later epigraphical discoveries, while clearing up many ^

In 1884

V. pp.

points of detail, have left his main argument unaffected, and it forms the basis of the following discussion. ^ e. g. a certain T. Flavins Draccus of the Ala I F(lavia)

D(omitiana) Brit(annica) M(iliaria) c(ivium) R(omanorum) deSeqnanus (iii. 15197). Now the title D(omitiana) shows that the inscription must have been erected between 81 and 96, and Draccus, who had served 22 years, was But his regiment, which enrolled, therefore, between 60 and 74. formed part of the Vitellian army in 69 (Tac. Hist. iii. 41), must have been in Germany or Britain before that date. Probably it was sent in 70 to Germania Inferior, won its title, like other regiments of that province, for loyalty at the time of the rebellion of Saturninus in 89, and was transferred to Pannonia shortly scribes himself as a civis

afterwards.

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION the inscription, and by the

which he was drawn.

name

75

of the province

For reasons which

will

from

appear

the evidence concerning the oriental regiments

later

is

omitted. I.

Ala

Soldiers recruited before 70 and stationed in Pannonia. HispanoArava-

II

rum

corum Ala

m. 3271.

Sueltrius

Narbonen-

iii.

et

corum Ala

Spain

1

HispanoArava-

II

rum

Hispanus

et

3286.

sis

"

1

Frontoniana

Andaiitonia

Pannonia

iii.

3679.

Cornacas

Pannonia

D.

ci

Tungrorum ^ CohorsII Hispano-

rum

(be-

fore 60).

CohorsII Hispano-

Varcianus

Pannonia

D.

ii

(60).

rum Cohors

I

Lusitano-

lasus

Pannonia

D. xvii

I

Montano-

Bessus

Thrace

D.

xiii

(80).

I

Montano-

Dalmatia

Dalmatia

D. xvi

(84).

(85).

rum Cohors

rum Cohors

rum II.

Soldiers recruited after 70 II.

Ala I Ulpia Contariorum Ala I Ulpia Contariorum Ala I Ulpia Contariorum

A. Pannonia Superior. Helvetius

Germania

D. xlvii(i33).

Bessus

Thrace

iii.

4378.

Siscia

Pannonia

iii.

13441.

^ The regiment was in Moesia Inferior by 99 (D. xxxi) and remained there. The Pannonian inscriptions therefore probably belong to the pre-Flavian period, as the soldiers had served 30 and 17 years respectively.

This soldier, T. Flavins Bonius, was apparently given the by one of the Flavian emperors, but might then have been serving some time. 2

franchise

RFXRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

76

Soldiers recruited after 70 (continued).

II.

A. Pannonia Superior.

//.

Ala I Hispanorum Aravacoruni Ala Pannoniorum Ala I Thraciim

Pannonia

Apulum Boius

Dacia Pannonia

Azalus

Pannonia

D. Ixv

D. c (150). iii.

vi.

4372. 3308.

^

Victrix

Cohors

Azalus

II Alpino-

(154).

rum I

Britan-

Dobunnus

Britain

D.xcviii(i05).

Cohors

V

Lucen-

Castris

Pannonia

D.

sium

et

Callae-

Cohors nica

(138-

lix

46).

corum Cohors sium

\'

Lucen-

et

Callae-

Azalus

Pannonia

D.

Azalus

Pannonia

D. Ix (148).

Ixi (149).

coruni

Cohors

Ulpia

I

Pannoniorum

We may add here a Samaria

recently discovered inscription from

:

O(ptimo) M(aximo) mil(ites)

I(ovi)

v[e]xil(larii) coh(or-

tium)P(annoniae) sup(erioris) cives Sisc(iani) Varcian(i) et Latobici sacrum fecerunt.

The

vexillation

A.E.

1910. p. 6.

1909. 235.

had presumably taken part

ing one of the Jewish rebellions in the

first

in suppress-

half of the

second century. II.

Ala I Thracum Vcterana Sagittariorum Cohors I Alpino-

B. Pannonia Inferior.

Eraviscus

Pannonia

D.lxxiv(i67).

Eraviscus

Pannonia

D.

rum Cohors ^

I

Thracum 2

Allectits into

indicated ^

The

Ixviii

(154-

60).

by

his

soldier

monument

Andautonia Pannonia

iii.

the Equites Singulares Imperatoris.

name Ulpius Titius. bears the name Aurelius, and

suggests a third-century date.

4316.

A

date

is

the style of the See below, p. 128, n. 4.

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

n

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

yd>

But

would perhaps be misleading to infer from this that local recruiting was universally adopted in the first century, although it was certainly it

evidence alone

common. the

It is possible that in the

memory

Flavian period,

when

was

fresh,

of the rebellion of Civilis

still

some attempt was made to check a national cohesion by combining drafts from different provinces in the same regiment. This at least is suggested by the nationalities twenty-one soldiers of an auxiliary regiment which are

of

recorded on a sepulchral inscription at Tropaeum Traiani

Moesia Inferior.^

in

This

monument was

erected in

memory

of men killed in action during one of the Dacian campaigns either of Domitian or Trajan, so that its

evidence applies to the recruiting of the Flavian period.

Twelve of these men came from the Lower Rhine, two from Lugdunensis, and three from Spain, while Raetia, Noricum, Britain, and Africa supply one each.^ In Pannonia, too, some Spanish soldiers appear rather mysteriously in an Ala Pannoniorum on two inscriptions

which can hardly be later than the beginning of the There are even traces of a similar policy having been pursued in the recruiting for the legions

second century.^

during the same period.

who were apparently towards the end of the

In a

first

seven different provinces.^

attempt ^

iii.

seems

to

list

enrolled

have

of seventy-six soldiers

in

Legio

century,

we

III

find

Augusta

men from

In any case, however, no

been made to preserve any

14214.

Unfortunately the name of the cohort to which the men belonged has been lost. The names of some men of the Cohors II Batavorum are preserved, but without their nationalities. ^ iii. 2016, 4227. The regiment may of course have been sent to Spain and have returned only after a long absence, say with Legio VII Gemina in 69 (Tac. Hist. ii. 11). * viii. 18084. The majority come from the Eastern provinces. *

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

79

connexion between an auxiliary regiment and the tribe

from which

its title

When we come room

for

doubt

;

was derived.

to the second century there for all cohorts

and

alae

is

no more

on the Pan-

frontier, leaving out of account, as before, the

nonian

oriental regiments, local recruiting has

Seventy per cent,

universal.

become

of the recruits

practically

come from

the two Pannonian provinces, the majority from the Azali and the Eravisci, tribes which never gave their

Even the Thracian an auxiliary regiment. regiments, which might have maintained their original character without much difficulty, form no exception to

name

to

In Dacia the exceptionally large auxiliary

the rule.

garrison^ could not be supported entirely

by local

levies,

but the deficiency was mostly made up in the nearest

and Thrace. A few examples may be adduced from other provinces to show that the methods employed on the Danube In Germania Superior frontier were not exceptional. three soldiers of the Alae I and II Flaviae Geminae describe themselves as Baetasius, Elvetius, and Secuanus, and the Raetian diploma of the year 107 was granted to a Boian who had served in the Ala I Hispanorum Auriana.2 In Africa a soldier of the Cohors VII Lusitanorum gives castris as his place of origin, as do the

available recruiting-grounds of Moesia

'

'

majority of the veterans discharged during the second

century from the African legion III Augusta.^ ing the Eastern provinces

we have very little

Concern-

evidence, but

^ There is evidence for a garrison of at least 25,000 men in the second century, but it probably reached a higher figure. See

Appendix 2

xiii.

^ viii.

I.

7024, 7025, 7579, D. XXXV. For the recruiting of Legio III Augusta 3101.

cf.

Cagnat, L'Armee romaine d'Afrique, 2nd edition, pp. 287-303.

^

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

8o

may

it

raised

be noted that of the large number of regiments

by Trajan

in this part of the

remained stationed century, and there

in the

is

Empire the majority

East throughout the following

no reason to suppose that they were

not kept up by local levies.^

The

recruiting of the legions during the second century

seems to have followed the same portion of castris

'

men

of Legio III

Augusta

as their birthplace

The high pro-

lines.

in Africa

who

give

has already been noted.

Similarly of 39 soldiers discharged from Legio II Traiana at Alexandria in 194, 22

come from the

'

castra

',

8

from

the Greek towns in Egypt, and only 9 were not born

Of 133 soldiers discharged in the following year from Legio \TI Claudia stationed at Mminacium, in the province.-

104 come from Upper or Lower Moesia,

remainder

all

and

of

the

but one come from the Danubian provinces.

Further evidence on the recruiting-area of the auxilia during this period can be obtained from another source, the inscriptions of the Equites Singulares Imperatoris. corps,

This

which seems to have been raised towards the end of

the hrst century, possibly by Domitian,^ formed thence-

We find the Ala V and VI Ulpia

Ulpia Dromedariorum, the Cohorts I, III, Petraeorum, II and III Ulpia Paflagonum, 1 and II Ulpia Galatarum, and I Ulpia Sagittariorum all in Cappadocia, Syria, or Palestine in the second century, and only one of this series of regiments, the Cohors III Ulpia Galatarum, can be traced elsewhere. ^ iii. 6580. The non-Egyptians all come from the Eastern provinces, except two from Africa. ^ iii. 14507. 7 come from Dacia, 7 from Pannonia, 5 from Dalmatia, 3 from Thrace, 6 from Macedonia, and i from Pergamum. * It is impossible to go into this question here. The soldiers mentioned on vi. 31138, who were discharged in 118, must, if they served their full time, have been enrolled before Trajan's accession. The corps seems to have replaced the old Germani corporis custodcs, disbanded by Galba Suet. Vit. Gal. 12. ^

IV,

I

;

RECRUTTTXG AND DISTRIBUTION

Britain

8i

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

82

to give their

names

in the service,

to nearly half the cavalry regiments

have entirely vanished.

in fact, the inland provinces

Speaking generally,

no longer contribute, and

the recruiting-areas have contracted to the purely frontier

The

districts.

importance of these, too, has

relative

altered since the beginning of the first century. tribes

on the Lower Rhine are

the contingent of the

German

still

The

well represented, but

pro\'inces

is

entirely sur-

If we assume that the Guards was bestowed upon the

passed by that of Pannonia.

honour

of serving in the

natives of each province in proportion to the size of the contingent which they supplied to the cavalry of the line, this

increased importance of the Pannonians follows

naturally upon the universal adoption of local recruiting for the frontier armies

of military to the

since not only

;

power now

definitely shifted

had the balance from the Rhine

Danube,^ but local conditions required an excep-

tionally high proportion of

The preceding survey

mounted men.-

of the evidence has purposely

omitted that dealing with the oriental regiments, which seemed, on account of

its

a special discussion.

In Pannonia and Dacia

exceptional character, to merit

we

find

Augusta Ituraeorum and the Cohors I Hemesenorum in Pannonia Inferior, and the Cohors I Augusta Ituraeorum, stationed in Pannonia

three such regiments, the Ala

during the

first

I

century, and transferred to Dacia at the

^ Between 70 and 107 the garrison of the Danubian provinces was increased to ten legions, chiefly at the expense of the Rhine army, in which the legions were reduced from eight to four. - In 69, when Antonius Primus boasted of the superiority of the Danubian cavalry, there were, according to Tacitus, sixteen In the second alae in Pannonia and Moesia (Tac. Hist. iii. 2). century seventeen regiments can be traced in the two Pannonias and Moesia Inferior, while in Dacia, which covered Moesia Superior,

were ten more. real total.

These

figures,

See Appendix

I.

moreover, are probably below the

^

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

8o

Thanks to the Hungarian archaeologists, the second of

time of the creation of the province.^

work

recent

of

these corps, the Cohors

I

Hemesenorum MiUaria Equitata

Civium Romanorum Sagittariorum, to give title,

is

it

its

full

perhaps better known to us than any other

Probably enrolled in the Roman army at the beginning of the second century, at the time auxiliary regiment. ^

annexation of the small client kingdom from which

of the its

name was

derived, this regiment

had been transferred

Pannonia by the beginning

of the reign of Antoninus and certainly remained in the province until 240. Throughout this period it seems to have been stationed at Intercisa, where upwards of fifty inscriptions, chiefly

to

Pius,

sepulchral,

have now been discovered, the majority

latter belonging, as the frequent use of the

name

of the

Aurelius

shows, to the end of the second and the beginning of the third century.

Of the

five soldiers

whose birthplace

is

mentioned on their tombstones, three came from Hemesa itself,

one from Samosata, and one from Arethusa,* and

the owner of a diploma which dates from between 138

and 146 came from Syria. ^ It is clear, then, that during its whole stay in Pannonia this regiment was not recruited, like the majority of the auxilia, from the neighbouring district, but was constantly in receipt of fresh drafts from the province in which it was originally raised. As further proof of the tenacity with which this connexion

was maintained, we ^

the

It

find that at the

end

of the reign of

appears in a Pannonian diploma for 98 (D. xxvii) and in

first

Dacian diploma for

no

(D. xxxvii).

See Archaelogiai Ertesito, 1905 and following, and for the inscriptions A. E. 1906 and following. 3 D. Iviii (138-46), iii. 3331. 2

*

iii.

10316, 10318.

D.

Iviii.

A.E.

1906.

no.

lb. 1909. 150.

137^

The name

of the

town

F 2

is

missing.

lb. 1910.

RECRUTTING AND DTSTRTRUTION

84

Severus the soldiers dedicated a temple to their detis An examination of the evidence

patrius Sol Aelagabalus.^

dealing with the other oriental regiments leads to the Soldiers discharged in 98 and no from the Augusta Ituraeorum and the Ala of the same name, give Cyrrhus in Syria and Ituraea as their places of origin, and another Ituraean is mentioned on a sepul-

same

result.

Cohors

I

chral inscription of the latter regiment in

Pannonia.'-

regiments, and in particular oriental archers,

Oriental

appear also on other provinces^, and although there is a lack of dated evidence we can hardly doubt that a rule

which was maintained along the whole Danube also held good elsewhere.'*

The reason methods

the

for

adoption of these

in the recruiting of the oriental

frontier

exceptional auxilia

was

probably the purely military one that good archers were born in Syria, and could not be made elsewhere, but

army of an own customs and

the consequent presence in every frontier oriental element, holding firmly to its religious beliefs,

was a

In particular

cance.

more than military signifimust be remembered that the

fact of it

enfranchised children of these oriental auxiliaries were qualified

and readily accepted

for service in the legions.

In the inscriptions of the Cohors

I

Hemesenorum we

abundant evidence of this process, which gave ideas an opportunity for wider penetration.^ 1

A.E.

ha\'e

oriental

Cf. 133.

1910. 141.

iii. 4371. Another inscription (iii. 4368) D. xxvii, xxxvii mentions a Batavian, bnt he is a deciirion who may have been transferred on promotion from another corps. ^ For orientals on the Rhine, cf. xiii. 7512, 7514. * Throughout the Empire the archer regiments seem to have been exchisively Thracians or orientals, but the latter alone preserved their national character in the second century. "

;

^

iii.

103 15, 10316.

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION The

British regiments, too,

show a tendency

85

to keep

up

national recruiting, although the evidence on this point is still

scanty.^

In this case the explanation

is

probably

to be found in the intractable nature of the tribes of

North Britain, which made it appear undesirable to use the contingents which they supplied near at home. Certainly all the British regiments seem to have been sent abroad, and only one soldier of British origin is found in the province."^ It would appear, in fact, that the army of Britain was maintained largely by drafts from the Rhine area, but the evidence at present

is

an

in-

any general conclusions. In Dacia, was natural, the auxilia raised immediately after the conquest were transferred elsewhere. Here, however, there does not seem to have been the same objection to sufficient basis for

too, as

local recruiting for the troops stationed in the province,

and the practice was

certainly, as has

been shown,

in

force during the second century.

The It is clear, then, that in

Ntimer

i.

the second century the cohorts

and alae of the Augustan system, with certain definite and limited exceptions, were recruited locally from the provinces in which they were stationed, without any general attempt to justify the ethnical titles which they bore.

still

At the same moment, however,

as this principle

seems definitely established, there begin to appear on inscriptions certain regiments of a ^

The

new type which stand

difficulty is to establish clear cases of

men who must

have entered a regiment after its original formation. The Britto of the Dacian diploma for 145-61 (Ixx) seems to be one. ^ Nectovelius natione Brigans in the Cohors II Thracum, The inscription comes from Mumrills and probably dates, therefore, from between 142 and 180. Eph. Ep. ix. 623. '

'

'

'



^

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

86

These regiments are given

outside the prevailing system.

name Humerus, which does not seem

the

very precise meaning, and for which

to have

had any

it is difficult to find

They also bore tribal titles, an English equivalent. a list of which is given below, together with the names of the provinces in which numeri of each tribe occur.

At

Brittoncs.

The

least ten

numeri in Germania Superior.

from the reign

earliest inscriptions date

the theory

were newly conquered tribesmen from the

between the two frontier paigns

of

secondary

Lollius titles

walls,

connected

and

district lying

deported after the cam-

These

Urbicus.

numeri also

bear

derived from the names of the districts

which they were stationed,

in

of Pius,

generally accepted that these Brittones

is

e. g.

Murrenses, clearly

Murr.^

w^ith the river

Germani. Dacia.^

Palmy rem'. Mauri. riensis).'

(as a vexillatio

Frequently also in

Raeii Gaesati

(i.e.

Raetians armed with the gaesitm,

a kind of heavy spear). ^

and probably Britain.^ from Mauretania Caesathe two Mauretanias.

Africa,^ Dacia,^

Dacia

Britain.^

The nmneri have been discussed by INIommscn

in the latter

part of the Conscriptionsordmnig, a discussion which naturally forms the basis of the following pages. - xiii. 6526, 6542, 6592, 6622, 6629, 6642, 7749. Elanticnses Gurvedenses 7343. ISIurrcnses 6471. Triputienses 6490. 6502, 651 1, 6514, 6517, 6518, 6599, 6606. ^ A. E. 1910. 152.



* viii.



2486, 2505, 18007, 18008, 18026, &C.

837, 907, 7999, 14216.

^

iii.

*

The Palmyrene

vexillarius,

whose tombstone was found at

Corbridge in 191 1, is most likely to have belonged to a numerus formed from his countrj'men. Eph. Ep. ix. 153 a. ' D. Ixvii {158). Eph. Ep. ix. 1 191, where all the references are collected. 1

**

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION Syri.

Dacia,^

Moesia

Mauretania,"^

87

Inferior/^

and

possibly Britain.*

The

titles

show that these numeri are

closely connected

with the five naliones, Cantabri, Gaesati,^ Palmyreni, Daci, and Brittones, who form part of the army described by Hyginus, and are distinguished from the cohorts and alae of the regular auxilia.

In fact the term numerus

is

not invariably found on inscriptions, and for a corps

which simply described

may

itself as

'

Syri sagittarii

'

,^

natio

have seemed a convenient term. It is also clear from Hyginus that what distinguished the numeri from the older formations was their looser organization easily

and more barbarous character, and their titles show that they were drawn from the outermost borders of the Empire, or the most uncivilized districts within it. Evidence about the character of these troops being the least civilized part of the

very prone to indulge in inscriptions.

know

the size of a numerus,

had any

definite size at

or,

all.

indeed,

The

is

scanty

;

army they were not

We if

do not even

these regiments

nationes of

Hyginus

500 to 900,' but the low rank of the praepositus numeri below the praefectus cohortis,^ and the smallness of the accommodation arranged for these range from

^

iii.

*

If

8032.

Mommsen's

^ viii. 21015, 21017. interpretation of Eph. Ep.

"

vii.

iii.

7493.

957 as n(umerus)

m(ilitum) S(urorum) S(agittariorum) be correct.

Hyginus, 29. Accepting this emendation for the meaningGetati of the manuscripts. ^ iii. 12601 a and b, 12605. The inscriptions date from the reign of Hadrian, showing that this usage was an early one. ' Hyginus, 30. ^ Praepositus is more usual, and probably the original title. Later we find the title praefectus, and the inclusion of this post at the bottom of the equestrian census, below the previous three posts, gave rise to the phrase a quattuor militiis. Cf. xiii. 6814 ^

less

and von Dom. Rangordiuui^,

p. 131.

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

88

German

regiments in

iorts,

suggest 200 to 300 as a more

Smaller they can hardly have been, since

probable figure.

they are divided into centuries and turmae} As regards recruiting, the Palmyrenes, at any

rate,

obtained fresh drafts, not from the province in which they were stationed, but from their native home. The

numerus Palmyrenorum, which was stationed at ElKantara in Africa, has left inscriptions covering the whole period from the middle of the second to the middle of the third century, which show clearly what pains were taken to preserve the original character of the

numerus Palmy-

regiment.-

Similar inscriptions of a

renorum

Dacia give evidence of the same principle.^

in

we cannot

Unfortunately,

with

all

in this respect the

regiments

of

whether

this

among

same peculiar position

the regular

But whatever the tion

tell

was the case

the numeri, or whether the Palmyreni occupied

the

auxilia.'*

later practice, the

imperial government

seems to be

class of troops

as the oriental

clear.

in

original

raising

The

inten-

this

new

local recruiting

of the regular auxilia presupposes a rapid progress of '

Romanization

appearance of

'

all

among

the

provincials

and the

dis-

such national feeling as had caused

German and Pannonian auxilia in the From the military point of view, howe\er,

the mutiny of the first

centur3^

this

advance in culture, although

it

facilitated the raising

of recruits, was by no means an unmixed blessing. The old levies of \vild tribesmen, schooled by centuries of ^

Von Dom. Rangordnung, pp. The latest 2505, 2515.

60, 61.

inscription is a dedication to Malagbel, the native god of Palmyra, for the safety of Gordian III. ^ iii. 907, 14216 (Oriental names). * If the Brittones were really, as has been suggested, transported wholesale to Germany, these numeri also would have preserved their national character. -

viii.

^

,

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION local

who

warfare,

strove to preserve in the

service their local reputation,

lacking

the regiments

to

had

Roman

which were

qualities

civilized

of

89

Latin-speaking

which national methods of fighting ^ had been replaced by a uniform training and clan feeling by provincials, in

was to provide a leaven of the old spirit that the numeri were raised from the wildest of the border tribes, and not only encouraged to fight after the manner of their fathers, but even permitted to esprit de corps.

It

continue the use of their native tongues.

The first experiment of this kind was made by Trajan, when he brought over Lusius Quietus and his Mauri gentiles for the Dacian war,^ but it was probably Hadrian

who made system. tions,

the numeri a regular part of the military

It is in his reign that

and it

is

they

to the numeri that

in Arrian's Tactica, in

first

appear on inscrip-

we must refer the passage

which the emperor

praised for

is

encouraging his troops to keep up their national methods of

fighting,

tribes to

and even

whom he refers

their

national war-cries.*

probably meant) ,^ Dacians, and Raetians.

and third there

is

For the

first

epigraphical evidence, and the last two

appear also among the nationes of Hyginus. then, that Hadrian

was

not, as

is

It

appears,

sometimes stated, the

originator of the system of local recruiting

^

The

are KeXToi (by which Germans are

;

rather he

These disappeared during the period, which came in the when it contained drafts from

history of almost every regiment, different nationahties. ^

This

is

shown by Hyginus,

Rangordnung, ^ *

43, as

von Dom. has pointed

out,

p. 60.

Dio, Ixviii. 8 and 32. Arrian, Tactica, 44.

^ The KeXrot iTTTTJ)?, however, which are mentioned in the Ectaxis, 2 are probably as Ritterling [Wiener Studien,-x.xiv. 127-40) suggests, ,

cavalry of the Cohors

Germanorum M. E.

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

90 found

already in existence, and sought to correct

it

by

defects

utilizing again in the service of the

its

Empire

the clan spirit of uncivilized tribes, which had often

proved so useful

in the past.

llic Pracjccti.

The

preN'ious discussion of the

auxilia were

methods by which the

recruited has dealt only with the private

with such

soldiers, and, as a natural corollary,

as were

To

promoted from the ranks.

praefechis,

officers

the position of

however, the private soldier could not nor-

mally aspire, and he attained

it,

if

at

all,

exceptionally favourable circumstances.^

only under

Normally, the

commanding ofhcers of the auxiliary regiments were drawn from an entirely different social stratum to the men, and although the method of their appointment varied and the area from which they were drawn shifted its

boundaries at different periods, these changes did not

follow the in

same

lines as those

which we

ha\'e

been tracing

connexion with the recruiting of the rank and

The

auxiliary

commands

are familiar to

all

file.

students

of the Roman Empire from inscriptions of men who went through the equestrian career, the first stage of which was formed by the posts of praefedus cohortis,

tribunus legionis,

and

It has,

praefectus alae.

been pointed out by von Domaszewski

-

however,

that this system

was not established until the middle of the first century. Under Augustus and Tiberius, not only was the relative rank of these posts filled

in

many

still

undetermined, but they were

cases not

by young men beginning the

* The nearest case 1 know of is xiii. 3177, where we have the order signifer-centurio-tribunus, but this is in one of the Cohortes civium Romanorum, which occupy an exceptional position. ^ Rangordnutig, pp. 11 2-15, 122-30.

:

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

91

equestrian cuysus, but by veteran centurions from the

We

legions, especially the primipili.

have noticed

this

system in the army of Caesar, so that here, as elsewhere,

The

Augustus was continuing a republican practice.

following inscriptions,^ which are both of early date,

give typical careers of this character.

Pompullius

C.

1.

C.

prim (us)

Hor(atia)

f.

pil(us),

trib(unus) mil(itum), praef(ectus) eq(uitum). 2.

M. Vergilio M.

f.

pil(o) leg(ionis)

rum peditum duabus

Ter(etina)

Gallo Lusio prim(o)

XI, praef(ecto) coh(ortis) Ubio-

et

equitum, donato hastis puris

et coronis aureis

ab Divo Augusto

et Ti

Caesare Augusto, &c. This system

is

heartily

commended by von Domas-

zewski, on the ground that the auxilia were thus com-

manded by more

Roman

(i.

e.

and were more under control than was the case in the

skilful officers,

Italian)

second century. ^

The

assertion, however,

sweeping, since by no means

were commanded by the contrary,

many

men

all

seems far too

the auxiliary regiments

of this class

;

there were, on

praefecti at this period

who came

neither from Italy nor even the more Romanized pro-

show clearly that at number of auxiliary regiments, particularly those drawn from the more independent border tribes, were commanded by their own chiefs. This practice had not sprung up during the reign of Nero, but was a natural consequence of the development of these corps from contingents supplied by vinces.

The

Histories of Tacitus

the end of the pre-Flavian period a

^

ix.

996, X. 4862.

Rangordnung, pp. 57, 72. He also considers that at this date the centurions and decurions of the auxiUary regiments were drawn from the ranks of the legions, a suggestion which has already been discussed. See above, p. 38. 2

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

92

states nominally

'

in alliance

'

with Rome.^

The

Batavian cohorts who play such an important

eight

role in

the rebellion of 69 were so commanded,"^ as well as an ala of the

same

tribe.^

lulius Civilis himself

was a prae-

fectus cohorfis* and two Treveri, Alpinius Montanus and lulius Classicus,

commanded a cohort and ala respectively.^

names show, had doubtless received the franchise, but they were employed in their capacity as tribal chiefs, not as Roman citizens, and are to be distinguished from the praefecti, who were drawn at this period from the Romanized districts of Spain and from Gallia Narbonensis. It is chiefly as commanders of All these officers, as their

cohorts that officers of this type appear, since of the alae dated back, as

the

civil

we have

many

seen, to the period of

wars, and had long lost their original character

This explains the fact that

as tribal regiments.

among

Italian officers of this period, the title praefectus alae

or praefectus equitum appears far

more frequently than

praefectus cohortis, although the cohorts were of course

more numerous than the During the

first

alae.

half of the

first

century, therefore,

we

differs widely from that revealed by the equestrian cursus honorum. The establishment of the equestrian monopoly of the auxiliary commands was, in fact, only completed by a series of reforms carried

have a system which

1

See pp. 16-20.

-

Tac.HzsMv.

12 '(Batavorum) cohortibus quas vetereinstituto

nobilissimi popularium regebant'. 3

lb. iv.

Its praefectus Claudius Labeo,

18.

tamine aemulus «

'

oppidano

cer-

was clearly a Batavian.

Civili,'

lb. iv. 16.

iv. 55. To the same class of officers ii. lb. iii. 35 14 belonged Chumstinctius et Avectius tribuni ex civitate Nerviorum', who played an important part in one of the campaigns Epit. Livy, cxxxxi. of Drusus. ^

;

'

;

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

93

out during the period which began with the administrative

and ended with the reorganization

activity of Claudius, of

the

War

army by Vespasian

after

the disastrous Civil

of 69.

The first of these changes was that the praefecti ceased drawn as before from among the veteran centurions

to be

Early in the reign of Claudius the post of

of the legions.

praefechts alae disappeared pili,

of

from the career

who were promoted henceforward

of the primi-

to the tribunate

one of the cohorts of Household Troops at Rome.^

Centurions of lower rank were

command

both in

of cohorts

advanced to the and the succeeding

still

this

periods, but such cases are very

A

rare.'^

trace of the

old connexion between the legionary officers militia equestris still survives,

use of a centurion as praeposittis cohoytis as

temporary commander in case

of a praefectus.^

The mimeri,

of the

too,

—that

is

to say,

death or absence

were often placed in

charge of an ex-centurion bearing this

ment which was probably

and the

however, in the regular

called for

an arrange-

title,

by the

intractable

character of these barbarian irregulars.*

The employment less frequent, as

of tribal chiefs as praefecti also

became

the auxiliary regiments, transferred from

one province to another, and recruited from different nationalities, gradually lost their original character.

The

^ V. 7003 is an example of a career of this kind which dated from the reign of Claudius. - ix. 2564; A.E. 1902. 41. 3 Cf. iii. 1918 I. O. M. Sulpicius Calvio c(enturio) leg{ionis) I Min(erviae) praepositus coh(ortis) I Belgarum '. * Cf. viii. M. Annius Valens leg(ionis) III 18007 xiii. 6526 Aug(ustae) praepositus n(umeri) Palmyrenorum M. Octavius Severus (centurio) leg(ionis) VIII Aug(ustae) '

'

.

.

.

'

;

'

.

.

.

Praeposit(us)

Brit(tonum)

does, however, occur

;

iii.

'.

The

1149.

office

of praefectns

See above, p.

2>j.

iiumeri

^

RECRl'ITING

94

AND DISTRIBUTION Rhine army, who were doubtless

mutinous

officers of the

cashiered

by Vespasian, were probably the drawn from this class.

examples

last

of praefecti

Lastly, the respective rank of the different posts in

the militia equestris was finally determined

praefedus cohortis



tribuniis

legionis

and the order

;

—praefedus

alae

is

hardly ever varied after 70, except that the tribunate of a cohors miliaria sometimes appears in the second place. Tlie result of these changes

was that henceforward the

auxiliary officers were practically

all of

one type,

now

equestrian rank entering upon what was

men

of

the accus-

tomed cursiis honorum of their class. That this system was not universally adopted at an earlier date is not surprising. The equestrian praefedi were young men directly appointed by the emperor, without any previous before the auxilia could be entrusted

military training

;

to their charge

a certain advance in civilization and

had

tractability

to be

made by

the provincials, and the

veteran centurions and tribal chiefs of the Augustan

system were more

fitted to deal

with the

posed the auxiliary levies during the of the

the

Empire.

As

it

first

men who comhundred years

was, these regiments contained in

second century far fewer representatives

governing class than the native corps in our

army.

With the exception

of the praefedus,

of

the

own Indian who himself



was not necessarih^ an Italian, the officers that is, the centurions anddecurions were practically all, as we have But to the Roman seen, promoted from the ranks. and ruled, never separated by Empire, in which rulers any deep racial or religious gulf, were gradually made



^

xi.

5669

'

C.

f(ecto) coh{ortis)

coh{ortis)

Camurio C. f. Lem(onia) Clementi praeVII Raet(orum) equit(atae), trib(uno) mil(itum) .

II Ulpiae Petraeor(ui"n)

f(ecto) alae

Petrianae

.

.

.'.

miliar(iae)

.

.

equit(atae), prae-

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION closer akin

by the bond

of a

common

rule in India affords in this respect

The majority

no

civilization,

taken from the leading

which formed,

families of the country towns, the class

selves sprung

of the Flavian

from

it,

emperors who were them-

the backbone of the

The Romanization

cracy. to

onr

real parallel.

of these praefecti were, at the beginning

of this period, of Italian origin,

under the rule

95

of the

an increasing proportion

of

Roman bureau-

Western provinces led

men from

the provincial

municipia being admitted into the imperial service, but until the reign of

The

dominated.

Marcus the Italian element praefecti

mentioned on

five

still

pre-

diplomata

from Pannonia Superior and two from Dacia dated 133, 138, 136-46, 148, 149, 157, and 145-61 were natives of

Bovianum, Faventia, Suessa, Rome, His-

Sassina,

pellum, and Picenum.^

The

accession of Septimius Severus possibly accelerated

the speed at which the provincial element was increasing, is not, as has been suggested by von Domasany sign of a violent and wholesale exclusion of Italians from this branch of the service. This point may be illustrated by the following inscriptions of Italian praefecti, which can be dated after 193

but there zewski,

:

VIII 9359.

M. Popilius Nepos domo Roma,

Caesarea.

Gemina Sebastenorum Caesariensis. The inscription honours a procurator who is dated by Cagnat to a praefectus of the Ala

in

Mauretania

201-9.

A

.

E. 1908. 206. Puteoli. T. Caesius Anthianus, a native of II

this town, was praefectus of the Cohors Augusta Thracum at the beginning of the

third century.

^

D.

xlvii,

li,

lix, Ix, Ixi, Ixvi,

Ixx.

RECRUTTING AND DISTRIBITTION

96

The earliest provincial /)mf/(ff/j came from the thoroughly Romanized districts of Spain and Gallia Narbonensis, natives of which appear even in the pre-Flavian period.

These were followed in the course of the second century

by representatives

of nearly

all

the Western provinces

Africa in particular sent praefecti from

its

many

;

flourish-

ing towns to almost every frontier during the latter half

and the accession of the African its close possibly gave his fellow

of the second century,

Septimius Severus at

countrymen a

specially favoured position in the succeed-

ing period. in Britain and Gallia Lugdunensis do the Celtic seem to have made no attempt to maintain in the second century the military position held by their fathers in the first. It is hardly likely that their absence from the lists of praefecti ^ is due to deliberate exclusion on the part It was more probably a of the imperial government.

Only

chiefs

voluntary abstinence, due largely to the fact that these military

commands were now regarded merely

introduction to the civil service, not as a career in

The

as

an

them-

were not uninfluenced by the But although they might speak and read Latin with ease, decorate their homes with the material products of Roman civilization, and employ selves.

Celtic nobles

tendencies of the age.

Greek rhetoricians to tutor

their children, these country

gentlemen living in the midst of their estates preserved a very different outlook to that of the leading townsmen of the municipalities of Africa or even Narbonensis. Celt retained his martial qualities of the

Empire

in the

down

The

to the last days

West, but seems to have found

little

In a hst of over two hundred and fifty praefecti whose place is known I have not come across one from either of But it is of course impossible to be sure that these provinces. such a list is even as complete as the existing evidence permits. ^

of origin

^

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION that was congenial to t hat

him

in the prospect of

97

forming part of

great administrative machine in the perfection of which ,

almost every other province in the Empire took

its

share.

The Eastern provinces of the Empire occupy, as usual, a somewhat exceptional position. As in the West, these provinces began to contribute praefedi in some numbers towards the end of the

'

A

century.

certain C. Julius

militia Oinoanda went through the the reign of Trajan, and his son, Julius

Demosthenes cquestris

first

of

in

'

Antonius, followed in his footsteps in the succeeding generation.^

To

a citizen of Caria, L. Aburnius of Ala-

banda, probably, as his

name shows, the descendant

of

one of the families of veterans settled by Augustus in the south of Asia Minor, ^ the wars of Trajan presented opportunity for a military career of considerable variety and This officer was successively pmefectus distinction.

fahrum, tribunus legionis III Augustae, praefedus cohortis III Augustae Thraciim cquitatae, praefedus cohortis III Thracum Syriacae equitatae, praepositus * cohortis I Uipiae Petraeorum, praepositus annonae

during the Parthian War,

*

on the Euphrates

tribunus legionis

VI

Ferratae,

during his tenure of which post he was decorated by Trajan, and praefedus alae I Uipiae singularium.^ These

and it is clear that a military career the Greeks and the more or less Hellenized

cases are not isolated,

was open

to

orientals

who

constituted

Eastern provinces. ^

the equestrian class

But while the

For the military qualities

praefecti

in

the

from the

of the Gauls in the fourth century

^ A.E. 1899. 177. a better chance than the Greeks. See my article on the Caristanii of Pisidian Antioch in f.R. S. iii. * Possibly curator, the Greek being enifj.f\r)Tr,s. ^ A. E. 191 1. 161. A son, or other relative, who erected the

Ammianus Marcellinus, xv. ^ Such men probably stood

cf.

inscription

was praefedus

12, xix. 6.

cohortis

II

Hispanorum

C. R., tribunus cohortis III Uipiae Petraeorum. 1637

G

cquitatae,

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

98

Western provinces were sent indiscriminately to every majority of those drawn from the East seem,

frontier, the

during the service

two

first

with

Eastern

the

example, only

centuries, to

left

have been confined to

commands.

Aburnius,

for

the East once for service with the

Legio III Augusta in Africa, and his son's career seems to liave

been similarly

localized. ^

Moesia Inferior to the praejecti

We

should perhaps add

of provinces in

list

which Eastern

appear frequently during the second century,

mentioned on the diplomata for 134 and 138 came from Palmyra and Side respectively." But Moesia Inferior was reckoned in other respects as coming within

since those

These restrictions are

the Hellenic sphere of influence.

probably due to the low estimate which was placed

throughout the of

first

two centuries on the military

qualities

Greeks and orientals, in spite of the value of the latter

as archers.^

But we may

bridgeable gulf which

still

also see evidence of the un-

existed between the two halves

Empire, and of the reluctance of the Hellene to embark upon a career in what he considered to be the

of the

barbarous provinces of the West.

It is

only with the

advent of the semi-orientalized dynasty of the Severi that praejecti

drawn from the Eastern provinces appear

numbers on the

in

any

^^^estern frontiers.

^ It is true that we do not know where the Cohors 111 Thracuni Syriaca was stationed, but the other units in tlie series of four bearing this title all appear in the East, llie Cohors 11 His-

panorum, in which his son served, is probabh- that mentioned on an inscription from Ancyra. iii. 6760. - D. xlviii and cviii. ^ Cf. Tacitus's remarks in the Annals, xiii. },^, with the account in Dio Cassius, Ixxv. 11-13, ^^ the siege of Hatra by Septimius Severus, especially

Taji- fxtv

and the promise

one of the

of

KvpconuiM', rwr Sura/i/rcor officers

e\iv

Kni n(vr)]
nuXiv

f^nipijiTtiv,

n

KaTepydaaadm

y( uvtm daar] nevraKocriovs ((('ft'

Tov Ta)v uWcav KivSvfou

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION In

this the course of events

all

naturally expect.

The spread

of

99

what one would

is

uniform culture through-

out the Western provinces of the Empire, the prosperity of the ubiquitous municipalities which were its material expression,

and the general extension

which accompanied

increase in the class qualified

The admission

career.

of the franchise

development, involved a steady

this

and eager

for the equestrian

of these provincial equites to the

which they were qualified followed automatically without special encouragement from any parposts

for

emperor/ and the diverse

ticular

origins of the praefecH

at the beginning of the third century are one of the best

proofs that can be adduced of the prosperity tion of the provinces at this period.

follow

von Domaszewski

and

civiliza-

It is impossible to

in concluding

from the evidence

that at this date the inhabitants of Italy and the

more

were deliberately excluded and that the auxiliary regiments

civilized areas in the provinces

from the

militia equestris,

were given into the hands of barbarians. ^

The army was

indeed beginning to suffer from the introduction of a barbarian element, but

it is

auxilia that this element

ing

list

of praefecti,

is

not

among

the officers of the

most noticeable.

who can be dated

The

follow-

to the first half of

the third century, does not bear out the accusation vii.

344. Britain.^

Aemilius Crispinus natus

:

in pro-

vincia Africa de Tusdro (dated 242). This point has been well made by Dessau in Hermes, 1910. does, however, suggest that an unusually large proportion of Africans obtained commands during the reign of Septimius Severus. ^ This is put very strongly on pages 133 and 134 of the Rangordnung, die Italiker und die Westromer sind von der -militia ^

The evidence

'

equestris ausgeschlossen.' 3 The first name is that of the province in which the praefectus was stationed. His place of origin is placed last.

G 2

RECRUITING AND DISTRIBUTION

100 viii.

Scverus or xiii.

later.

P.

Furius Riisticus.

Britannia Inferior

Germania

6658.

Superior.

is

Lambacsis.

mentioned. Sentius

Gemellus.

Date probably 249.

Berytus. xiii.

Britain.

2766.

(lermania Superior.

7441.

Fla\'ius Antiochanus.

Date 191 or 211. I.G. R.R. i. 10. Raetia. T. Porcius Porcianus. Massilia.

Caesarea.

3rd century. Dacia.

1193.

iii.

C. Julius Corinthianus.

Theveste.

circa 200. C.

I.

Gr.

Dacia.

3497.

T.

Claudius Alfenus.

Asia.

circa 200-210.

These

men

cannot fairly be called barbarians. Massilia

of course speaks for itself,

Lambaesis

Roman

beginning of Caesarea,

if

but in Theveste, Thysdrus, and

was no new thing the third century. The same may be culture

the capital of Mauretania be meant.

at

the

said of

Berytus,

was a colony famous for its Roman character, and Asia was not a province notorious for its barbarism. The increased oriental element, which is certainly noticetoo,

able

among

the auxilia of this period, although not to

the same extent as in other branches of the service,

is

But however undesirable one may consider the influence of oriental religions and ideals to have been, the conflict cannot be called one between civilization and barbarism. The real matter at issue is the wisdom of the imperial government in utilizing the material which the spread of culture and prosperity provided, and substituting for the old hegemony of Italy a governing class drawn from all parts of the Empire. It is true that this policy was a failure, and that the Empire a more significant

fact.

organized on this basis did not succeed in erecting defences strong enough to resist the external pressure brought to

bear upon them in the third and fourth centuries.

But

if

RECRUITING AND DISTRIPDtldN

' ;

loi

was a failure it was not necessarily a mistak6.^ It more than doubtful whether a narrower policy which rigidly maintained the supremacy of the Italians and it

'Is'

denied to the majority of the provincials

all

share in the

administration would have been more successful certain that,

had the progress

:

it

is

of civilization lacked the

stimulus which the hope of political power supplied, the after-effects of the

been ^

Roman Empire

in

Europe would have

less.

Its best justification is

the solidarity of the Empire in the

which appears so markedly in the pages of Ammianus, and exercised so powerful an influence over the minds of the barbarian invaders. fourth century,

SECTION

III

THE USE OF THE AUXILIA FOR WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE A lias

HISTORY

of the art of

war under the Roman Empire

not yet been written, for the simple reason that

we

do not possess an account by a good military historian of a single campaign between that of Thapsus (46 b. c.) and Josephus does indeed give a first-hand account of the Jewish war of 66-70, and took

that of Argentorate (357).

some trouble over military details, but his subject limited him to siege operations and street-fighting. The most valuable section in his work is a general sketch of the Roman army and its organization, and a description of the arrangement of troops on the march.^ Tacitus, on the other hand, who is forced by his subject to describe several campaigns, and remains in consequence our chief authority, cared nothing for the technical side of warfare,

and does nothing more than record,

as a rule correctly

enough, details which he found in his sources.Josephus, Bell. lud. iii. 5. not, however, an unmilitary historian in the sense Ephoros made elaborate that, for instance, Ephoros was. accounts of military- operations an important feature of his work, although he was quite lacking in military- knowledge (Polybius, Tacitus never pretends to concern himself with more xii. 25) than the moral and social aspects of war. The same attitude may be observed both in Dio and Herodian (ii. 15, 6). This attitude was perfectly justifiable, since there existed, as we learn from this passage in Herodian and from Lucian {De Hist. Conscrib.), a technical literature which would probably satisfy our needs. That we do not possess it is the fault, not of Tacitus and Dio, ^

2

He was

;

but of the Middle Ages.

'

'

— WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE

103

With strategy we need not concern ourselves, since the but tactics lies beyond the scope of this essay require more consideration on account of the special subject

position

From it

;

the

assigned to

auxilia

in

the scanty information given

battle

formation.

by our

authorities

appears that in any regular engagement fought during

two centuries the legionary infantry were still arm and employed to deal the occupied the centre of the line, and decisive blow.^ They the light troops and cavalry that is to say, the auxilia were expected to do little more than protect them from

the

first

considered to be the chief



a flank attack.

This formation was employed at Idista-

viso in 16,^ against Tacfarinas in 18,^ against Tiridates in 58,* against

Boudicca in

61, ^

and

at the second battle of

Bedriacum in 69.^ It is also prescribed by Arrian in his Order of Battle against the Alani '.' The only considerable exception is the battle of Issos in 193, in which the legions on both sides formed the first line and were '

supported by the archers,

who

shot over their heads.

Dio, however, expressly states that this formation was

adopted because these armies were fighting in a narrow space with the sea on one side and mountains on the other, ^

This was

still

xvi. 12. 3

Tac. Ann.

ii.

cf. Ammianus, the case at Argentorate in 357 ^ Tac. Ann. ii. 16. 52 Legio medio, leves cohortes duaeque alae

in cornibus locantur *

Tac. Ann.

cornibus,

xiii.

;

'

'.

38

regum pro The defensive

Socias cohortes et auxilia

'

medio sextam legionem

constituit'.

formation described in xiii. 40 is slightly different, since the legions in the centre formed a square. 5 Tac. Ann. xiv. Igitur legionarius frequens ordinibus, 34 levis circum armatura, conglobatus pro cornibus eques adstitit '. « Tac. Hist, iii, 21 Cohortes auxiliorum in cornibus, latera ac terga equite circumdata'. ^ The legionaries were to occupy the centre, the auxiliary infantry high ground on the wings, the cavalry to wait in the rear. '

'

^

WAR AND

104

so that there

FRONTIl^R DEFENCE

was no need to detach a force

to protect

their flanks.

There were, however, cases, particularly in w^arfare against barbarians, where the enemy would not meet the imperial forces in the open

field,

but took up a defensive

position on ground where legionaries could not be

ployed with success.

em-

In these circumstances the auxilia

and began the attack, and only if they were driven back and pursued by the enemy did the legions come into action. The battle of Mons Graupius, in 84, was conducted on these lines,^ and similar tactics seem often to have been employed by Trajan in Dacia.-^ formed the

first line

In general, however, the auxilia play a very secondary we do not hear either of the cavalry being used to role ;

blow after the manner of Alexander,* any such combination of archers and heavy infantry

strike the decisive

or of

we

as

find in mediaeval warfare.

Tlie subject, however,

is

still

obscure, and

it

is

more

Dio, Ixxiv. 7. Legiones pro vallo stetere, ingens victoriae Tac. Agr. 35 decus citra Komanum sanguinem bellandi, et auxilium, si pelIt was not necessary' for Tacitus to invent this not lerentur '. very creditable excuse. The tactics are those adopted with equal success against a Highland army by the Duke of Cumberland at the battle of Culloden in 1746. The same idea of checking the impetus of a Celtic charge by successive obstacles has often ^

-

'

been suggested as the reason for the seven ditches which protect the exposed side of the fort at Whitley Castle, and the lilia at Rough Castle on the Antonine Wall. " They are particularly noticeable in the battle shown on Cichorius, Die Traiansdule, PI. 45, and to judge from the column, the auxilia did more than their usual share of lighting in this war. '

In spite of the boasting of Antonius Primus, the achievements

Pannonian cavalry in 69 were limited to a reckless advance followed by a disorderly retreat. Cf. Tac. Hist. iii. 2 with iii. 16. In the second century, however, we find heavy cavalrj^ contarii, who must have been intended for shock tactics.

of the

WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE by the

satisfactory to turn to the part played frontier

105 auxilia in

concerning which the archaeological

defence,

research of the past twenty years has established more certain conclusions.

centuries

we can

each of which

In the frontier policy of the

two opposing tendencies

trace

first

two

at work,

reflected in the disposition of the troops

is

At the death

and the duties required of them.

of

the Empire had as yet reached hardly any of

Augustus

its

natural

boundaries, although by means of the system of client

kingdoms and protected tribes it was asserting its claims and intentions in much the same fashion as the '

'

powers of modern Europe are doing in Africa to-day. The first

century therefore witnessed on almost every frontier

a period of expansion of greater or less duration, in which

the sphere of direct administration was gradually pushed

forward until some physical or political obstacle was reached which necessitated either a halt or a forward policy on a

much

Throughout

larger scale.

military operations were always imminent for

;

this period

in Britain,

example, between 50 and 85, the garrison marched out

almost every spring, either for a campaign or a military demonstration.

In winter, therefore, or in times of peace,

the frontier armies were so disposed as to be able to take

the offensive at a few days' notice. lay in pairs, while instead

of

the case

the

of

being scattered

later,

The

legions often

auxiliary regiments,

over a wide area, as was

were concentrated at a few strategic

The extent

points.

many

to

which

this

system was adopted

and a few regiments always occupied more isolated positions, but as a whole the auxilia of a province were far more varied, of course, with local conditions,

easily its

mobilized than later

own

castellum.

On

when each regiment had

the

and Hofheim furnish examples

Rhine

frontier

Haltern

of these large hibcrna,

WAR

io6

AXI)

FRONTIER DEFENCE

dating from the beginning and the middle of the

first

century respectively,^ and we find the same system continued for the defence of the Taunus district annexed

There

Domitian.2 frontier,

is,

by

indeed, here a chain of forts on the

but they are of small

size,

with an average area of

some way behind the frontier, in forts which held some two or three regiments apiece.^ In Britain we have traces of a similar system at the same date. The Agricolan fort at Barr Hill is a frontier post which would require some two centuries at most for its defence, while the early fort at New-

The bulk

only i^ acres.

of the auxilia lay

'

'

was probably occupied from about 80 to 100 The or later, could accommodate at least 1500 men.* essentially temporary nature of such hiherna is emphasized by the character of their defences, which usually consist simply of an earth wall or palisade, little more elaborate in construction than the vallum which an army in the field was

stead, which

expected to throw up round

its

camp

after a day's march.

In provinces whence archaeological evidence forthcoming, inscriptions indicate the Spain, for instance,

an

to ^

who

officer

For Haltern

von Haltern.

It

to auxiliaries

is

not

From

early inscription referring

command

over four cohorts,^ and

see Schuchhardt, Fiihrer diirch die Aiisgrabiingen

is,

:

we have an

held

same system.

however, perhaps incorrect to limit the garrison

for

Hofheim

cf.

Ritterling,

Das

friihrdmische

Lager bei Hofheim, 1912. It was occupied from about 40 to 60. ^ See Pelham, Essays in Roman History, p. 191. ^ e.g. Friedberg has an area of (roughly) 10 acres, Okarben of 14, Heddernheim of 13, and Kesselstadt of 35. A cohort of 500 infantry was usually allowed about 5 acres. * See Macdonald, The Roman forts at Barr Hill, pp. 11-15 ;

Curie, 5

xi.

A Roman

Frontier-post, pp. 29, 349.

6344 'P. Cornelio P.

pil(o) bis, praefect(o)

f.

Sab(atina) Cicatriculae prim{o)

equit(um), pnicf(ecto)

rohortium quattuor civium Romanor(um) mil(itum)

'.

clas(sis), praef(ecto)

in Hispania, trib{uno)

^

WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE

T07

a similar brigade of three cohorts appears at Syene in

Egypt in the reign of Trajan.^ On the Danube frontier von Domaszewski has concluded from the epigraphical evidence that Aquincum and Arrabona each held two alae in the

first

century.

This period of expansion

may

be considered to end with

Trajan's annexation of Dacia and his failure a few years later to execute a similar

forward move on the Eastern

With the accession

frontier.

of

Hadrian a new policy

which advertised by the elaborate character of

begins,

its

defensive measures that the imperial government was firmly determined to renounce

all

aggression, a determination which

further schemes of

was adhered

the power of decision lay no longer in

/

I

to until

Roman

hands.

The outward signs of this new spirit were the abandonment of the old hiherna, and the removal of their garrisons to stone forts of a new type, each arranged to hold no more than a single unit, which were placed at more or less regular intervals along the frontier instead of behind

The

auxilia, that

field

army

is,

it.^

were transformed from a potential

into a frontier police.

This policy of passive defence depended, of course, for its

success

made ^

upon the extent

defensible.

iii.

to

which the frontier could be

Fortunately by this date

it

lay for the

141472.

W. D.

Z. xxi. 186, where this theory of the first-century system is further developed. ^ See Pelham, op. cit., p. 199. The forts on the North British frontier range in area from 2\ to 5^ acres, the largest (Ambo2

frontier

The seem to have been on a rather larger scale, and ran up to 15 acres, which is the area allowed at Aalen to an

glanna) being designed to hold a cohors miliaria peditaia.

German

forts

not meant, of course, that forts of this type first century, but it was not until the reign of Hadrian that the dispersion of the auxilia in separate units was adopted as a general policy. ala miliaria.

It is

did not exist in the

WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE

To8

greater part of

length along positions of great natural

its

The Rhine, Danube, and Euphrates, when

strength.

guarded by a continuous

and patrolled by

and watch-towers,^

line of forts

flotillas of

guard-boats, formed a serious

military obstacle to a raiding force, an obstacle even

dangerous to

retreat than

its

its

The

advance.

more

desert

and Arabia were more easily defended, routes by which a hostile force could advance since the were limited in number and the defence could concentrate frontiers of Africa

upon them, and the same

of course holds true of the

southern frontier of Egypt.

There

however, districts where

were,

such natural

obstacles did not exist, as in the case of the trans- Rhenane

which was divided between Germania Superior and Raetia, and the northern frontier of Britain, and here territory,

Hadrian had recourse barriers,

ficial

purpose."

which he hoped would serve the same

In the former case the frontier was defended

by a palisade and by an earth mound

ditch, in the

a stone wall in Raetia.^

the

to the expedient of erecting arti-

which were

German

On

Tyne and Solway, the

later

section

supplemented

and replaced by

the British frontier, between

existing remains are those of

a stone wall, although there are also traces of a wall of turf,

which

may

have been an

earlier work.**

A

turf wall

Cf. iii. 3385 (Commodus) ripam omnem burgisasolo extructis item praesidis per loca oppoituna ad clandestinos latrunculoruin transitus oppositis munivit '. This is from the Danube frontier. 2 Historia Augusta, In plurimis locis in Vita Hadriani, 12 quibus barbari non fluminibus sed Hmitibus dividuntur, stipitibus magnis in modum muralis saepis funditus iactis atque conexis barbaros separavit '. ^ The best recent accoimt of this frontier in EngHsh is Pelham"s essay, The Roman Frontier in Germany,' in the work already '

'

'

'

cited. *

Kecent researches have, however, made it very doubtfulwhcthcr

a turf wall ever preceded the stone wall along the whole line.

WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE also

defended the more advanced

109

between the

line

F"ii"ths

and Forth, which was occupied between 140 and jl-^Q southern line in Britain in its most perfect form

of Clyde 180.1

was guarded by a stone wall seventy-three miles long. This wall was between six and nine feet thick, and probably stood originally about twelve feet high. front of

it,

In

except where the precipitous nature of the

ground rendered such an additional defence unnecessary,

At intervals

ran a wide V-shaped ditch.

Roman mile stood

of

about every

a stone block-house, and between every

two towers. The mile-castles contained barrack accommodation for about fifty men, and reveal abundant traces of continuous occupation. ^ The garrison block-house

of '

about eleven thousand

cohort

'

size,

line of the wall,

originally to

an

distance behind forts

is

some

lay in stone forts of the

although a few, which probably belonged earlier it.

system of defence, are a short

The average

six miles, so that

each regiment to castles

men

the majority of which are actually on the

man

it

interval between the

was

easily possible for

the adjacent towers and mile-

and retain a considerable force

at head-quarters.

In addition to the troops actually stationed on the of the wall, there

to the north

and

were other regiments in outpost in the forts

line

forts

which guarded the three

roads leading south to the legionary fortresses of Chester

and York.

The ends

of

the line were also guarded

against flank attacks from the sea Shields and on the all

by

forts

at

South

Cumberland coast. If, then, we include march of the wall, the total

troops within three days'

^ For this wall see the admirable account by Dr. George Macdonald, The Roman Wall in Scotland, Glasgow, 191 1. ^ The best description of the internal arrangements of a milecastle is given by Mr. F. G. Simpson, in the Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmoreland Archaeological Society, vol. xi,

New

Scries.

^

WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE

110

force available for its defence probably exceeded twenty

Taking

thousand men.

also into our calculations the

natural strength of the position, this

we may

was the strongest and best guarded

safely say that

of all the frontier

barriers.

The trans-Rhenane

frontier,

which extends

for o\'er

three hundred miles from Rheinbrohl on the Rhine to

Fining on the Danube, was defended by the same methods, although in certain sections the forts were more widely separated and the garrison was proportionately weaker.

There were also fewer troops within call immediately behind the frontier line. Here also, between the cohort forts,

stone

'

Zwischenkastelle

'

and

'

^^'achttiirmc

'

fur-

nished additional safeguards.

This whole system of frontier defence has been criticized,

and the limitations and

artificial barriers

must be

the negative side

first,

much

possibilities of these

To take

carefully determined.-

they could not, of course, be

defended against unexpected attack,

like

the walls of

a town, unless the assailants were only a small raiding

On

party numbering some twenty or thirty men. other hand, in spite of the parallel of the

Hedge

'

the

Customs

seems unlikely that fiscal considerations played any large part in determining the government

on

'

in India, ^

it

their construction.

as a check

on

They doubtless

acted,

when

smuggling, but the expense of their

built,

main-

tenance would have been quite out of proportion to the

The German Linics-Commission has not yd published its and the course of the frontier line in On the W'alldiirn-Welzheim section, which was built general. by Pius, the towers are at intervals of from 250 to 400 meties. ^

report on these works

Pelham, ^

op.

cit.,

p. 204.

The view with which

I find

myself in most agreement

of Delbriick, Geschichtc der Kriegsknnst, ^

See

rdham,

op.

cit.,

p. 201

ii.

155-60.

and appendix.

is

that

WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE value of the trade done with the

German

iii

or British

tribes.

The

iirst

purpose which they served was to furnish

a screen behind wliich patrols could march in comparative safety,

both by day and night, and keep the whole

line

Thus the passing of a hostile force could be instantly reported by messenger or signal 1 to the nearest castclla, whence detachments could under constant surveillance.

at once start in pursuit.

Secondly, whereas the defenders

nearly always had a mounted force close at hand drawn

numerous cohortes equitatae, the raiders would probably be unmounted, since their start would be lost if they delayed to fill up the ditch and make a gap in the barrier large enough for their horses. 2 This barrier, too, had to be crossed again in retreat, and presented a very serious obstacle to a force encumbered with booty. Indeed, the defenders might

either

from the

alae or the

reserve the great part of their forces for this is

recommended by Byzantine

moment,

as

military writers describing

similar conditions.^

This sketch of the methods of defence employed applies more particularly to the German and Raetian frontiers. In Britain, more particularly on the southern line, it is probable that a more serious defence was intended. In the

first

place, the

massive stone wall, on which the

^ The torches which project from the upper stories of the block-houses represented on the Trajan column have often been

noted as indicating some method of

fire-signalling.

The palisade was not, of course, a board fence which could be torn down in a few minutes. It was made of oak-trees split in halves and bedded in a ditch four and a half feet deep. See Pelham, op. cit., p. 200. Some idea of its appearance can be ^

gathered from the representation at the beginning of the reliefs on the Marcus column. Oman, Art of War in the Middle Ages, p. 209. He quotes Nicephorus n.ep\ napaSpofi^s 7roX«/xov. =»

WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE

112

detcndcis could stand, was obviously stronger than anything on the trans-Rhcnane section. ^

Secondly,

wc have

noted that the garrison was stronger than in Germany,

and could be more

Moreover, even after

easily reinforced.

the final abandonment of Scotland, forts were

still

held

Netherby on the Esk, Habitancium (Risingham) and Bremenium (High

in front of the southern

and

on Dere

Rochester)

line.

Street,

were occupied by cohortcs

and at the numerus exploratorum attached to These strong outposts would have

miliariae equitatae well into the third century, last

two

we

forts

find a

the regular auxilia.^

been able to check or harass the enemy's advance and give

warning to the garrison All

these

of the wall of

suppositions,

Germany and

any impending attack.

however,

Britain, are based

both

as

regards

upon the assumption

that a raid would be the sole subject of the attacking

and that it would not be too numerous to be dealt with by the garrisons of three or four castella. To a more

force,

serious invasion effective.

The

much

the resistance offered w'as

legions,

it is

true, still

remained

less

in reserve,

but they formed the only concentrated force at the disposal of the defending general, for the majority of the auxilia,

scattered as they were along the entire length of the frontier, could not

\incial garrison

'

The stone

be quickly concentrated, and a pro-

can rarely have taken the

wall on the Kaetian Ironticr

is

field at

of

any-

very inferior

construction. - The garrisons were at Netherby, the Cohors I Aelia Hispanorum M. E., vii. 954, 963, 964, 965 at Bremenium, the Cohors 1 Fida VarduUorum M. E. and exploratores, vii. 1030, 1043; :

;

I \'angionum M. E., exploratores and Kaeti Gaesati 1002, 1003. The latest inscription at Netherby dates from the reign of Severus Alexander at Bremenium, the most advanced of the Dere Street forts, from the reign of Gordian HI.

at Habitancium, the Cohors

;

WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE thing like

full

its

serious difficulties

113

The system also created became necessary to send troops

strength.

when

it

from one province to the aid of another. Three regiments, for example, could not easily be sent from Germany to Pannonia, because each of them constituted an essential It became the link in the chain of frontier defence. form out of detachments drawn from several regiments a composite vexillatio in which efficiency must have been greatly diminished by lack of A cavalry vexillatio of this type comesprit de corps. practice, therefore, to

manded by

a certain Lollianus,

Parthian war five alae

of Trajan,

and fourteen

less

than

cohortes equitatae}

In defence of the system

urged that on

probably during the

was drawn from no it

would probably have been

every frontier the hostile forces

were equally

dispersed and far less easily concentrated, and that a com-

bination of the Celtic or Teutonic tribes would be heard of

was ready for action. The existence of the league which attacked and for a time broke through the Danube frontier in the reign of Marcus was certainly known to the imperial government, and the local governors

long before

it

succeeded in delaying the vexillationes

crisis until

the return of the

which had been sent to the eastern

frontier,

with whose aid they hoped to be able to cope with the situation. 2

Their calculations were upset by the havoc

army by the plague which these troops brought with them. Even so the danger was eventually wrought

in the

surmounted, and the frontiers were on the whole successfully

maintained for nearly a century more.

But the 600.

full

See Appendix. Augusta, Vita Marci, 12

^

iii.

-

Cf. Historia

geritur,

arte

natum

est

suspensum

1637

consequences of this system cannot be

'

Dum

Parthicum bellum

Marcomannicum, quod diu eorum, qui aderant,

est

'.

H

^ .

perceived

which

and

AND FRONTIER DEFENCE

^VAR

114

it

witlunit

some consideration

the

changes

brought about in the conditions of military

their effect

life

upon the general morale and condition

A

of the troops.

very important point to notice

immobility.

Already in the

except for the

officers,

f)nly

of

first

their

century there was,

no regular system

an important change

is

of transfers,

in the military situation

troops to be sent from one province to another.

and

caused In fact

such changes were frequent, and considerable transfers took place, particularly during the Flavian period and the

From

wars of Trajan. liowevcr, such

the accession of Hadrian onwards,

movements

cease almost entirely.

During

the following hundred and twenty years hardly a legion

and the auxiliary regiments remained We can trace regiments which remained literally for centuries in the same province and for the greater part of the time were in the same castcllum. Of the twenty-one cohorts and alae which are mentioned changed

its

position

almost equally stationary.^

by the

Notitia Dignitatum as forming part of the garrison

of Britain, fifteen are

shown b3^the evidence

of

diplomata

end of the reign of Hadrian and two more, which occur in a diploma of 146, are probably only not mentioned earlier because they were creations of that emperor and had consequently to

have been

in the province long before the ;

no veterans ready

for discharge until after his death.

Similarly the Cohors

V Lucensium

et

Callaecorum was

in

^ The only changes which we knowof arc that Lcgio VMacedonica was transferred from Moesia Inferior to Dacia in the reign of Marcus and that Legio III Augusta was sent by Gordian III as a punishment from Africa to the Rhine, whence, however, it returned in 253. Cagnat, L'Armee roniaine d'Afriqiic, pp. 156-61 2 llie date of this section of the Notitia is disputed, but it can hardly be earlier than the end of the third century. The diplomata are xxix (98), xxxii (103), xxxiv (103), xliii (124),

Iv {ante 138), Ivii {146).

WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE Pannonia

from 60 to 198, the Cohors

at least

I

115

Hemese-

norum from 138/46 to 240, and the Ala III Augusta Thracum from 148 to 268/71. ^ The best instance, however,

that of the Cohors II Ituraeorum Felix.

is

regiment

is

evidence shows 98, 83,

by the

placed it

to

have been

in the province in 147, 136,

As

this section of the Notitia

and probably

39.2

from the beginning century the regiment was probably quartered

seems to date, at the fifth

This

and other

Notitia in Egypt,

earliest,

of the in the

same province for at least three hundred and twenty years.^ Evidence

of continued stay in

one castellum

is

naturally

but the way in which the names and Aurelius follow one another on a series of inscriptions of the Ala I Ulpia Contariorum from Arrabona in Pannonia Superior suggests that the regiment

more

difficult to find,

Ulpius, Aelius,

remained there throughout the second century, and the title

had not moved before Severus Antoninus.* At the fort of Veczel

Antoniniana shows that

the reign of

it

Dacia the Cohors II Flavia

in

inscriptions dating

Commagenorum has

from the reigns

left

of Hadrian, Marcus,

Septimius Severus, Severus Alexander, and Philip, which cover '^

Cf.

practically

D.

ii

and

iii.

the whole period during which the 3664, D.

These regiments 1333. absent, but the evidence 1

Iviii

may

of

and

iii. 3331, and D. Ix and iii. course have been temporarily

is fairly continuous in each case. The Cohors V Lucensium et Callaecorum, for example, appears on diplomata for 60, 84, 85, 133, 138/48, 148, 149 and 154. 2 I.G.R.R. i. 1348, ib. 1363, iii. 14147^ D. xv, iii. 14147^. In the last, which dates from 39, the number of the cohort is not given, and possibly another in the same series is meant. ^ For the date of the Egyptian section of the Notitia see my article, The Garrison of Egypt, in the account of the excavations at Karanog by the Eckley B. Cox Junior Expedition to Nubia published by the University Museum, Philadelphia. * iii. 4379 (3 Ulpii, 2 Aelii), 4360 (Aelius), 4360, 4370 (Aurelii),

11081.

H

2

^

ii6

WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE

l)rovincc

was

In Britain a remarkable series

in existence.^

from Amboglanna (Birdoswald) which has already been referred to, shows that the Cohors I Aelia Dacorum was stationed there from about 211 to 271. of dedications

Had

,

the practice of employing a secondary

title

derived

from the name of the reigning emperor commenced before the third century it would probably be easy to prove stays of

much

The

longer duration.

figures given

must certainly be taken as a minimum. auxiliary could thus

make

himself at

in the practical certainty that,

above

A second-century

home

in his quarters

with the exception of a

few temporary absences as member of a

vcxillatio,

he

would spend the whole of his twenty-fi\"e years of service patrolling the frontier on each side of his castellum. In considering the life which the frontier guards would lead under these conditions we must remember that the character of the auxiliary soldier in the second century

had changed considerably since the force was first organized by Augustus. In the early first century enrolment in the Roman service had little effect on the levies of wild tribesmen who composed the greater part of the period.

They might be organized

auxilia

at

Roman

fashion, but the military qualities

this

in

which they

and their whole maimer of fighting were inherited from their ancestors. Promptam ad pericula nee minus cantmmi et armorum tumultu irucem is Tacitus's description of a cohort of Sugambri employed in Thrace in the reign of Tiberius, and in like fashion the German cohorts of Caecina's army shouted their war-songs and displayed

rattled their shields beneath the walls of Cremona.^ 1

2

823 (Tetricus). of

Another inscription

Maximin. ^

In

1371, 1372, 1374, 1379; A.E. 1903.66. vii.8i8 (SeverusAntoninus),8i9(GordianIII),82o(Postumus),

iii.

Tac.

A>i)i. iv.

47

;

id,

Hisi.

ii.

22.

(808) dates

from the reign

^

WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE

117

the progress of all this was changed Romanization had raised the majority of the provincials, even in the frontier districts, to a level of culture which the second century

placed

them

far

:

above their ancestors

back, although they might

cultured Greek or Italian.^

of three generations

seem barbarous to a

still

In the conditions of the

was nothing to prevent the auxilia from participating in this general advance, and the soldiers service there

who

spent the best years of their lives in these

frontier stations gathered of provincial life

around them

all

which would have been found

On

country town in the neighbourhood.

little

the amenities in

any

the sheltered

side of the fort a civil settlement, technically known as the

canahae, quickly sprang up,

inhabitants

as

the fort

and soon contained

itself,

if

not more.

as

many

It

was

here that the soldiers placed their wives and children,

and bath-house or two and

that retired veterans settled near their old comrades, traders erected their shops.

A

a few small shrines, particularly those dedicated to the

popular military cults of Mithras,

'

the Unconquered

Comrade,' and Juppiter Dolichenus satisfied the highest material and spiritual needs.

At the

fort of the Saalburg,

where such a settlement

on the impression made by the provincial Septimius Severus, Ixxiv. 2. The following sketch applies only to the troops on the Western frontiers, concerning whose life we have considerable evidence. The locally raised troops in the East started as a rule at a higher level of culture, but possibly a similar advance was made by "

Cf. Dio's renaarks

legionaries in

Rome

in the reign of

Trajan's regiments of Paphlagonians, Galatians, and Arabians, although here Hellenization, not Romanization, was of course the goal. ^ For the importance of Mithras in the army, cf. Cumont, Les Mysteres de Mithra. Toutain, Les Cultes pai'ens dans l' Empire romain, cc. ii and iv, gives a classified list of the inscriptions of Mithra and Dolichenus.

^

WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE

ii8 lias

been carefully explored, an area of something like

seventy-five acres

was covered with buildings and gardens. Deum and to Silvanus

Shrines dedicated to the Mater

and Diana have been found, as well as those of Mithras and Juppiter Dolichenus, and two others remain as yet

On

unidentified.

cemetery with

the outskirts, here as elsewhere, lay the inscribed sepulchral

its

chief source of our information on so

On

military life.^

in

more

many

points of

the British wall no canahac have been so

German

carefully explored as those on the

the

monuments, the

limes,

which

is

to be regretted since the buildings are usually

a better state of preservation

;

but

it is still

possible

to see near the fort at Borcovicium (Housesteads) the terraces on

which a scanty crop was buildings extend down the

raised, while the

hill from the fort Mithraeum in the valley.- At Cilurnum an elaborate bath-house was erected for the use of the soldiers of the Ala II Asturum on the banks of the Tyne, and further exca\-ation would doubtless show that it did not stand alone. Where excavations have not taken place the existence of these and other buildings is testified to by inscriptions. At a fort on the Lower Rhine we even find the pracfcdus repairing at his own cost

remains of

at the top to a small

the regimental clock.

The married quarters mentioned abo\c require a few words of explanation. Numerous critics of the Roman army have assumed not only that celibacy is a \-aluable ^

H. Jacobi, Fithrer

gives a

summary

dut'ch

das Romerhastell Saalburg,

1908,

of the latest results.

Excavations so far have been confined to the fort itself, which the buildings were in an exceedingly good state of preservation, and the Mithraeum. 3 xiii. Petronius Athenodorus prae(fectus) coh(ortis) 7800 I Fl(aviae) horologium ab horis intermissum ct vetustate colabsum ^

in

'

suis inpendis restituit

'.

The date

is

218.

WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE military ideal, but that

it

119

was actually attained

until

Severus issued his famous edict permitting soldiers to

marry while still on active service.^ Previous to this it assumed that they had no relations with women but

is

those of the least binding description. carefully explained that the

'

Seeck, indeed, has

children of the

camp could '

not have been reckoned upon as a valuable source for

because the rate of mortality

recruits,

is

notoriously higher

among illegitimate than legitimate children.- This theory is sufificiently refuted by the fact that, as we have seen, nearly fifty

per cent, of the recruits for the Legio III Augusta in

Africa were giving castris as their birthplace long before

A recently discovered edict of Domishown further that such unions were sufficiently permanent to be officially recognized by the government during a soldier's period of service, although only legalized at his discharge.* The effect of Severus's edict was merely to anticipate this act and give legal sanction to existing and perfectly well understood social conditions. Practically the change was probably of small importance, the reign of Severus.^

tian has

since

it

seems

fairly clear that

married quarters were not

allowed inside the fort walls after this edict any more

than before

it,

nor were married

permanently outside.

ment

men

allowed to remain

Cagnat has shown that the arrange-

of the internal buildings of the legionary fortress at

Lambaesis, which are proved by epigraphical evidence to

have been

still

existing in the third century,

is

entirely

opposed to such a supposition, and to the general theory,

which has often been advanced, that from the time of Severus onwards such a fortress became merely a club-

house and exercise ground for the greater part of the ^

Herodian

^

Rheinisches

^

viii.

iii.

18067.

8, 5.

Museum,

xlviii.

616 *

ff.

A.E.

1910. 75.

:

WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE

120

These arguments are concerned only with the legionaries, but they are worth introducing because the troops.^

erroneous \'icws here discussed have often been

apply to the army

made

to

In the case of the auxilia,

as a whole.

was never any justification for their accepThe evidence of the diplomata was always suffito show that even in the first century the auxiliary

indeed, there tance. cient

soldiers, like the legionaries,

formed family

which were

their period of service

officially

The same picture

their discharge. ^

is

ties

during

recognized on

given by early

sepulchral inscriptions, of which the following, from the

Pannonian example '

fort

of

Teutoburgium,

Ti(berio) Cl(audio) Britti

f(ilio)

may

serve

as

an

Valerio, dec(urioni) alae

Aravacorum, domo Hispano, annor(um) L, stip(endio-

II

rum)

XXX,

et

Cl(audiae)

Cl(audiae) Hispanillae dec(urio)

frater

curaverunt.'

et

lanuariae

liliae vivis

Hispanilla

coniugi

eius

et

ex testamento Flaccus

lilia

heredes faciundum

^

towards matrimony was naturally more settled life of the second-century intensified by the auxiliary. The systematic investigation of the cemetery attached to one of these permanent garrisons reveals as orderly a family life as could be found in any countr}^ town of the peaceful inland provinces. The following inscriptions, which are drawn from different parts of This

tendency

the Empire, are but few

advanced to support

among many which might be

this contention.

Cagnat, L'Armie romainc d'Afriqiic, pp. 380-3 and 505-7. e.g. D. iii (64), a wife, son, and daughter; D. xcviii (105), a wife, son, and two daughters; D. xxxvii (no), three sons. See above, p. 32. 3 iii. 3271. The approximate date of the inscription is sufficiently indicated by the names employed. ^ -

:

:

WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE From Borbetomagiis in Germania

6270.

xiii.

Faustinio Faustino Sennauci Florionis

'

Superior

lil(io)

D(amascenorum),

coh(ortis) I F(laviae)

(iti)

121 :

mil-

ped{iti)

sing(ulari)cos(consularis), Gemellinia Faustina mate(r)

Faustinia Potentina sor(or) her(edes) secundum

et

Vixit ann{is)

volumt(atem) testamenti pos(uerunt).

[XX]V,

decidit

Faciendum

iuvent(utis).

flore

in

curaverunt.'

Teutoburgium

10257.

iii.

Pannonia Inferior

in

:

M. Ulp(ius) Super dec(urio)alae Praetoriae c{ivium) R(omanorum), ex s{ingulari) c{onsularis), ann(orum) '

XXXII,

XVI

stip(endiorum)

R(omanorum)

frater,

e(st).

s(itus)

h(ic)

M. Ulp(ius) Similis sesq(uiplicarius) alae

I

c(ivium)

Ulpia Siscia soror, fratri

et

pientissimo iuventutiq(ue) eius,' •&c. iii.

10609.

From Pannonia

Inferior

exact provenance

:

unknown 'D(is)[M(anibus)]Ael(io)Victorinoann(orum)XXX, stip(endiorum) XIII, dupl(icario) ale

I

T{hracum)

v(eteranorum), et Ael(io) Liciniano an{norum) XII, iilis

pient{issimis)

Flaviana

Ael(ia)

infelic(issima)

mat(er) et sibi v(iva) p(osuit).' /.

G. R. R. TO

i.

From Talmis

1350.

7rpoa-Kvvrjfj.a

0T]^(aicoy) imriKfji TvpfXT]S-

Egypt

in

Taiov 'A\yvk^ov

lnico9

a

OuaXepdros

kol

'Ottttlov,

xcoprr]^

larpov vlov avrov, kol 'Apptov vlov avrov, kol KaaaLa\s\,

pdros rod

Kal OvaX[€pi]as, Koi 'EiracPpvTos [Kal] LTTTTOV \aVTOv\}-

These examples alone show are Seeck's licentious

^

of

is

far

mercenaries and

In fact the suggestion of

bastards.

celibacy

how

from

reality

their neglected

many

critics

that

a valuable military ideal, which was attained,

This very comprehensive dedication comes from the shrine

Mandouhs, the source

of

many miUtary

inscriptions.

WAR AND FROMIHR DEFENCE

122

any rate

at

partially, until the relaxation of discipline

Septimius Severus, proceeds upon false service army, like those of

which the whole time

of the

modern European

men

in learning their military duties,

enough.

In the

fessional

Roman

army with

beyond the power

is

by

In a short

lines.

states, in

necessarily occupied

such an ideal

practical

is

Empire the adoption of a pro-

a service of twenty-five years put

it

any government to enforce such monastic conditions, and the facts of the situation were, as we have seen, never misunderstood by the imperial of

authorities.

This

is,

of course, far

state of things

was

service system

is,

on

jections in principle,

from saying that the resulting

that could be desired.

all

this account,

The long

open to serious ob-

and these objections are

intensified

when we consider the lines on which this system developed. The second-century auxiliary, encouraged by the settled conditions of his service to form matrimonial

ties,

with his

and children comfortably settled just outside the fort walls, is perhaps a more satisfactory spectacle from the wife

moral than the military point of view. in the

Military service

same regiment had not yet become actually

heredi-

tary, because the enfranchised son of the auxiliary

advanced a step

in the social scale

and enabled

was

to take

When, however, in 212 the Const itutio Antoniniana swept away a distinction w^hicli had long ceased to have any real basis in a difference of race or culture, this obstacle was removed. ^ Two sepulchral inscriptions of the Cohors I Hcmcsenorum, so often referred to, illustrate this change. The first is erected to a veteran of this cohort and to two sons and a grandson service in the legions.

The possibility that cives had already been admitted into the auxiliary regiments before this date has already been dis'

cussed.

Sec above, p. ^^.

WAR AND FRONTIER DEFENCE who had taken

service in the neighbouring legions

Adiiitrix, while in the

from the

latter legion

123 I

and

II

second we find the son of a veteran

who has taken

service in the auxiliary

cohort.^ It

has already been noticed that the S3/stem of frontier

defence organized by Hadrian

made

it

difficult either to

concentrate rapidly the garrison of a province at one point,

from one province to another. The more settled the auxiliary regiments became, and the more local ties they formed, the more difficult did it or to send reinforcements

become

to order

scale. ^

In fact

frontier

any

dislocation of troops on a large

when Severus Alexander granted to the garrisons any adjoining territory which had been

captured from the enemy, insisting at the same time that it on condition of military was the natural culmination of a long development which had transformed what had

their heirs could only inherit service, this act

process of

once been the finest militia.^

field

army

in the

world into a rural

Unfortunately just as this development was

completed and the result stamped with the seal of

official

approval, the emperors of the third century found themselves faced

by new military dangers

of a type with

which

the old system was least fitted to cope. 10316 and A. E. 1910. 144. The campaigns between Severus and his rivals (193-7) were fought out by vexillations hence at the end of the war we find all the regiments on both sides, so far as they can be ^

iii.

^

;

traced, in their old quarters. ^ Historia Augusta, Vita Alex. Sev. 58 Sola, quae de hostibus capta sunt, limitaneis ducibus et militibus donavit, ita ut eorum essent, si heredes eorum militarent, nee umquam ad privatos '

pertinerent, dicens attentius

defenderent

'.

The theory

eos militaturos,

si

etiam sua rura

of the self-suf&ciency of each pro-

vincial garrison could not be

more

clearly expressed.

SECTION IV ARMS AND ARMOUR The

chief sources of information are the sculptured

on the sepulchral monuments of the soldiers themselves and on the columns of Trajan and Marcus. Excavareliefs

have also yielded specimens, very badly damaged most cases, of the weapons and armour in use at

tions in

periods.

different

that

little

is

description

own

The

of

authorities

literary

valuable, with the

contain

exception of Arrian's

cavalry uniform and equipment in his

day.^

On

sepulchral

from the

first

monuments

century

-

of cavalry soldiers dating

the deceased

is

usually repre-

sented on horseback in the act of spearing a fallen enemy.

may

It

be assumed, therefore, that the armour and

weapons represented are those actually used in warfare, service uniform'. in other words that these men are in '

At

this period the cavalry

uniform consisted of a tunic,

little below the knee, both probably and the caligac or military boots. Over the tunic was worn a leather breastplate with extra shoulder-

breeches reaching a of leather,

pieces to guard against a

down

'howe\'er, although rare, are not is

worn by a trooper

of the

cut.

Metal breastplates

unknown.

Scale armour

Ala Longiniana represented on

and 34-41. The chronology of the Rhenish reliefs has been worked out by Weynand [B. J B. 108/9), and the Danubian monuments have been similarly treated by Hofman [Sonderschrift des Oesierreichischen Archdologischcn Institutes in Wien, Band v, 1905). ^

Arrian, Tactica, 4

*

.

^

ARMS AND ARMOUR

125

an early Rhenish reHef/ and also appears on two African date representing eqiiites of the Cohors VI

reliefs of early

Dalmatarum.^

The

shield

usually an oblong with the

is

longer sides slightly curved, but occasionally an angle in '

these longer sides transforms

it

into

an elongated hexagon.

^This shield was borrowed from the Celtic or Teutonic tribes,

as

reliefs in

is

shown by

frequent appearance on the

its

the hands of the fallen barbarian.

To judge

from these reliefs it measured about one foot by three, and was probably of wood covered with leather. The helmet, which was of metal, had a projection behind to cover the neck in the manner of the English cavalry helmet of the seventeenth century. It was also furnished with an extra band of metal or a peak in front to protect the forehead and large cheek-pieces which clasped over the chin.

On

the

monument

of a trooper of the

Noricorum,^ a very good example of this pieces are highly

class,

ornamented and the top

Ala

the cheek-

of the

helmet

The crest does not appear, because probably it was not worn on active service.* It is ridged to represent hair.

is

equally absent from the battle-scenes of the Trajan column,

although the ring to which

it

was fastened

is

shown.

Some fine plumes are, however, represented on the helmet of a standard-bearer of the Ala Petriana on a British relief, which probably dates from the end of the first century. The long broadsword or spatha, the characteristic ^

Figured by Lehner in the first part of his illustrated catalogue Bonn Museum, Plate vii, no. 3. Figured by Cagnat, L'Armee romaine d'Afriqtie, p. 238.

of the ^

Frontispiece.

It may also be omitted on the reliefs from considerations of space, which are also probably the cause of the frequent omission *

of the helmet. 5

/. R. S.

ii.

(1912) Fig.

8.

As

probably comes from Corbridge, before about 85,

it

was found at Hexham, and cannot well have been erected

it

AR:\rS

126

weapon

A\D ARMOUR

of the auxiliaries/ wiiieli

shield, of Celtic origin,'-

was probably,

was worn on the

like the

right side sus-

pended from the left shoulder by a sword belt {balteus). The hilt ended in a large knob-shaped pommel, and the sheath was often highly ornamented.

The lance with which the soldier strikes his prostrate adversary appears to have had a shaft about six feet long and a broad head. Two more spears often appear on these sepulchral reliefs in the hands of an attendant in the

These are probably the throwing spears

background.

which were

carried, according to Josephus,^ in a quix'er

on the back, and could not therefore, owing to the position Conof the rider, be represented in their proper place. cerning the horses one can say

little

except that they can

hardly have been so small as they are represented. saddle has a high

pommel and

cantle

and

is

The

sometimes

covered with a fringed cloth, and the junctures of the harness are ornamented with metal plates (phalerae). all

ancient cavalry the auxiliaries rode without stirrups.

From

these

complete

reliefs, therefore,

picture

of

the column of Trajan

now wears

we can construct

a fairly

the auxiliary cavalryman of the

His equipment as he appears on

pre-Flavian period.

he

Like

is

essentially the same, except that

a shirt of chain-mail over his tunic instead

of the leather breastplate,

and that

his shield has

changed

from an oblong to a narrow oval.* It is hardl}'- necessary now to defend the accuracy of the column in matters of ^

See Tac. Ann.

tacus)

'

xii.

35 (describing an engagement with Cara-

et si auxiliaribus resisterent, gladiis ac pilis legionariorum,

hue verterent, spathis et hastis auxiliarium sternebantur '. 2 Professor Baldwin Brown considers it to be a development of the iron broadsword of the La Tene period {Arts and Crafts si

nf our Teutonic Forefathers, p. 118). 3 Josephus, Bell. hid. iii. 5, 6. *

Tlie best representation of cavalry

is

ticliorius, PI. 28.

.

ARMS AND ARMOUR detail,

but

may

it

be mentioned that there

127 is

further

testimony for each of these changes.^ Chain-mail appears on the /

Adam

Khssi rehefs and

is

mentioned by Arrian,^ and the oval shield is shown on a Rhenish relief dating from the end of the first century.^

The varied scenes represented on the column enable one also to notice further points, such as the manner in which the shield is slung at the side of the saddle when troops are on the march,* and the use of the military cloak {sagum) which hung down the back and could not therefore appear

on the sepulchral

reliefs.^

In addition to this service uniform there was, as Arrian's description shows, a sort of parade uniform in which the

mail shirts were replaced by brightly coloured tunics, and

and spears were carried than those used was with this uniform and on ceremonial occasions that some of the soldiers wore those curious helmets with a mask decorating the face of which several The fine scale armour specimens have been founds Newstead and elsewhere probably which has been found at It is, indeed, also formed part of this parade uniform. always worn bv the Praetorians on the Marcus column,

lighter shields

war. 6

in

It

^ I do not mean to imply that the details are correctly represented in every case. The swords, for instance, are often omitted, Doubtless several artists were particularly in the earlier scenes. employed, and all were not equally conscientious.

^ ^

Arrian, Tactica, 4 OaipaKa nenXcyiJLei'ov, 41 6ti>j)n^i (Ti8i]po'is. B. J B. Ixxxi. 104. The soldier's name, T. Flavins Bassus, .

gives a terminus post quern for the dating of the relief. ^

Cichorius, PI. 65 [equites singulares) It is sometimes replaced by the scarf {focale).

^

Arrian, op.

^

I

*

cit.

34.

agree with Mr. Curie that the passage in Arrian

{'Icra

ttcivti]

rmv Innfooi) refers to helmets of this kind. See his discussion of the Newstead example, A Roman FroutierTois irpoa-mnois nfTroirjrai

post, PI. 24, 27, 29, 30.

ARMS AND ARMOUR

I2.S

but the auxilia of Trajan.^

still

appear

in

chain-mail as on the column

Specially elaborate suits of this

armour were,

who army list in the second century.- The last change which we can trace was the alteration of the shape

however, worn by the regiments of catafractarii

appear

in the

from oval to round, which probably took

of the shield

place in the third century.

An

eques of the Cohors

I

Thracum is represented on a Danubian sepulchral monument with a shield of this form,^ and the contemporary reliefs on the arch of Constantine show that it was practically universal a century later.

The equipment

described

above was worn by the

majority of the auxiliary cavalry, but

The horse

universal.

soldier of the

a

Danubian

Ala

relief,

archers,

Augusta Ituraeorum represented on carried no shield, and possibly no body in place of a helmet.*

mentions that some regiments carried a

also

specially

was by no means judge by a

may

I

armour, and wore a leather cap Arrian

it

one

if

heavy spear {kovtos), and devoted themselves The numeri, too, did not adopt the

to shock tactics.^

Roman

uniform, but kept to their

own

dress

and weapons.

The Moors of Lusius Quietus are represented on the column wearing nothing but a short tunic their weapons ;

^

Von Domaszewski and

2

An

'^

Hofman,

Petersen, Die Mayciissdule, PI. 27, 52. Ala Gallorum et Pannonioriim catafractata existed in the reign of Hadrian, xi. 5632. Fig. 46.

(Cf.

Fig. 23.

The deceased

iii.

4316.)

He

assigns

it

to the third

century. *

Hofman,

is

represented shooting very

dexterously at a target. It appears from this passage that in the 4. Hadrian the cavalry- did not carry spears of two sizes for thrusting and throwing in the time of Josephus (see above), but one or more of medium length suitable for both purposes. The coniarii were a special class of regiments; the best known of which was the Ala contarioruni miliaria stationed in Pannonia ^

Arrian, Tactica,

reign of

(sec

Appendix).

ARMS AND ARMOUR

129

and a small round buckler

consist of a spear

(cetra),

and

they ride their horses without saddle or bridle, guiding

them simply by a

halter round the neck.^

The regiments

Sarmatae enrolled by Marcus also presumably wore

of

which

their national costume,

a fragmentary

relief in

is

perhaps represented

in

the Chester Museum.'^

The equipment of the auxiliary infantry in the first is more difficult to determine. Not only did the soldiers of the cohorts erect fewer sculptured monuments century

than the cavalry troopers, but on these is

reliefs

the deceased

we cannot uniform. One

not represented in the act of fighting, so that

be certain that he appears in

full service

a soldier of

monuments is the tombstone of Cohors IV Dalmatarum from the Rhine. The

deceased

dressed in a short tunic, which

of the best of the early

is

'^

the sides so as to hang

down

is

looped up at

in front in a series of folds.

The sagum covers his shoulders and hangs down his back. A long spatha and a short dagger are suspended from two waist-belts (cingula) at his right and left side respectively. He has no body armour except a kind of sporran composed metal which extends from the middle of his

of strips of

bottom

belt to the

of his tunic.

and

spears

which

is

a board.

in

5

his

left

an

oblong rectangular shield,

not curved like the legionary scutum but

On two

Pannoniorum

rum

His legs are bare, and he

In his right hand he holds two long

wears no helmet.

*

flat

other reliefs a soldier of the Cohors

and an archer

of the

Cohors

I

as I

Sagittario-

are represented in a similar costume, except that

PL

^

Cichorius,

-

Haverfield, Catalogue of Inscribed Stones in Grosvenor

44, 45.

Museum,

no. 137. ^

*

Lehner, PI. v, no. 3. Lindenschmidt, Tracht iind Beivajfnung des rOinischen Heeres,

PI. vi, no. 2. ^

Lehner, PI.

1637

no. 2. I

.

ARMS AND ARMOUR

130

the Pannonian wears the paenuJa instead of the sagum,

and that the archer carries a bow and arrows in place of the shield and spears. If these soldiers are fully equipped they have surprisingly little defensive armour, but on other monuments, notably those of a private of the Cohors

and a standard-bearer

the Cohors

of

II

V

Asturum,^ a

leather breastplate appears similar to that

On

cavalry at this period.

Raetorum,^

worn by the

the Trajan column too, the

auxiliary infantry are furnished like the cavalry with

metal helmet and chain-mail shirt and wear the short tunic

and

bracae.^

Professor von Domaszewski would like

all this a development of the auxiliaries from heavy infantry,* and it is true that in his account of the German campaigns in the reign of Tiberius, Tacitus emphasizes their character as light-armed troops.^ But even on the Trajan column they are still lighter armed

to see in

light into

than the legionaries, and the evidence of the monuments

The tombstones of legionaries of them wearing a leather breastplate, although there is no reason to suppose that the socalled lorica segmentata was not yet in use. On the whole it seems safer to fall back on the hypothesis that on some of these monuments the deceased is represented in a

is

far

from

decisive.

the same period represent

parade uniform with which, as

by ^

Arrian, the breastplate

in the case of that described

The

was not worn.

tunic with

This monument may be shghtly \\, no. 3. than the others, since the soldier carries an oval

Lehner, PI.

later in date

shield -

Lehner, PI.

vi,

no.

4.

brought out most clearly on Cichorius, PI. 52. * Rangordnung, Sie (the numeri) dienen zur Erganzung p. 59 der zur schweren Infanterie umgeschaffenen Auxiliarcohorten.' ^

The

details are

'

:

* Tac. Ann. i. 51 leves cohortes ', ii. 52 rohortes duacquc alae in cornibus locantur '

iv. 73-

'

'.

legio

medio leves

Similarly

iii.

39,

,

ARMS AND ARMOUR elaborate folds

its

may

we know from

since

also

form part

the cavalry

131 of this costume,

reliefs

that the short

and bracae were already in use. The Trajanic reliefs show several varieties of uniforms in addition to the ordinary type described above. The flying column which the emperor leads down the Danube leather tunics

includes

men who

wear, instead of the ordinary helmet,

an animal's skin arranged over the head and shoulders in the

manner usually confined to standard-bearers, and

others whose helmets are of a curious Teutonic pattern.^

These

may

belong to regular cohorts which had been

allowed to retain something of their national costume,

who appears

but a barbarian

and elsewhere and a sagum, and whose must represent a numerus.

in this scene

clad only in long loose breeches chief

weapon

is

a knotted club,

Others of these irregular regiments are probably represented by the archers clad in long tunics and pointed

caps or wearing helmet and shirt of scale armour

appear in one or two scenes. ^

They are

who

certainly to be dis-

tinguished from the archers of the cohortes sagittariorum

who appear

in a

uniform which only

from that

differs

of

the ordinary auxiliary infantry in the absence of the

The most exceptional uniform

shield.^ slingers,

but a

who

Cichorius

shield.*

men from

that of the

is

are dressed simply in tunics with no ^

armour

wishes to recognize in them

the Balearic Islands, but although the Baleares

were employed by the Republic we have no inscriptions ^ Cichorius, PI. 27. For the helmet with metal ribs see Baldwin Brown, Arts and Crafts, PL xxx, Fig. 118. For the

skins of animals

worn by German

auxiliaries see Tac. Hist.

ii.

88.

Cichorius, PI. 47, 50 and 80. They carry the Asiatic nnXhiova T6^a and may well be Palmy reni. Cichorius decides that those 2

who wear

scale

armour are probably lazyges, but his reasons seem

insufficient. *

Cichorius,

PL

47, 50.

12

3

Cichorius,

PL

'^

Cichorius,

ii.

19.

311.

ARMS AND ARMOUR

132

Balearum under the Empire.

of a Cohors

MoreoNer,

i[

there existed cohorts of slingers with this distinctive

uniform we should expect to find cohortes funditonim or lihritonim on the analogy of the cohortes sagittariorum. It

appears, on the contrary, from a passage in Hadrian's

speech to the African army that slinging formed part of the general training of

all

the auxilia.^

Like the cavalry,

the auxiliary infantry are represented on the Marcus

column

in a

uniform essentially the same as that worn

eighty years previously, and no further developments can

be traced.

The most

this inquiry

is

nine-tenths of the

century.

which emerges from

striking fact

the general uniformity of the equipment of

We learn

auxiliary regiments

from casual references

in

second

the

in Tacitus that

had always been the ideal of the Roman War Office,- and from the military point of view there was doubtless much to recommend it. It has, however, more significance if we regard it as this uniformity

one phase in that extension of a uniform material culture

through at any rate the western half of the Empire which

marks the

first

and second

centuries.

^ viii. Addidistis ut ct lapides fundis mitteretis et 18042 This is addressed to the cquites missilibus confligeretis '. cohortis VI Commagenoium '. - Cf. Tac. Ann. xii. 16 Bosporani nostris in armis ', with Hist. iii. 47. '

'

'

.

.

.

CONCLUSION THE BREAK-UP OF THE AUGUSTAN SYSTEM In the preceding pages we have traced the history of the auxilia through the two centuries which followed the

death of Augustus.

At the end

of this period, as at the

beginning, the distinction between legions and auxilia still

appears as one of the fundamental principles of the

military system of the Empire.

But during

it

the growth

army but through the Empire as a whole, had profoundly altered the original scheme by which levies of uncivilized proof certain tendencies, operative not only in the

vincials,

drawn from every province, were

to support the

Before a century had

contingents of the ruling race.

elapsed the legionaries were no longer Italians nor the auxiliaries barbarians.

As a

result,

among

other things,

of the steady extension of civic rights, the legionaries

were

drawn from the provinces, and as a peaceful civilization developed, the recruiting-area for legions and auxilia alike gradually contracted to the frontier districts. '

Finally, at

the close of the period, the distinction between civis and

was swept away by the legislation of 212. From the military point of view also the character of the army had undergone a no less fundamental change.

Peregrinus

The concentrated striking force of the days of Augustus, which was ready to plunge year after year into the heart of Germany, had been transformed into a frontier guard, scattered over a wide front and accustomed to act permanently on the defensive, every unit of which was fixed immovably, generation after generation, in the same position.

This system, exposed,

it

is

only

fair to say, to

CONCLUSION

134 a strain far

more severe than

templated, broke

designers liad ever con-

its

down completely during

the third century,

and although,

anarchy, the Empire rid

itself

the course of

after fifty years

temporarily of internal and

external enemies, the military organization restored on the old lines.

of

It is

was never

our business in this con-

cluding section to trace the stages in this collapse, and to suggest reasons for the change in military policy traceable in the It

work

of Diocletian

and

his successors.

has already been noted that the frontier system in the second century had obvious defects.

adopted

can easily be seen that if the strongly guarded frontier line were broken through at any point the It

internal provinces were exposed to the greatest danger.

In themselves they possessed no means of making a stand against an invader. in fact to the

and the provincial first

Their garrisons were small, cut

minimum

down

quantity required for police duty,

militia,

which we hear

of during .the

century, seems no longer to have existed except in

]\Iauretania.

In fact,

now

that the

army was

recruited

almost entirely in the frontier provinces, the profession

arms must have been more unfamiliar to the inhabitants of Western Europe and Asia Minor than it has ever been since, and man}- a citizen of the prosperous little towns of

of Gaul, Africa, or the Hellenized districts of the

never ha^'e

set

e3'es

East can

on the imperial uniform.

The

was clearly a dangerous one, and the lesson of Marcomannian War must have made it clear that this

situation

the

system could

onl}-

continue

if

the frontier troops were

supported by a strong and mobile striking to

move

at a

moment's notice

to

force,

any threatened

ready

point.

In the second century the only available regiments not

occupied in frontier defence or police duty consisted of the Household Troops at

Rome,

i.

e.

the ten Praetorian

CONCLUSION

135

The Guards were in employed by Domitian, Trajan, and Marcus on the Danube frontier, but their numbers were small, their

cohorts and the Equites Singulares. fact

duties were efficiency,

not calculated to increase their military

and they were

situation

down upon by The gravity of the

rightly looked

the trained veterans of the frontiers. ^

was grasped by Septimius Severus, who took

advantage of the discredit

in

which the Praetorians were

involved by their support of Didius Julianus to disband the old cohorts, which 'civilized'

them by a

replace

had been recruited

in Italy

and the

provinces of Noricum, Macedonia, and Spain, and

This force,

still

corps

d' elite

selected from the legions.^

too small to be effective, was further

strengthened by an increase in the number of the Equites

and the addition of one of Severus's new legions, the Secunda Parthica, which was henceforth stationed at Alba.* His successors continued the same policy under Severus Alexander we find an officer of the Household Troops bearing the title praepositus equitum itemque peditum iuniorum Maurorum,^ a title which implies the existence of at least two regiments of Singulares,^

:

this character,

and the Osroeni

sagittarii,

this emperor's following at the

who were among

time of his murder, were

numerous that they attempted to set up a rival to Maximin and were temporarily disbanded.® Had the construction of a field army on these lines so

^ For the feelings of legionaries and Praetorians towards one another cf. Tac. Hist. ii. 21 illi ut segnem et desidem et circo ac theatris corruptum militem, hi peregrinum et externum ^ Dio, Ixxiv. 2. increpabant '. 3 See Liebenam, s.v. Equites Singulares, in Pauly-Wissowa. '

Cf. * ^

Herodian Herodian

13, 4.

Dio, Iv. 24. Hist. Aug. Vit. Caracalli, 2 5,8 20996. He held this post between the command of an and that of a Praetorian Cohort. ;

viii.

Urban ^

iii.

viii.

Herodian,

vii. i, 9.

;

CONCLUSION

136

proceeded

in

would necessarily have the whole system to meet the

time of peace,

involved a reorganization of

it

increase in expenditure. As it w-as, the fifty years of civil war and barbarian invasion which followed the accession of Maximin saw the old order irreparably ruined. The

great Illyrian emperors

who saved

civilization for another

century, and spent themselves in marching ceaselessly

from province to province, cutting down the hydra heads of revolt

Goth

and

striving to repel the recurring assaults of

or Persian, could neither hope

to maintain

the

old frontier lines nor spare time to collect vexillations

manner when each new danger Sweeping together Household Troops and

after the second-century

threatened.

fragments of the broken frontier armies and enlisting

thousands of barbarian mercenaries, they strove to keep a concentrated force at their disposal which they

moved

constantly backwards and forwards across the Empire as each internal or external crisis demanded. field

army

was

this

w^hich shared in the imperial triumphs

and

It

received such rewards as the exhausted finances could

bestow.

In comparison with

frontier troops, legions

and

their old positions (and

we

sank steadily

in prestige

it

such units of the old

auxilia alike, as maintained shall see that

and importance.

the barbarian fury had temporarily spent

many did so) When finally its force,

and

a cessation of internal warfare granted Diocletian and

Constantine breathing space in which to reorganize the civil

and military administration

of

the Empire,

provisional reconstruction brought into being fifty

the

by these

years of stress and disaster was formally recognized

and incorporated in the new order. The distinction first and second class troops is no longer between legions and auxilia as in the days of Augustus, but between the Palatini and Comitatenses on the one hand, who between

CONCLUSION followed

the

of

ill

137

war the emperor himself and the new heads hierarchy, the magistri peditum and

military

equitum, and were kept concentrated at strategic points

within the Empire in time of peace, and on the other the Limitanei or Ripenses, who formed, under the duces limitum, a territorial frontier guard, membership in which

was now hereditary in law as well as practiced At this point we might legitimately take leave of our subject, for although the names of many of the old auxiliary regiments still appear in the fourth and fifth centuries

among

the Limitanei, there

is

nothing in either

character or status to distinguish

them from such

had survived in a title auxilia ', on the other hand, of new creation and barbarian

similar capacity.

old legions as '

the

roll of

now

origin

The

applied to corps

which

figure

on

the field army.

But the very figure

is

of the

many

fact that so

on the army

list

of the old corps

still

tempts us to consider the circum-

stances under which they survived and to take a brief

survey of the changed conditions under which they continued their existence. history of the

we

It is fortunate that for the

Roman army

during the fourth century

possess two authorities of considerable merit, the

historian

Ammianus

Marcellinus and the Notitia Digni-

Ammianus, himself a soldier, is practically the first historian of the Empire since Josephus to give us a first-hand account of military operations.^ The Notitia tatum.

^ Codex Theodosianus vii. 22, Esp. 22.9, issued in 380 Sciantque veterani liberos suos quos militaribus aptos muneribus '

:

insitum robur ostendat, aiit offerendos esse militiae nostrae legis laqueis iam futures.'

aiit

obnoxios

2 Ammianus served in his youth in the Protectores Domestici, was on the staff of Ursicinus in the Persian War of Constantius, and survived, and has given us a brilliant description of, the

siege of

Amida

in 359.

rOXCLUSIOX

138

DignitatiDn purports to give us,

what we do not possess

any earlier period, a complete list of the regiments composing the imperial army. It is true that this list appears to be a compilation drawing from evidence of very different dates, but there can be no doubt that it for

represents for most provinces the general state of things prevailing in the fourth century.

The most I

which

fact

significant

strikes us in

these

is the barbaric character of both troops and The majority of the officers mentioned by Ammianus, even those of highest rank, are of Teutonic origin, many being drawn even from the Franks, who are usually reckoned among the more uncivilized of the Empire's assailants. The same picture is presented by the Notitia. Corps which must at any rate have been origi-

authorities officers.

nally raised from barbarian tribes, w^ho normally dwelt

beyond the

abound among the

frontier,

Palatini

Comitatenses, and are to be found in smaller

among

Thus barbarian Atecotti from

the Limitanei.

Caledonia figure as auxilia palatina in the Illyricum, Italy,

and

number

and Gaul

;

^

field

armies of

cavalry drawn from the

Alani appear as a vexillatio palatina in Italy,^ and Marco-

manni

as a vexillatio comitatensis

Among

to the comes Africae.^ class

we

among the troops assigned the troops of the second

find in the garrison of Eg^^pt Vandals, luthungi,

and Quadi from the Danube, Franks and Chamavi from the Lower Rhine, Tzanni and Abasgi from the Caucasus,'* and much the same elements appear in the garrison of Phoenicia.^

In regard to these troops

that, since they are organized in cohorts

it

may

and

be urged

alae after the

old model, they seem to have been incorporated at latest ^

Not. Dign. Or.

^

Not. Dign. Occ.

*

Not. Dign. Or. xxviii and xxxi.

ix. 29. vii.

Not. Dign. Occ.

163.

^ ^

vii. 24, 74, 78.

Not. Dign. Occ.

vii. 18^, Not. Dign. Or. xxxii.

CONCLUSION

130

towards the end of the third century, and that such corps, since they can hardly have obtained fresh drafts

from their original recruiting-grounds, gone

may have

under-

same transformation as the regiments of

the

Spaniards and Gauls which were sent to Egypt and Syria in the

first

In the case in question this

century.

argument may possibly hold good,i but in other parts of Empire it was no longer necessary to send recruiting agents beyond the borders to find barbarian troops. In

tlic

the

recording

presence

a

of

praefectus

Sarmataruni

town in North commanding German laeti

gentilium in almost every considerable

and

Italy, ^

of similar officers

in all the provinces of Gaul, the Notitia

the abundant evidence

^ is

but confirming

of other authorities as to the

settlement of barbarians within the Empire during the third

and fourth

centuries.*

This wholesale use of barbarians was largely due to the hasty constructive measures which the stress of the third-century invasions demanded.

ing-grounds of the arm}^ were the

and

campaign

after a costly

depleted ranks raise

and

by

it

The normal first

was

easier to

enlisting barbarian prisoners

train levies

recruit-

to be desolated, fill

from the unwarlike provinces

In the same way

the

than to of the

seemed statesmanlike to prisoners settle other on the deserted fields, who, secure themselves in their tenure, might aid in repelling their

interior.

^

For traces

of a

'

nationalist

it

'

feeling in the

Egyptian army

at the end of the fourth century see my remarks in Karanog. (See above, p. 115.) - Not. Dign. Occ. xlii. 46-63. There are also a few Sarmatae

n Gaul. ^

Not. Dign. Occ.

xlii.

33-42.

was started by Marcus, who sent 8,000 lazyges to different parts of the Empire (5,500 to Britain) during the Marcomannian War. Dio, Ixxi. 16. *

The

practice

r '

roxcT.rsTox

140

Thus the number ol; barl:>arian contingents was constantly increasing, and behind the banners of Aurelian or Probus the Teutonic war-band marched side by side with regiments which could claim a record extending back to the reign of Augustus. The only considerable levies made within the Empire after 250 were carried out in the lUyrian provinces of which most of the emperors were natives, and are represented by the fifty or sixty regiments of Dalmatian cavalry which appear in the successors.

Notitia stationed in almost every province.^

But

by

side

new

side with the

creations, such as the

and the Comites Taifali, the names of still figure on the fourth-century The legions had naturally come off best army list. the most determined barbarian raid seldom took a legionary fortress, and if it did, a detachment serving with the field army would probably survive to keep the name of Felices Honoriani

many

of the old corps

;

the corps in existence.

It is

not surprising, therefore, to

find that of the thirty legions

reign of Severus, twenty-seven

which existed before the

still

appear in the Notitia

From the way in which they are mentioned, however, we can gather many evidences of the storm through which the army had passed. Many detachments, severed from the main body on some special

service,

were never

able to regain it, and are found where the fortunes of w^r had stranded them. Thus Legio VII Gemina not only appears in its proper place, divided between the

For the organization of these Dahnatian cavalry in the third century and their subsequent importance see Ritterling in the Festschrift for O. Hirschfeld. 2 Those missing are the British Legio Valeria Victrix, and IMinervia and XXII Primigenia from the Rhine. It is possible, however, that the Primani who form part of the British field army {Not. Dign.Occ. vii. 155) represent Legio IMinervia. A' primanorum legio also appears at the battle of Argentorate. Ammianus, xvi. 12, 49. '

XX

'

'

CONCLUSION

141

army and the territorial forces of Spain, but is also mentioned as a Legio Comitatensis in the field army of field

The

the East, and a Legio Pseiido-comitatensis in Gaul.^

old Dacian legion, XIII Gemina, is represented by several detachments guarding that part of the Danube which was allotted to the new province of Dacia Ripensis, but

appears also in Egypt.

"^

Legio II Italica, which had

guarded Noricum since the days

of Marcus, is included

also as a Legio Comitatensis in the field

army

of Africa.^

The auxiliary regiments naturally did not fare so well. The small detachments drafted off for service in the field army probably soon lost their identity, and the castella, which contained the regimental head-quarters, must have often been taken and destroyed. Still, as the appendix shows, over fifty regiments survived long enough to be included in the Notitia.

Naturally the chances of sur-

The

viving had varied on different frontiers.

section of

the Notitia which deals with the northern frontier of Britain

contains

regiments that

it

so

many names

of

pre-Diocletianic

has sometimes been thought to repre-

sent the earliest stratum in the whole work.

There seems,

however, no reason to doubt that the original garrison, although in attenuated numbers, succeeded in maintaining

itself until well into

the fourth century.

\\c

know

from archaeological evidence that even the mile-castles were not abandoned until the reign of Constantine.* ^

vii.

Cf. Not.

41

Dign. Occ.

and Not. Dign.

-

Not. Dign. Or.

^

Not. Dign. Occ.

xlii.

vii.

132 and

xlii.

An

26 with Not. Dign. Or.

Occ. vii. 103.

34-8, xxviii. 15. xxxiv. 37-9.

vii. 144,

For Britain see Not. Dign. Occ. xxviii and xl. The occupation seems to have been interrupted at the end of the third century, probably at the time of the usurpation of Carausius, but further excavation will be necessary to determine *

of the mile-castles

the exact bearing of this evidence.

CONCLUSION

142

almost

equally

large

proportion

of

regiments

old

is

present in the garrison of Cappadocia, which had been

spared the

full force of

are largely

In Egypt, too,

the Persian attack.^

most of the old regiments

survive, although they

still

outnumbered by recent formations. ^

garrison of this important corn-producing province, essential

The more

than ever since the foundation of Constantinople,

had evidently been increased to guard against renewed attacks from the Blemmyes on the Upper Nile, who had raided it successfully in the third century. The Rhine frontier, on the other hand, seems to have been swept of its old garrison from end to end. Two of its legions have disappeared, and the other two, which are included in the

field

army, probably only survive thanks to their

names being preserved by detachments which were

when the fortresses were stormed.^ It is not we reach Raetia and the protection of the Upper Danube that any of the old auxiliary regiments appear. On the Middle and Lower Danube, however, the scene absent

until

of repeated invasions

and

wars during the third

civil

century, few of the old troops survived.

was probably a long one

:

we know from

evidence that several forts were

still

struggle

epigraphical

holding out towards

the end of the century, and excavation

many

The

may show

that

barbarian raids retired without doing any serious

damage.

But the attack was constantly renewed, and

not surprising to find that three

it is

new cavalry formations

For Cappadocia see Not. Dign. Or. xxxviii and Appendix. For Egypt see Not. Dign. Or. xxviii and xxxi and my discussion of these sections in Karan6g. (See above, p. 115.) 2 For Legg. VIH Augusta and XXX Ulpia Victrix see Not. Dign. It must be remembered, however, Occ. V. 153, vii. 28 and 108. ^

-

that possibly Legio I ISlinervia vv^as still in existence (see above, p. 140) and that we have not in the Not:tia a complete list of the

Khinc

Kiirrison.

CONCLUSION ha\'e

replaced the Cohors

and that detachments

of

Hemesenorum

143 at

Intercisa,^

Equites Dalmatae are

now

responsible for practically the whole stretch of frontier

between Belgrade and Buda-Pesth.^ Only the Cohors I Thracum C. R. and the Cohors III Alpinorum, the latter of the old Dalmatian army, remain to remind us which defended this frontier in the second century.^ On the Lower Danube, where the Goths had crossed in force, and in the oriental provinces which had

of the corps

felt

the heavy hand of Persian invader and Palmyrene

usurper,

we

are only greeted

by

section dealing with Cyrenaica as little of its garrison

now

The we know

similar survivals.* lost, so that

is

as in the previous period.

In Africa the frontier had been reorganized in a number of small districts,

each under an

officer styled praepositus

and although we have a list of these districts, we are not told by what troops they were guarded.^ Only for Tingitana are we given a slightly fuller schedule in which a few old names appear.^ The isolation of these remnants of the old imperial army among the flood of Teutonic and other barbarian immigrants shows that the new regime inaugurated by

limitis,

^ The garrison consists of a cimeus equitum Dalmatarum, a cimeiis equitum Constantianorum, and some equites sagittarii. Not. Dign.

and 38. Twelve of these regiments appear in Not. Digit. Occ. xxxiii (Valeria) and eight in xxxii (Pannonia Secunda). ^ Not. Dign. Occ. xxxii. 57 and 59. Probably, however, in xxxiii the names of regiments have been omitted after the title tribunus cohortis, which occurs six times at the end of the list, and some of these might have been old formations. * e. g. the Cohors II Galatarum in Palestine and the Cohors I Ulpia Dacorum in Syria. Not. Dign. Or. xxxiv. 44 and xxxiii.

Occ. xxxiii. 25, 26, 2

335

Not. Dign. Occ.

(Tripolitana).

xxv

(Africa),

xxx (Mauretania), and xxxi ^

Not. Dign. Occ. xxvi.

CONCLUSION

144

The Empire had army recruited from a comof its inhabitants, and when the strain of civil war and

Diocletian was foredoomed to failure. trusted to a professional

paratively small section this

army succumbed

foreign

invasion,

to

and the old recruiting-grounds were

wasted, few of the provinces of the interior, which for nearly two centuries had practically ceased iv furnish soldiers, held

any reserve

By

of military material.

ad-

mitting this and calling upon the barbarian to occupy and

defend the wasted frontier lands, the civilization of the ancient world showed that

it

had

lost the vitality

which

might have assimilated these new elements as Gaul, Spaniard, and African had been assimilated in the past.

A succession of Diocletian's

and the overpowering prestige framework intact for a century after

able rulers

of the past kept the

death.

Then when the

final

catastrophe

came, and the Western provinces sank into the Dairk Ages, a national revival headed by the of Asia

Minor saved the once despised provinces

East from being involved in a

Zeno the Isaurian, not with

common

races

still virile

ruin.

of the

It is

with

Diocletian, that the true

renascence of the Empire begins.

But the auxiliary regiments which survived into the fourth century need not only suggest to us, by the smallncss of their numbers and their isolation among their The barbarian comrades, the nearness of the end. reflection that many of these regiments had held the position assigned to them and preserved a continuous military record for over three hundred years ma\' serve also to remind us of the greatness of the services rendered by the army of the Empire to the cause of civilization.

APPENDIX During

I

the course of this essay an attempt was

made

to

estimate roughly the total number of auxiliary troops in existence during the

first

century, but the evidence for this

period was too scanty to permit of discussing further the

and composition

size

the various provincial garrisons.^

of

In the second century, however, the evidence of

'

diplomata

'

and dated inscriptions becomes relatively copious, and it has seemed possible to draw up something like an army list ', giving the names of the regiments stationed in every province during this period so far as they are known. Such a list cannot, of course, make any pretensions to completeness, but '

hoped that the main conclusions which

it is

not be found incorrect, and that

workers in the same

field.

it

may

it

suggests will

be of service to future

The period

which the

to

list is

intended to apply extends from the death of Trajan, in 117,

which no hostilities on a large scale took place, so that in view of the general character of the military system we may safely assume that to the accession of Marcus, in 161, during

few regiments were transferred from one province to another. In drawing up the observed.

In the

list

first

the following principles have been

place, all regiments

have been included diploma

which are assigned to a particular province by a

'

'

Secondly,

or inscription dated within the limits of the period.

shown to have they must obviously

those regiments are included which can be existed before also

have been

and

after the period, since

in existence during

to a particular province

is

it,

although their allocation

of course not so certain.

To

this

category belong those regiments which, while only mentioned in later inscriptions or the Notitia Dignitatuvi in the titles

'

Claudia

were created at an

Flavia

'

',

Ulpia

',

earlier date. ^

1637

'

',

See above, pp. 53-5.

K

or

'

,

bear evidence

Aelia

'

that they

APPENDIX

146

in

T

These canons have not, however, been rigidly adhered to In estimating the garrison of Mauretania every case.

Caesariensis;

scanty,

diploma

it

example, where

for

seemed

evidence

is

particularly

foolish to exclude that afforded

by the

one yet found in the province.

of 107, the only

In

and other doubtful cases a summary of the evidence used is appended to the name of the regiment, so that the reader may judge of its value for himself. When the facts seem certain

this

the epigraphical evidence

not cited in

is

illustrate certain

arguments used

given to every

diploma

'

'

in

full,

in the text

although to

a reference

which each regiment

tioned and also to the Notitia Dignitatwn}

is

is

men-

In calculating

the strength of the various provincial garrisons the cohorts

and alae are reckoned

at 500 or 1,000

men

mounted

each, the

infantry of a coJiors eqiiitata being estimated at 25 per cent, of the total establishment.

varied in

size,

For the mtmeri, which probably

an average strength of 200 I.

Diplomata xxix

(98),

men

has been taken.

Brit.vin.-

xxxii (103), xxxiv (105), xhii (124),

Iv {ante 138), Ivii (146).

Alae. I

Asturum

II

98

(?),

Asturum

ix.

(Cf.

Augusta Gallorum triana M. C. R.

124,

146.

Xot.

Dign.

Occ. xl. 35. Several inscriptions.

Pe-

Ep/i.Ep. 1171 dates from c. 180. Dio,

Ixxii.

8).

Not.

Dign. Occ. xl. 38. 98 (?), 124. Not. Dign. Occ.

\].

45.

^ Any one desirous of further information on any particular regiment will find a summary of the evidence, in so far as it was then available, in Cichorius's articles in Paulv-Wissowa., s.v. ala and cohors, to which I am deeply indebted. - A date without an epigraphical reference refers to a diploma". The following abbreviations have been used: E(quitata), M(iliaria), C(ivium) R(omahorum), V(eteranorum), S(agittariorum), P(ia) F(idelis). C. H. means that the inscription referred to gives the ci(ysii.<: hotioi'iiDi of an officer. '

APPENDIX I.

Britain.

I

147

Alae (continued).

Augusta Gallorum Pro-

98

anle 138, 146.

(?),

culeiana

Gallorum Sebosiana

II

103,

Picentiana Qu//tu (? Cugernorum) Sabiniana

the

inscription of

century

(vii.

third

287).

124. 124.

I

vii.

Tungrorum Hispanorum Vettonum

571. Not. Dign. Occ. xl. 37.^

98, 105,

145-80

103, 197

(vii.

(vii.

1090).^

273).

C. R.

Augusta Vocontiorum

145-80

(vii.

1080) .3

Cohorts.

x\quitanorum

I

124, 158 {Eph. Ep. ix. 1108).

Asturum II Asturum I

Baetasiorum

I

260

(viii.

105

(?),

9047).* Not. Dign. Occ. 124. xl. 42.^

C. R.

103,

124.

Not.

Dign.

Occ.

xxviii. 18.

Batavorum

I

Not. Dign. Occ. xl. 39. 103,124,146. Eph. Ep. ix.i2yy.

124.

Bracaraugustanorum IV Breucorum III

Eph. Ep. vii. 458, 1231. The only one of these 1127.

vii.

which can be dated belongs to the third century, but the cohort doubtless formed part of the early series, which can be traced in several provinces. ^ Tlie inscription cannot be accurately dated, but the regiment was presumably raised at an early date like others with similar titles, 2 Inscriptions thus referred to come from the area in Scotland only effectively occupied between these dates. ^ The inscription comes from Newstead, which was probably also occupied from 80 to 100, but the soldier's name, Aelius,

suggests a later date. *

A

C.

H. mentioning a praefectus cohortis I Astyrum provinciae The regiment is hardly likely to be a third-century

Britanniae. creation.

The Notitia mentions the first cohort, but inscriptions suggest it was the second which apparently garrisoned the station referred to. The reference shows, at any rate, that one of the two survived. '"

that

K

2

APPENDIX

148 I.

Britain,

I

Cohorts (continued).

I

Celtiberorum

105, 146.

I

Aelia Classica

146.

Ulpia Traiana Cugernorum C. R.

I

Dacorum M. Dalmatarum II Dalmatarum

I

Aelia

I

Dongonum

II I

Not. Dign. Occ.

xl. 51.

103, 124.

Not. Dign. Occ.

146.

xl. 44.

124.

105

(?).

Not. Dign. Occ.

xl. 43.

124.

Frisiavonum

Not. Dign. Occ.

105, 124.

xl.

36.1

Gallorum E.

II

146.

Not. Dign. Occ.

IV Gallorum E.

146.

V

145-80 (vii. 1083). 222 {Epii. Ep. ix. 1140). Second - century inscriptions

Gallonim

Xervana Germanorum M.E.

I

I

Hamiorum

I

Aelia

I

I

S.

xl. 41.

(vii. 1063, 1066).124, 136-8 (vii. 748).

Hispanorum M.E. Hispanorum E.

222

(vii.

98,

103,

Lingonum E. Lingonum E.

Dign. Occ. xl. 49. 105, c. 142 (vii. 1041). Not. Dign. Occ. 98, 124.

II

'

W Lingonum E.

965). 105, 124,

146.

Not.

xl.

48.

103, 146.

Not. Dign. Occ.

xl.

33-

Menapiorum Morinorum II Nervnormu III Nerviorum C. R. Nervionuu C. R.

I

124.

I

103.

W

98, 124, 146. Not. Dign. Occ. xl. ^^. 124. Not. Dign. Occ. xl. 124, 146.

Not. Dign. Occ.

xl.

52.

56. II

Pannoniorum

III

^

Pannoniorum

Still existing in the 105 (?). reign of Hadrian (ix. 1619).

ante 138.^

Epigraphical evidence suggests that the Cohors

I

Frixagoriun

of the Noiitia is identical with this regiment. - The inscriptions come from Birrens, which w^s apparently occupied in the Antonine period. See Professor Haverfield's note in Ephemeris Epigraph ica, ix. p. 613. Assuming that this is the title represented by the HI P. •'

.

of the

'

diploma

'.

.

APPENDIX Britain.

I.

I

Thracum

II

124.

117-38

(vii.

275), ^ 193-7

273)103, 145-80 (vii. 1091). Dign. Occ. xl. 50.

E.

I

Tungrorum M. Tungrorum M. E. C. Vangionum M. E.

I

Fida Vardullorum

I

II

149

Cohorts (continued).

Sunucoium Thracmn

I

I

(^ii-

Not.

Not. Dign. xl. 40. 103, 124. Eph. Ep. ix. 1230. 158.

L."^

103, 124. 98, 105, 124, 146.

M.E.C.R. 6,000 cavalry, 2,125 mounted infantry, 20,875- infantry. Total 29,000. Legions in the province II Augusta, VI Victrix, Valeria Victrix.

XX

;

II.

Germania Inferior.

Diploma 78. / Bericht iiher die Fortschritte der romischgermanischen Forschung, p. 99. Alae.

Afrorum

78.

One

inscription,

apparently (xiii.

Noricorum

which

second

is

century

8806) .3

138-61 (xiii. 8517). 78, 187 (xiii. 8185). 78,

Sulpicia Cohorts.

Flavia E.

Hispanorum P. F. E. VI Ingenuorum C. R.

7797), 250 (xiii. 7786). 7796), xiii. Still existing in 8315. third century. A.E. 1911.

XV

Early

I

205 158

II

(xiii.

(xiii.

107.

Voluntariorum

C. R.

third-century

tions

inscrip-

8824, 8826).* infantry, 1,750 infantry. (xiii.

1,500 cavalry, 250 mounted Total 3,500. Legions in the province I Minervia, :

XXX Ulpia Victrix.

^ The name of the cohort on, this inscription is, however, only due to an emendation of Cichorius, s.v. ^ Presumably C(ivium) L(atinorum), a unique distinction.

^

*

The name is M. Traianius. Both this and the preceding cohort

series.

belong, of course, to early

2

APPENDIX

150 111.

Diplomata

1

Germania Superior.!

xi (74), xiv {S2), xxi (90), xl (116),

1

(134).

Alae.

Flavia Gemina Indiana Gallorum I

Scubulorum

74, 82, 90, 116. 134. 74, 82, 90, 116.

Cohorts. I I

Aquitrinorum Veterana E. 74, 82, 90, 116, 134. Aquitanorum Biturigum 74, 90, 116 (?), 134.

Aquitanorum E. C. R. IV Aquitanorum E. C. R. I Asturum E. III

Augusta Cyrenaica E.

II

Flavia

I

Damascenorum

M.E.S. Dalmatarum Y Dalmatarum I Germanorum C. R. III

I

Helvetiorum

I

Ligurum

et

74, 82, 90, 134. 74, 82, 90, 116, 134. 82, 90, 134. 74. 82, 90, 116, 134. 90, 116, 134. 90, 116, 134. 74, 90, 116, 134. 82, 116, 134.

148

(xiii.

6472).

Hispanorum

116, 134.

C. R.

82, 90, 116, 134. 74, 82, 90, 116, 134.

C.^R. II

Raetorum

Yll Raetorum E.

Sequanorum et Rauracorum E. IV Vindelicorum

I

I

C.R.

XXIV

Voluntariorum

C.R.

XXX ^'oluntariorum C.R.

191

(xiii.

74, 90, 116 116, 134.

(?),

134.

Inscriptions at Murrhardt on

outer limes (xiii. 6530-33). Placed in the province by a late second-century C. H. (iii.

Numeri. Brittonum Elantiensium Brittonum Triputicnsium

6604).

6758).

145-61 145

(xiii.

(xiii.

6490). 65i7).3

Regiments which are last mentioned in the diploma of 116 if they cannot be traced in another province. 2 The regiment is hardly likely to have been raised between 167 and 191. ^ It can hardly be doubted, liowever, that several more of the Numeri Brittonum mentioned on later inscriptions belong to the ^

are included

.same series.

See above, p. 86.

APPENDIX 111.

1,500

Germania Superior

cavalry,

1,125

:

Ylll Augusta,

(64),

xxxv

Alae.

Hispanorum Auriana Flavia Singularivun C. R. P. F. I Flavia Fidelis M. P. F. I Flavia Gemelliana II Flavia P. F. M. I

Cohorts.

Aquitanorum E.

IX Batavorum M. E. Bracaraugustanorum Bracaraugustanorum Breucorum E.

III

V I

III

Britannorum

I Flavia Canathenorum M. IV Gallorum ^ I C. R. Ingenuorum

VI Lusitanorum

Primigenia.

(107), Ixxix {post 145), Ixiv (153),

cxi (162), Ixxiii (166).

II

XXII

Raetia.

IV. iii

(continued).

niounted infantry, 9,275 infantry.

Total 11,900. Legions in the province

Diplomata

151

1

107,

^

.

APPENDIX

152 1\'.

Kaetia.

1

Cohorts (continued).

Raetorum Raetorum VI Raetorum

107, 166. 107, post 1^5, 162,^ 166.^

I

II

Cf.

5202 with Not. Digit.

iii.

Occ. XXXV. 27. III

Thracum

\'etcrana

Ill

Thracum

C. R.

107, 145, 166 (secondary title

only in 3,500 cavalry, Total 12,500.

No

last).

107, 166. mounted infantry,

500

infantry.

8,500

legion in the province before the end of the reign of

Marcus.

\ NORICUM. .

Diploma

civ (106).

Alae.

Commagenorum

I

Thracum

Augusta

I

Not. Digit.

106.

140-4

(iii-

Occ.

xxxiv.

5^'54)-

Cohofts.

Asturum

I

loO.

Several inscriptions

(iii.

11508, 5330, 5539. vi. 3588). 11708 Inscriptions in Noricum (iii. 4839.

;

\'

Breucorum

5086,

5472).

second-century

Probably H. (x.

C.

6102). 1

Aeha Brittonum M.

238 267

(iii.

4812).

Flavia Brittonum M. (cf. iii. 4811 with 11504). 1,000 cavalry', 3,000 infantrj'. Total 4,000. No legion in the province before the end of tlic reign of 1

Marcus. ^

The number

of the

regiment

is

gi^en, but the

name

lias

been

restored. ^

The name

of the

regiment

is

gi\en. but the

number has been

restored. ^

The number

of the

regiment

is

gi\en, but the

name has been

restored

'

* The regiment is not mentioned, but there Comraagena in I'anuouia Prima. '

is

a cavahy station

APPENDIX

Pannonia Superior.

\l.

Diplomata xiii (80),

for the

undivided provinces,

xvi (84), xvii

Diplomata

for

I5J

I

ci {ante bo),

(60),

ii

(85), xxvii (98), xcviii (105).

Pannonia Superior, cv

(116), xlvii (133),

li

(138), lix (138-48). Ix (148), Ixi (149), c (150), Ixv (154).

Alae.

Canninefatium I Ulpia Contariorum M. C. R. I

116, 133, 138, 148, 149, 154. 133, 148, 154.

Hispanorum Aravacorum

Pannoniorum

80, 84, 85, 133, 138, 148, 149, 150.

Several inscriptions

4372

are

;

iii.

certainly

3252,

second

centur3\ I

Thracum

Ill

Victrix C. R.

Augusta Thracum

133, 138, 148, 149, 154. 148, 149, 150, 154.

S.

Cohorts.

Alpinorum E.

II I

V I

I

I

60, 84, 133, 148, 149, 154. 116.

Bosporiana

Lucensium et Callaecorum E. Ulpia Pannoniorum M.E.

60,

Aelia Sagittariorum

133

M.E. Thracum

I\'

C. R. E.

85,

133,

138-48, 148,

(?),

148, 149.

133, 138, 148, 149, 154. Dign. Occ. xxxii. 59. 148, 149.

^'oluntariorum C. R.

XVIII

84,

149, 154. 133, 138, 148, 149, 154.

Voluntarionmi

Xot.

138, 148, 149, 154.

C.R. 3,500 cavalry, 875 mounted infantry, 4,125 infantrj'. Total 8,500. Legions in the province I Adiutrix, X Gemina, XR' Gemina Martia Victrix. :

VII.

Diplomata xxxix

Pannonia Inferior.

(114), Iviii (138-46), c

(150), Ixviii (145-

60), Ixxiv (167).

Alae.

Augusta C. R. Fla\da Augusta Britannica M. C. R.

145-60. 150, 145-60, 167.

APPENDIX

154 \'ll.

PaNNOMA

iNJIiRIOR.

I

Alae (continued).

I

C. R. \'eterana

I

Flavia (iaetulorum

114, 145-60

Augusta Ituraerorum S Thracum Veterana S.

98, 150, 167.

1

I

80, 84, 85, 145-60. (?).!

150, 145-60, 167.

Cohorts.

Alpinorum Peditata Alpinorum E. II Asturum et Callaecorum

I

80, 85, 114, 167. 80, 85, 114, 154-60.2

I

III

Batavorum

]\I.

80, 85, 145-60, 167.

E.

138-46, 145-60.

VII Breucorum C. R. E. II Augusta Nervia Pacensis Brittonum M. II Augusta Dacorum I

P.F.M.E. Hemesenorum

I

M. E. C. R. S. Lusitanorum

III

85, 167. 114, 145-60.'

10255 probably dates from the second century. 138-46.

iii.

60, 80, 84, 85, 98, 114, 145-60, 167.

Lusitanorum E.

114, 145-60, 167. Several inscriptions iii. 3545 probably second century.

Maurorum M. E. I

Montanorum

;

C. R.

80, 84, 85, 98, 114, 167. 80, 84, 85, 138-46 (?), 167.

Noricorum E. Cohors I Thracum E. Cohors I Augusta ThraI

cum

145-60. 167.

E.

Cohors II Augusta Thra-

cum

E.

Cohors

I

Campanorum

167.

Third-century inscription

(iii.

A'oluntariorum

3237)1,875 mounted infantry,

3,500 cavalry, Total 14,500. Legion in the province

'

-

9,125

infantrw

II Adiutrix.

:

Included by an emendation of Cichorius. of these two cohorts is also mentioned on the

One

1).

for

6cj,

84, 138-46. ^

II

The 'Cohors

II

Aug.

Augusta Thracum.

.

.

.'of the diploma

is

citlici

this ur

APPENDIX

Dalmatia.

YIll.

Diploma

^55

I

xxiii (93).

Cohorts. Ill

Alpinorum E.

Numerous

93.

inscriptions

;

third-century C. H. {A. E. placed by Not. 1911. 107) Dign. Occ. xxxii. 53 in Pannonia. Numerous inscriptions, one of ;

I

Belgarum E.

173

(iii.

8484).

^'III \"oluntariorum C. R.

250 mounted

93, 197 (iii. 8336). infantry, 1,250 infantry. Total 1,500.

MoEsiA Superior.

IX.

Diplomata,

ciii

(93)

;

A

E. 1912. 128 (103).*

Alae.

Claudia

Nova

93. 103.

Cohorts.

I

Antiochensium Cisipadensium

93. 103. 93. 103,

I

Cretum

93,

I

"\'

235-8 (iii. 14429)Mentioned in Dacian C. H. (iii. 1163).'^ Second-century 93, 103.

Gallorum

103.

scription

V

Hispanorum E.

(iii.

Inscription probably 93, 103. of second or early third cen-

tury

IV Raetorum

93, 103

(viii. .

4416).^

Existing at time of Mar-

comannian War I

Thracum Svriaca

in-

142 16*).

(viii.

17900).

Several inscriptions 93, 103. at Timacum minus (iii. 8261,

E.

8262, 14575, 14579)-

500 cavalry, 250 mounted infantr}^ 3,250 infantry.

Total

4,000.

Legions in the province ^

Most

of the regiments

:

IV

Flavia,

mentioned

^TI Claudia.

in this

diploma can be

traced in other provinces during the second centur^^ the others

probably remained in Moesia. ^ There is some evidence for placing this cohort in Dacia. ^ Aurelio Marco dec(urioni) [coh(ortis)] V Hisp(anorum) provinciae Moesiae sup(erioris), desiderato in acie, Aiir(elio) Suruelio dup(licario) fratri bene merenti.' The names suggest the date. '

APPENDIX

156 X.

Diplomata xiv

(82),

I

MoEsiA Inferior.

xxx

(99a),

xxxi (99b), xxxiii (105),

xxxviii (98-114), xlviii (134), cviii (138).^

Alac.

A

Atectorigiana

second-century

inscription

places the ala in ^loesia In{Noligia degli Scavi, 1889. 340). Inscription from Tomi of 222-35 ("i- 6154).99b, 105. Second-century C. H. ferior

Gallorum Flaviana

Hispanorum vacorum Augusta 11

I

\'espasiana

et

{Eph. Ep. V. 994). 99b, 138.

Ara-

Early inscription at Arlec (iii. 1 2347), which is still ^ cavalry station with the name Augusta in Not. Dign. Or. xlii. 7. 99a, 105, 98-114, 134.

Dardano-

rum Cohorts.

Bracaraugustanorum Brittonum E. II Chalcidenorum I Cilicum M. IV Gallorum II Lucensimn I Lusitanorum Cyrenaica

99b, 98-114, 134. 99a, 230 (iii. 7473). 99a, 134.

I

II Flavia

134105.

Not. Dign. Or.

105, 98-114, 199 99a, 105, 138.

(iii.

xl. 46.

12337).

E.

Mattiacorum 99b, 134, 138. 2,500 cavalry, 250 mounted infantry, 4,250 infantrj*. Total 7,000. Italica, V Macedonica, XI I Legions in the province Claudia. II

:

1 Several regiments (i.e. Cohorts I Claudia Sugambrorum, Chalcidenorum, IV Gallorum, VII Gallorum) appear in Syria in 157 after appearing in the second-century Moesian diplomata. Probably they were transferred during the Jewish rebellion at the end of Hadrian's reign. All are reckoned under Syria except

I

IV Gallorum, which seems

to have returned.

For an early inscription Hermes, xxii. 547. -

of this regiment see

Mommsen

in

APPENDIX XI.

157

I

Dacia.i

Diplomata, xxxvii (iio);^ for Dacia Inferior xlvi (129) uncertain Ixx for Dacia Superior Ixvi (157 ?), Ixvii (158) ;

;

(145-61).

I I

Asturum Batavorum M.

APPENDIX

i=;.s

Dacia.

XI.

I

Cohorts (continued).

Augusta Xeivia Pacensis Brittonum M ^ I Ulpia Brittonum M. II Brittonum M.C.R. P. F.2

I

145-61.

145-61. In Moesia Tiles

Brittonum

III

-

iii.

Moesia Superior

In

Tiles

no.

III Campestris C. R.

iii.

I

Flavia Commagenorum Flavia Commagenorum E.

II

III I

Commagenorum

iii.

I

I

Gallorum

in

103.

8074^-.

14216-^.

iii.

119-38

(iii.

1371).

7221, 13767.

no.

Described in

ii.

as

being

3230.

129.

Flavia Ulpia Hispanorum M. E. C. R. Hispanorum ^^eterana

Hispanorum Scutata

II

103.

Inscriptions at Drobetae, 14216^, 14216^^.

Dacia III

in

157-

Gallorum Macedonica E.

II

157.

iii.

(jallorum Dacica

Superior 8074'^.

no, 145-61. 145-61. (Probably is the Cohors I Hispanorum of this diploma.) 145-61.

Cyrenaica E.

Hispanorum E. Augusta Ituraeorum

158.

I\^ I

Lingonum

\'

S.

no,

158.

7638). But the cohort existed earlier A.E. 1890.

215

(iii.

;

151II I

Flavia

Xumidarum

Aelia Gaesatorum M.

Thracum S. VI Thracum I Ubiorum

145-61.3 157. 158-

I

I

129.

145-61. 157-

^'indelicorum M.

157-

Restored from the Cohors I Augusta Nervia ... of the diploma on the analogy of the Cohors II Augusta Nervia Pacensis M. Brittonum on the diploma of 114 for Pannonia Inferior. ^ As these cohorts are only mentioned on tiles it is possible that they returned to Moesia soon after the war. ^ So Cichorius, comparing AESAx of the diploma with tiles from Sebesvaralja marked CMCiST and O:-lAIH0 (iii. 80741*, 8o742«.) *

'

'

-

APPENDIX XL Numeri. Burgariorum riorum

Dacia

vereda-

et

159

(continued).

138

no,

Pedites singulares Britan-

I

13795).

(iii.

157.

nici ^

Palmyrenorum

Some

inscriptions

907,

(iii.

142 16) are probably as early as this period.

6,000 cavalry, 1,125 mounted infantry, Total 25,300. Legion in the province XIII Gemina.

18,175 infantry.

:

Macedonia.

XII.

A new I

diploma [A. E. 1909. 105) shows that the Cohors

Flavia Bessorum was stationed in the province in 120.

Total 500 infantry.

XIII.

No

diplomata

:

Cappadocia.

the basis of this section

of battle against the Alani

',

is

Arrian's

which gives the state

'

Order of the

garrison at the end of the reign of Hadrian. Alae. II

LHpia Auriana

Arrian,

Augusta Gemina Colo-

I

norum II

Gallorum

i. Full title, iii. 6743. Not. Dign. Or. xxxviii. 23. Arrian, i. Full title, viii. 8934. Not. Dign. Or. xxxviii. 21. Arrian, 9. Cf. I.G.R.R. iii, 272 Not. Dign. Or. xxxviii. ;

24. I

LTlpia

Dacorum

Arrian,

8.

A^ot.

Dign.

Or.

xxxviii. 23.

Cohorts.

Apuleia C. R.

Arrian, 7 and 14.

Not. Dign.

Or. xxxviii. 34. ^ The distribution of these and other inscriptions suggests that there were at least two numeri in the province. In identifying the various regiments mentioned by Arrian I have made use of the excellent article by Ritterling in Wiener Studien, xxiv. Cf also Arrian as Legate of Cappadocia in Pelham's Essays on Roman History. "^

'

.

'

APPENDIX

i6o

Cappadocia,

XIII.

Bosporiana M.

Germanorum M.

Cohorts (continued). Arrian, 3 and 18.

S.

Not. Dign.

Or. xxxviii. 29. Not. Dign. Or. xxxviii. 36.

I Claudia E. Cyrenaica S. E. I

I

Arrian, i and 14. Arrian, 2. Cf. I.G.R.R. i. Not. Dign. Or. xxxviii. 623

E.

;

30.

Hispanonim E.

II

II Italica C.

iii. 6760, ix. 2649; ^- ^• 1911. 161.^ Arrian, 3, 9, and 13. Cf. xi.

Cf.

R. S. M. E.

Ituraeorum E. I Lepidiana E.C.R. I

Arrian,

Not. Dign. Or. xxxviii. 35. Arrian, 3 and 18. Cf. D. Ixxvi

Flavia Numidarum M. E. S.*

III Ulpia

M. E.

(178) for

Petraeorum

Arrian,

Lycia-Pamphylia.

i.

Dign.

Not.

Or.

xxxviii. 27.

S.

Raetorum E. IV Raetorum E.

1

Arrian, i. Arrian, i. mounted infantry,

2,000 cavalry, 1,875 Total 11,000. Legions in the province

:

XII Fulminata,

XIV. Diploma ex iii.

i.

In Moesia Inferior in 98-114.^

(157).

infantry'.

7,125

XV

Apollinaris.

Syria.

The cavalry

vexillatio

described

in

600 seems to ha\e been drawn almost entirely from

regiments stationed in the Eastern provinces.^

This inscrip-

The second

inscription mentions a Spanish cohort in Cappaprobably identical with the Cohors II Hispanonim E. commanded by the praefectus mentioned in the tliird, whose career seems to have lain entirely in the Eastern provinces. He would have commanded it about 120. 2 Mentions the regiment as stationed in Syria, whither it had been transferred before 157. Cf. D. ex. D. xxxviii. * Arrian certainly mentions a Xumidian cohort it is, however, merely a conjecture to identify it with the regiment stationed later in Lycia-Pamphylia. " Of the nineteen regiments mentioned (taking Augusta Syriaca as the title of one ala, not two), eight are mentioned on ^

docia,

which

is

•'

;

'

'

APPENDIX tion, therefore,

may

reign,

mentioned

i6i

I

which probably dates from the end

of Trajan's

be reckoned as a diploma, and the regiments

in

it

placed in Syria

if

they cannot be traced

else-

600.

3497

where. Alae. II Flavia

Agrippiana

iii.

Cf.

C. /. G.

iii.

for full titles,

Augusta Syriaca I Ulpia Dromedariorum M. Praetoria C. R.

I

iii.

600 (from Egypt).

Not. Dign. Or. xxxviii. Armenia). Cf. ii. 4251 {praefectus alae III Thracum in Syria) with vi, 1449, which shows that the regiment was existing in the middle of the second century. iii.

600.

26

Ill

Thracum

Thracum Herculania M. Ulpia Singularium

I

(in

iii.

600, 157. 600, 157.

iii.

600, 157.

iii.

Cohorts. I I

Ascalonitanorum S. E. Flavia Chalcidenorum S.

V

E.

Chalcidenorum E.

II Classica S. I

157-

Ulpia Dacorum

iii.

600.

157157.

Not.

Dign.

Or.

xxxiii.

33 (Syria), III II

Dacorum E. Equitum ^

VII Gallorum I Lucensium E. IV Lucensium E. II Ulpia Paflagonum E.

iii. iii.

600. 600.

157iii.

600 (from Dalmatia).

iii.

600.

iii.

600, 157.

the Syrian diploma of 157, two on the Palestine diplomata ot 86 and 139, and one on the Egyptian diploma of 83. Of the remainder two have left inscriptions in the East, two seem to have come from the Danube, and only four are otherwise unknown. ^ Should probably be equestris, the regiment belonging to the same series as the Cohors VI Equestris which formed part of the Cf. Pliny, of Bithynia when Pliny was governor. Ep. X. 106. The meaning of the title is obscure, unless ecptestris simply — equitata,

garrison

1637

L

APPENDIX

i62

XIV. Syria.

Cohorts (continued).

Paflagonum E. I Ulpia Petraeorum M. E.^ \' Ulpia Petraeorum M.E.^ Ill Ulpia

I I

I

Ulpia Sagittariorum E. Claudia Sugambrorum

iii. iii. iii. iii.

Coo, 157. 600, 157. 600, 157. 600.

157.

Sugambrorum E.II Thracum Syriaca E. III Augusta Thracum E. Ill Thracum Syriaca E.^ l\ Thracum Syriaca E.^ I

iii.

600 (from Moesia).

157. 157. .4.

E. 1911. 161.

Mentioned on a C. H. ol the second century (ii. 1970).

II Ulpia E. C. R. iii. 600, 157. 4,500 cavalry, 2,375 mounted infantry, 9,625 infantry. Total 16,500. Legions in the pro\'ince III Gallica, I\' Scythica, X\T Flavia. :

XV. Syria Palaestixa. Diplomata,

xi.x (86),

cix (139).

Alac.

Gallorum Anton. .

.

et .

Thracum

Gallorum

139. 139.

Probably the

vLviavi]

VakiKr\

dki] 'AfTw-

of

B. G. U.

614 (dated 217).

VII Phrygum

139.

Coliorts.

Bracarum IV Breucorum I Damascenorum III

^

Numbers

II

and

139.

139. 139. III in this scries

were certainly miliariac,

as probably all were. -

I

agree with Cichorius in distinguishing the Cohors I SugamThe I Claudia Sugambrorum.

brorum V. E. from the Cohors

is probably identical with the regiment mentioned by Tacitus as being in Moesia in a.d. 2.6 (Tac. Ann. iv. 47), the second a later creation distinguished as such by its secondary title. ^ Mentioned in the cursus honoriim of a praefectus whose On this service lay almost entirely in the Eastern provinces.

first

ground and because Cohorts I and II of this series were certainly East the regiment has been assigned to Syria. This second argument applies to Cohort IV. Both regiments were in any case in existence at this period.

in the

APPENDIX XV. Syria Palaestina I

Flavia C. R. E.

Cohorts (continued),

iii.

600, 139.

xxxiv. 45. I

Ulpia Galatariim

163

I

Not. Digii. Or.

APPENDIX

i64

XVII. Egypt. Flavia Cilicum III Cilicum

I

III

E

Cohorts (continued).

140

6025).

(iii.

217-18 [A. E. 1905. 54), but it belonged presumably to the early series. Not. Dign. Or. xxviii. 35, but belonging probably to the series raised by Trajan.

Galatanim

II

Hispanorum

II

Ituraeorum Felix E.

III

I

134 {B.G.U. 114). 147 (/. G. R. R. i. 1348). Not. Dign. Or. xxviii. 44. A 103 {Pap. Ox. vii. 1022). second-century C. H. (viii.

Ituraeorum

17904). I

x\ugusta Praetoria Lusitanorum E.

1

Augusta Pannoniorum

Scutata

C.

R.

156 {Eph.Ep.\n. -p. 456). ^ot. Dign. Or. xxxi. 58. 83. Not. Dign. Or. xxviii. 41. Cf. iii. 143 {B. G. U. 141). 12069 ^^^ ^'^^- ^'S'^- ^^• xxxi. 59.

Thebaeorum E. II Thracum

114 {E.G. U. 114). 167 (Wilcken, Ostraka, 927).

I

Niimeri.

Palmyreni Hadriani Sagit-

216 {I.G.R.R.

i.

1169).

tarii

2,500 cavalry, 750 mounted infantry, 5,950 Total 9,200. Legion in the province II Traiana Fortis.

infantry.

:

X^TII.

CVRENAICA.

Garrison unknown.

XIX. Africa.

A lew. 1-

I

a via

174

Augusta Pannoniorum

128.

1

(viii.

21567).

Addressed by Hadrian {A.E. 1900. 33).

Co/iorts.

II Flavia

Afrorum

Chalcidenorum E. \T Commagcnorum E.

I

198 164 128.

(.4.

E. 1909. 104).

(viii.

17587).

Addressed by Hadrian

(viii.

18042).

APPENDIX XIX. Africa.

Cohorts (continued).

Flavia E.

I

165

I

Addressed by Hadrian

128.

18042).

(viii.

II

Hispanorum E.

128.

II

Mauronim

208

Addressed by Hadrian 18042).

(viii.

(viii.

4323).

Numeri.

Palmyrenorum 1,000

cavalry,

211-17 500

mounted

Total 4,200. Legion in the province

:

18007).^

(viii.

infantry,

infantry.

2,700

III Augusta.

XX. Mauretania Caesariensis Diploma xxxvi

(107).

Alae.

Brittonum V.

Second

Miliaria

9764). Cf. 5936. Several inscriptions (viii. 9389, 21029, 21036, 21568, 21618).

-

century

inscription

(viii.

Existed in second century (xii.

672).

I

Nerviana Augusta Fide-

I

Augusta Parthorum

107, 201

Gemina Sebastenorum

234

107.

lisM.

Flavia

II

Augusta Thracum P. F.

(viii.

9827). 21039). A praefectits of the reign of Marcus {Eph. (viii.

Ep. 699). 107, 209-11

(viii.

9370).

Cohorts. II II I

II I I I

I

Breucorum E. Brittonum Corsorum C. R. Gallorum

107, 243 107. 107.

(viii.

21560).

Post-Hadrianic C. H.

(ix,

2853). 107,

Flavia Hispanorum Flavia Musulamiorum

107, 201 107.

Augusta Nerviana Velox Nurritanorum

107. 107.

6010

(viii.

Later ;

viii.

9360).

inscriptions

(xi.

4292).

^ Cagnat, however, considers that the regiment was in the province as early as 150, relying on viii. 3917, p. 955.

APPENDIX

166

XX. Mauretania

Caesariensis.

Pannoniorum E. II Sardorum Aelia Singularium

IV Sugambrorum

107, 255

Numeri. Gaesatonim

150

4,000 cavalry, Total 10,200.

Cohorts (continued).

107, 201 (viii. 22602). 208 (viii. 21721). Also firstcentury inscriptions. 260 (viii. 9047). Cf. 20753.

I

I

1

250

mounted

(viii.

9045).

(viii. 2728). infantry, 5,950

infantrv.

Third-century inscriptions also show the existence of a large force of Moorish irregular cavalry, perhaps a sort of territorial

their

mihtia.

It

is

impossible,

however, to estimate

number, or to ascertain whether they were already

existence in the second century.

Cf.

in

Cagnat, L'armee romaine

d'Afrique, pp. 261-73.

XXI. Mauretania Tixgitaxa.

Alae.

A

Hamiorum

second-century 21814a).

(viii.

inscription Cf.

A.E.

1906. 119. Cohorts. I

Aslurum

et

Callaecorum

C.

H.

of

4211).

reign Cf.

of

viii.

Trajan 21820 ;

(ii.

vi.

3654Ill

Asturum

C. R. E.

500 cavalry, 125 mounted

Late second-century C. H. (xi. 4371). Placed in Mauretania

by a Greek inscription (Waddington, 104) and Not. Dign. Occ. xxvi. 19. infantry, 1,375 infantry. Total

2,000.

Alae. II Flavia 1 ^

XXII.

Hispanorum (\R.

Lemavorum In the

HisPANiA Tarraconensis.

first

184 (cf. A. E. 1910. 5 ii. 2600). 161-7 or later (ii. 2103).-

inscription the regiment

;

is

commanded by

a

trib^tnus. 2 This inscription does not, however, prove conclusively that the regiment was stationed in Spain.

.

APPENDIX

I

XXII. HisPANiA Tarraconensis

167 (continued).

Cohorts.

Celtiberorum Baetica E.

I

Ill Celtiberorum

E.

I Gallica

163 (ii. 2552 cf. A.E. 1910. 3). 167 (A.E. 1910. 4). A.E. igio. 4. Not. Dign. Occ. ;

xlii.

III

32.

Not. Dign. Occ. xlii. 28. It is stationed at 'Cohors Gallica'. Inscriptions ii. 2584, 4132. Cf. Not. Dign. Occ. xlii. 29.

II Gallica

Lucensium

1,000 cavalry, 250 mounted infantry, 2,250 infantry. Total 3,500. Legion in the province VII Gemina. To this list we may add the following regiments, which can :

be shown to have existed in the second century, although they

cannot be assigned to any particular province

:

Alae. Ill

Asturum

3007

xi.

(the

name Ulpius

occurs). I

Flavia Gallorum Tauriana

2395

2394,

viii.

(Trajan

at

earliest).

Cohorts.

Aelia Expedita

viii.

Bracarum III Breucorum

vi.

VI Brittonum

2424 (Trajan). Romische Mitteilungen,

II

9358.

1838 (Trajan). ix. x. 3847 4753 (Trajan) (probably middle of second ;

century), III

ii.

Augusta Cyrenaica

iii.

77

(Marcus)

VI Gallorum

The career of the 1449. Praefectus Praetorio Macrinius Vindex, who was killed

vi.

in 172.

He

manded

this

probably comcohort about

150.

VI Hispanonim xi. 4376 (Trajan), III Lingonum E. xi. 5959 (Trajan or PannoniorumetDalmatarumx. 5829 (Trajan). II Ulpia

V

Petraeorum M. E.

Raetorum

1,000

cavalry,

Total 6,500.

xi.

later).

5669 (Trajan or Hadrian). 8934 (Trajan to Hadrian).

viii.

375

mounted

infantry,

5,125

infantry.

APPENDIX

i68

I

These calculations show that during the period

in

question

the auxiliary troops amounted to 47,500 cavalry, 15,375 mounted infantry, and 129,925 infantry, giving a total

establishment of 191,800 men.

It is probable,

mounted men too

this puts the proportion of

however, that low.

Arrian's

Ectaxis shows that nearly every cohort of the Cappadocian garrison

was

equitata,

and although the proportion

of

mounted

men was

doubtless higher on the eastern frontier than on the

Rhine or

in Britain, it is probable that

documents garrisons

similar

we should

to

that the total figure arrived at is it

we

possessed more

find a higher proportion of coJiortes equitatae It is equally

than our present evidence suggests.

no province

if

dealing with the other

the Ectaxis

below the

falls

likely that the list

is

complete

such as Mauretania Tingitana and Africa, obviously put far below

its real

;

probable

For

reality.

in

the

some

cases,

garrison

is

establishment, while for Arabia

and Cyrenaica we have no evidence at all. The deficiency is certainly too great to be made good by the few regiments of uncertain habitation which conclude the list. Probably we may reckon on a total figure of about 220,000 men, of whom at least 80,000 would be mounted. The twentj^-eight legions in existence at this time,

5,600

men

to a legion,^

if

we

follow Suetonius in assigning

would only have a

of 156,800, so that clearly- in dealing

period

we must

disregard Tacitus's statement that the auxilia

were approximately equal

The sion of

total establishment

with the arm}' at this

in

number

to the legionaries.

total military establishment of the

Empire

at the acces-

Marcus including the Household Troops, that is to say Urban ^ cohorts and the Equites

the ten Praetorian and six Singulares,

and the complement

of the fleets in the Mediter-

ranean and the Channel and on the Rhine, Danube, and Euphrates, must thus have amounted to some 420,000 men. This total, however, was to be

^

Suet. Fr. 278 [Reiffer)

'

further increased before

I^egio dicitur

vel certus militum numerus, id est -

still

V

virorum

electio fortium

DC

Four were at Rome, one at Lugudunum, and one at Carthage.

APPENDIX

169

I

At the beginning of the third century had been made to the Household Troops, when the legions had been increased to thirty-three ^ and scores of numeri added to the frontier guards, there may have been

the decline began.

when

additions

nearly half a million disciplined force than

men was

serving with the colours, a larger at the disposal of

before the nineteenth century, and

army which ^

which

I

in Italy.

state

the largest professional

the world has ever seen.

Marcus added

Noricum

any one

II and III Italica to garrison Raetia and Septimius Severus the three legiones Parthicae, of and III were stationed in Mesopotamia and II at Alba ;



APPENDIX This appendix on

p. 60,

mainly designed to supplement the table

is

by giving a

list

of the auxiliary regiments grouped

according to the provinces

added

also

for the sake

dealing with

the

in

which they were

cohortes

thus contains, or

is

the auxihary regiments

of course,

in

given

I

have

know

The

the place of origin.

intended to contain, the names of

known

to us,

The

and includes

far

all

more

greater part of this

list

merely a repetition of that drawn up by Cichorius

in his articles

and

I

civium Romanorum, and a few

than existed at any one time. is,

raised.

of completeness a further section

regiments of which we do not list

II

on ala and cohors contributed to Pauly-Wissowa,

view of the admirable summary of the evidence there

have restricted myself to appending to the

regiment the

when

name

of the province in

which

it

title of

each

was stationed,

unknown, a reference to a single inscription Only in cases where I have been able to add to the list a regiment unknown when Cichorius wrote have I added a note on the evidence. The whole may, in fact, be

or,

this

mentioning

is

it.

described as a

summary

of Cichorius's articles,

with a supple-

ment bringing them up to date, and as such may, I hope, be of some value to students of this subject. As in the list on p. 60, regiments raised before 70 and those of later date are divided into two groups, distinguished by the letters

A

and B. Britain.

Alae.

Flavia Augusta Britannica M. C. R.^ Brittonum V.

A.

I

^

Gcrmania Superior

Pannonia

Inferior.

Mauretania Caesariensis.

Seems to be identical with the regiment mentioned in Tac. iii. 41, and was therefore in existence before the Flavian

Hist.

period.

APPENDIX Britain, CoJiorts.

A.

II

(continued).

171

172

APPENDIX Belgica.

II

Cohorts (continued).

APPENDIX Belgica.

I

17:

Cohorts (continued).

Batavorum M. Septimia Belgarum

Ill I

II

Ulpia Traiana Cuger-

Pannonia Inferior.^ Germania Superior. Britain.

nonim Nervana Germanorum M. Britain. Mattiacorum supposed on account of the existence of Moesia Inferior. II Mattiacorum I Treverorum supposed on account of the existence of Germania Superior.^ II Treverorum I I

Alae

LuGDUNENSis.

.

APPENDIX

174

LUGDUNENSIS. Apriana

II

Aloe (continuedj

EgyptMoesia Inferior.

Atectorigiana Classiana

Germania Germania

Longiniana Patrui Picentiana

i-^-

Inferior

—Britain.

Inferior.

7d>Z-

Germania Superior. Germania Inferior. Germania Superior.

Pomponiani Rusonis Sabiniana Scaevae

Britain.

Siliana C. R.

X. 6011. Africa Pannonia.

Sulpicia

Germania



Inferior.

Cohorts.

A.

Gallica C. R. E.

I

II Gallica

Tarraconensis. Tarraconensis. Aquitania. Dacia.

Gallorum Gallorum Dacica II Gallorum Moesia Inferior. II Gallorum Maccdonica E. Moesia Superior Dacia. II Gallorum Mauretania Caesariensis. II Gallorum E. Britain. III Gallorum Germania Superior Moesia I

I





Inferior.

III

Gallorum

Spain.

IV Gallorum

Moesia Inferior.

Gallorum IV Gallorum V Gallorum \' Gallorum \'I Gallorum \'II Gallorum Mil, IX, and

Raetia.

I\^

Britain.

Pannonia

—Moesia Superior.

Britain, vi.

X

1449.

Moesia Inferior. Gallorum supposed on account of the

existence of

XI Gallorum

^

Dalmatia.

Aquitania.

Alae.

None.

As four Gallic cohorts bear the number II, we may add two others bearing the number I in addition to the two known to us, ^

and also another Cohors

The

total

Gallicae,

III to correspond with the third CohorsIV.

number of Gallic cohorts raised, must have been twenty-four.

including the Cohortcs

APPENDIX

II

175

Aquitania (continued) Cohorts.

A.

Aquitanorum V. E. Aquitanorum II Aquitanorum E. III Aquitanorum E. C. R. IV Aquitanorum E. C. R.

I

I

I

II

Biturigum Biturigum

Germania Germania Germania Germania Germania Germania xiii.

Superior. Superior Britain. Superior Raetia. Superior. Superior.

— —

Superior,

6812.

Narbonensis. Alae.

A. Augusta Vocontiorum

Vocontiorum

Germania

Inferior

—Britain.

Egypt.

Cohorts.

None. Alpes. Alae.

A. Vallensium.

(All

the

little

Alpine provinces.

APPENDIX

176

Raetia

Cohorts.

A.

II

(continued).

Germania Superior. Raetia. Ractorum Cappadocia. I Raetorum E. Germania Superior. II Ractorum C. R. Raetia. II Ractorum Two cohorts III Ractorum supposed on account I

Helvetiorum

I

of the

existence of

IV Raetorum E. IV Raetorum V Raetorum VI Raetorum VII Raetorum E. VIII Raetorum C R. Raetorum et Vindehcorum I Vindehcorum M. II and III Vindehcorum

Cappadocia. Moesia Superior,

|

viii.

8934.

Germania Superior. Germania Superior. Pannonia Dacia. Germania Superior.



Dacia.

supposed on account

of

the

existence of

IV Vindehcorum I Aeha Gaesatorum M.

B.

Germania Superior. Dacia.

NORICUM. Alae. A. Noricorum

Germania Superior.

Cohorts.

A.

1

Pannonia

Noricorum

Inferior.

Pannonia. Alae.

Pannoniorum Pannoniorum I Pannoniorum Tampiana II Pannoniorum Pannoniorum

A.

B

I

Africa.

I

Moesia Inferior.

I

Ihyricorum

^

Flavia Pannoniorum

Sarmatarum

^

Britain.

Dacia.

Pannonia Superior. Dacia.

-

Pannonia

Inferior.

Britain.

Developed out oi a. vexillatio eqiiititni Illyyiconim. Cf. p. 157. Cichorius identifies this with the last ala Pannoniorum, supposing the title Flavia to have been added as an honorary distinction. But iii. 3252, which is clearly of second-century date, 1

2

mentions an ala Pannoniorum without any additional title. 3 Developed out of a iinmcnts Sarmatarum organized from the Sarmatae deported to Britain by Marcus. Cf. vii. 218 and 229.

APPENDIX Pannonia

Cohorts.

II

177

(continued).

Breucorum Raetia, Breucorum Mauretania Caesariensis. III Breucorum ix. 4753IV Breucorum Britain. V Breucorum Noricum. VI Breucorum^ Moesia Superior. VII Breucorum Pannonia Inferior. VIII Breucorum xiii. 7801. I Pannoniorum Germania Superior Britain. I Pannoniorum Mauretania Caesariensis. I Augusta Pannoniorum Egypt. I Pannoniorum et Dalma X. 5829. tarum II Pannoniorum Britain. III Pannoniorum Britain, IV Pannoniorum iii. 12631, ix. 3924. I Varcianorum supposed on account of the existence of II Varcianorum Germania Inferior. B. I Ulpia Pannoniorum M.E. Pannonia Superior. A.

I

II



Dalmatia.

Alae.

None, Cohorts.

Dalmatarum Dalmatarum III Dalmatarum IV Dalmatarum V Dalmatarum VI Dalmatarum E. VII Dalmatarum E. B. I Dalmatarum M."^ II Dalmatarum M. III Dalmatarum M.E.C.R IV Dalmatarum M. A.

I

Britain.

II

Britain.

Germania Superior. Germania Superior. Germania Superior. Mauretania Caesariensis. Mauretania Caesariensis. Dalmatia. Dalmatia. Dacia. iii.

1474.

MOESIA.

Alae. ^

A. Bosporanorum B. I Vespasiana Dardanorum

Syria

—Dacia.

Moesia Inferior.

^

Not included byCichorius,but now known from .4 .2:.

-

See p. 61, n.

1637

^

3.

M

1905. 162.

See above, p. 157, n.

3.

APPENDIX

178 ^

II

MoESiA (continued)

,

Cuhorts.

A. Bosporanorum M.

Cappadocia,

Pannonia Superior

Bosporiana

I

II

Bosporanorum

X. 270.^

Aurelia Dardanorum II Aurelia Dardanorum

B.

I

Moesia Superior. Moesia Superior.

M. E.2 Dacia. Alae.

B.

Ulpia

I

Dacorum

Cappadocia.

Cohorts. Syria. Dacorum Britain. Dacorum M. Pannonia. II Augusta Dacorum Syria. Dacorum I Aurelia Dacorum supposed on account of the existence Pannonia Superior.^ II Aurelia Dacorum

B.

I

Ulpia

I

Aelia

of

Thrace. Alae.

Thracum Herculania I Augusta Thracum I Thracum I Thracum Mauretana I Thracum V. S. I Thracum Victrix * II Augusta Thracum III Augusta Thracum S. III Thracum

A.

Syria.

Raetia.

Germania

Inferior

—Britain.

Egypt.

Pannonia Inferior. Pannonia Superior. Mauretania Caesariensis. Pannonia Superior. Syria.

Cohorts. I

I

Augusta Thracum E. Thracum Germanica C. R. E.

I I I I

Thracum M. Thracum S. Thracum E. Thracum Svriaca

Pannonia Inferior. Germania Superior

— Pannonia

Superior. Palestine.

Dacia.

Pannonia Inferior. Palestine— Moesia Superior.

This inscription is certainly interpolated, but Cichorius believes the authenticitj' of this title.

^

in

Not mentioned by Cichorius. Not mentioned by Cichorius and only known from iii. 15 184. ^ Another Ala II Thracum may be assumed to have been sometime in existence, as two regiments bear the number III. -

^

See A.E. 1903. 288.

APPENDIX Thrace.

II

Cohorts (continued).

179

APPENDIX

i8o

IT

Galatia. Coliorts (continued). Galatarum ^ Egypt. I Ulpia Paflagonum supposed on account of the existence II Ulpia Paflagonum Syria. III Ulpia Paflagonum Syria. Ill Ulpia

CiLiciA.

Alae.

None. Cohorts.

A.

I

Cilicum

II Cilicum

Moesia Inferior. supposed on account of the existence of

III Cilicum

B.

I

2

Flavia Cilicum E.

of

.

APPENDIX

i8i

II

Syria.

A lac. A.

Hamiorum

^

Augusta Parthorum Parthorum V. I

B.

Commagenorum

I

Mauretania Tingitana. Mauretania Caesariensis. xiii.

10024^.

Egypt

—Noricum

Cohorts.

A.

I

Antiochensium

I

Apamenorum

E. Chalcidenorum E.

I

S.

Moesia Superior. Egypt. Africa.

Chalcidenorum Moesia Inferior. III and IV Chalcidenorum supposed on account of the II

existence of

V

Chalcidenorum

Syria.

Damascenorum Palestine. I Hamiorum Britain. II Hamiorum viii. 10654. I HemesenorumM.S.E.C.R.Pannonia Inferior. I

I

Sagittariorum

II Sagittariorum

III Sagittariorum I

B.

I I



Germania Superior Dacia (?). supposed on account of the existence of ^

iii.

335, xiv. 3935.

Tyriorum ^ Moesia Flavia Canathenorum M. Raetia. Flavia Chalcidenorum Syria.

Inferior.

S. E. Flavia Commagenorum Dacia. II Flavia Commagenorum Dacia. Ill, IV, and V Commagenorum supposed on account of the existence of I

VI Commagenorum I Flavia Damascenorum

Africa.

Germania Superior.

M. E. I

Ulpia Sagittariorum E. Aelia Sagittariorum M.E

I

Nova Surorum M.

I

^

Not included by

S.

Cichorius.

Inscriptions of the

Syria.

Pannonia Superior. Pannonia Inferior. Cf. viii.

21814a, A. E. 1906.

19.

these cohorts (xiii. 7512, 7513) show that it was recruited in the East, as probably all were. ^ If the emendation suggested above, on p. 6g, n. 3, be correct, we should also include a Cohors Seieuciensiura. 2

first of

,,

APPENDIX

i82

Palestine.

-

A.

Pannonia

Augusta Ituraeorum Sebastenorum I

Palestine

- , Cohorts.

Inferior.

—Mauretania

Cacsa-

riensis.

,

A.

II

Ascalonitanorum Felix E. Syria. Pannonia Dacia. Augusta Ituraeorum S. Germania Superior Dacia. I Ituraeorum II Ituraeorum E. Egypt. III Ituraeorum Egypt. lY, V, and VI ^ Ituraeorum supposed on account of the

I



I



existence of

Yll Ituraeorum I Sebastenorum M.

Egypt. Palestine.

Arabia.

.

Alae.

B. IUlpiaDromedariorumM.2 Syria. Cohorts.

B.

I

Ulpia Petraeorum M. E.^

Petraeorum M.E. III Ulpia Petraeorum M. E. IV Ulpia Petraeorum ^ V Ulpia Petraeorum E. VI Ulpia Petraeorum ^ II Ulpia

Syria. xi.

5669.

Cappadocia. Palestine. Syria.

Palestine.

Egypt.

Alae.

None. Cohorts.

A.

Thebaeorum E. Thebaeorum

I

II

Egypt. Egypt.

^ Arrian, Ectaxis, 18, mentions an Ituraean cohort which may be identical with one of these. 2 This, at least, seems the most likely province for it to have been raised in. This regiment, not included by Cichorius, is only mentioned in the Syrian diploma for 157. ^ It is not mentioned as miliaria, but is conjectured to have been so on the analogy of cohorts II and III. * The title Ulpia is not given in these two cases, but the regiments obviously belonged to the same series and were probably

also eqtiitatae.

APPENDIX

183

II

A^^^^^-

Alae.

Germania Inferior. Palestine. Gaetulorum V. B. I Ulpia Afrorum supposed on account of the existence of II Ulpia Afrorum Egypt. Moesia Inferior. I Flavia Gaetulorum

A. Afrorum

Cohorts. x. 5841. C. R. E.i Cirtensium supposed on account of the existence of Mauretania Caesariensis. II Cirtensium Moesia Superior. I Cisipadensium

A.

I

Afrorum

I

viii. 7039. Gaetulorum Flavia Afrorum supposed on account of the existence Africa. II Flavia Afrorum Egypt. I Ulpia Afrorum E. I Flavia Musulamiorum Mauretania Caesariensis.

I

B.

I

Flavia

I

Numidarum Numidarum

of

Lycia. Dacia.

II Flavia

Mauretania.

Alae.

None. Cohorts.^

Maurorum M. Maurorum M. Maurorum Quingenaria

B.

.

Arvacorum Arvacorum Asturum Asturum

Inferior. Inferior.

Pannonia Superior.

II

Moesia

I

Britain.

I

1

Pannonia Pannonia

Tarraconensis.''

J

Alae.

A. I

Africa.

Moesia Inferior.

Probably identical with the

tioned in

vi.

Inferior.

'

Cohors Afrorum in Dacia men'

3529.

Cichorius, and only mentioned in A E. an inscription dating from the end of the second century. ^ There is no reason why these regiments should not have been raised between 40 and 70, but they do not appear on inscrip-

Not included by

.

1909. 104,

tions until *

Some

much

later.

of the cohorts

been raised

in Baetica.

and alae

of

Hispani may, of course, have

APPENDIX

i84

Tarraconensis. II

Asturum

II

Aloe (continued).

APPENDIX Tarraconensis.

185

II

Cohorts (continued).

Moesia Inferior.

I Hispanorum V. E. I Hispanorum E. I Hispanorum E. II Hispanorum II Hispanorum Scutata

Britain.

Egypt.

Germania Superior. Dacia.

Cyrenaica

Hispanorum E. Hispanorum E. III Hispanorum IV Hispanorum V Hispanorum II

Africa.

II

Cappadocia.

Germania Superior. Dacia.

Germania Superior

—Moesia

Superior.

VI Hispanorum

xi. 4376. Dalmatia-

— Syria.

Lucensium E. I Lucensium Hispanorum II Lucensium III Lucensium IV Lucensium V Lucensium et Callaecorum I Fida Vardullorum M. I

Germania

Inferior.

Moesia Inferior. Spain. Syria.

Pannonia Superior. Britain.

E. C. R. I

II

B.

I

I I

I

\^asconum supposed on account of the existence of Hispanorum Vasco- Britain.

num C. R. E. Flavia Hispanorum Flavia Hispanorum M.E. Flavia Ulpia Hispanorum M. E. C. R.i Aelia Hispanorum M. E.

,

Mauretania Caesariensis. Moesia Superior. Dacia. Britain.

LUSITANIA.

Alae.

None. Cohorts.

A.

Augusta Praetoria Lusitanorum E. I Lusitanorum I Lusitanorum Cyrenaica II Lusitanorum E. I

This preceding.

regiment

is,

Egypt-

Pannonia Inferior. Moesia Inferior. Egypt.

however,

possibly

identical

with

the

APPENDIX

i86

LusiTANiA. III

II

Cohorts (continued).

Lusitanorum E.

Germania

Inferior

— Pannonia

Inferior.

IV and

V

Lusitanorum supposed on account

of the exis-

tence of

VI Lusitanorum

^

Raetia. Africa Raetia.



VII Lusitanorum E.

Sardinia and Corsica.

Alae.

None. Cohorts.

Corsorum C. R. Corsorum I Sardorum II Sardorum E. B. I Gemina Sardorum Corsorum II Gemina Ligurum Corsorum A.

I

Mauretania Caesariensis.

I

Sardinia.

Sardinia.

Mauretania Caesariensis. et

Sardinia.

et

Sardinia.

These last two regiments seem to have been formed by amalgamating the cohorts I Corsorum, I Sardorum, and I Ligurum, which appear in Sardinia in the pre-Flavian period, but not

later.

cohortes voluntariorum and other regiments of

Roman

Citizens.

The character of these regiments has already been discussed on pp. 65-7, where the origin of the greater number, at any rate, was traced to the exceptional levies made during the Pannonian revolt of 6-9, and after the defeat of Varus in the latter year. citizens,

This levy included not only free-born

voluntarionim.

The

thirty-two, which

The and

freedmen

also

form a

latter

may have

enrolled

series

in

Roman cohortes

numbered up

to

included the cohortes ingeniioriim.

may, however, have been numbered separately, must be admitted that the presence of a Cohors IV

latter it

Voluntariorum ^

but

ingeniU,

is

rather against the hypothesis, previousl}^

Not included by

scription,

Cichorius,

which is probably

and only mentioned on a Greek in-

of second-century date,

7.

G. 7?. /?.

iii.

56.

APPENDIX advanced, that the

first

reserved for the ingenui. fact that a cohors

187

II

numbers

six It is

of

the

scries

were

impossible to argue from the

voluntariorum and a cohors ingemiorum

never appear bearing the same numbers, since the series has

many

gaps, and only the following regiments can be traced

Ingenuorum C. R.^ 1\ Voluntariorum C. R. VI Ingenuorum C. R. VIII Voluntariorum C. R. XIII Voluntariorum C. R. I

:

v. 3936.

Pannonia Superior. Germania Inferior. Dalmatia. iii.

6321.

XV

Germania Voluntariorum C. R. XVIII Voluntariorum C. R. Pannonia XIX Voluntariorum C. R. vii. 383. XXIII Voluntariorum C. R. Pannonia XXIV Voluntariorum C. R. Germania XXVI Voluntariorum C. R.^ Germania Voluntariorum C. R. Germania Germania XXXII Voluntariorum

XXX

Inferior.

Superior.

Superior. Superior. Superior. Superior. Superior.

C. R.

The following regiments seem although we creation I

to

have a similar character,

know nothing concerning

the occasion of their

:

Italica

Voluntariorum

xiv. 171.

C.R. II Italica Voluntariorum C. R. I

Cappadocia.

M.

Campanorum Volunta-

Dalmatia

—Pannonia

Inferior,

riorum C. R.^ Lastl}-,

a series of at least seven

regiments bearing the

inexplicable title of Campestris, of which only the following

have

left

traces

:

III Campestris

Dacia.

VII Campestris

Syria.

Probably identical with the Cohors I C. R., which appears The Cohors II C. R. which formed part of the garrison of the same province according to ix. 2958 probably also belongs to this series. ^ xiii. 6306 may refer to Cohors XXV, but it is probable that the final stroke is omitted, and that Cohors XXVI was meant. ^ On this regiment see above, p. 65, n. 6. ^

in

Germania Superior.

APPENDIX

188

in

II

The following three regiments should perhaps be included the same category :

Pannonia

Ala I C. R. Cohors Apuleia C. R. Cohors I Lepidiana C. R.

Inferior.

Cappadocia. Moesia Inferior.

In a final section I have grouped together regiments which

and a few cases of ethnical titles which present inexplicable, owing to our ignorance of the

bear non-ethnical are at

titles,

situation of the tribes referred to.

however, be remembered that

have had ethnical references to

titles

In the former case

many

which are not mentioned

them which we

it

must,

of these regiments

may

in the only

possess.

Alae.

Augusta Augusta 1 Augusta 2 Augusta C. R. Augusta Germanica Augusta Moesica Augusta Syriaca Augusta ob virtutem appel-

Noricum. Moesia Inferior. Egypt. Pannonia Inferior. Pisidia.^

Gcrmania Britain.

lata 4

Claudia I

Nova

Inferior.

Syria.



Dalmatia Germania Superior Moesia Inferior.



Augusta Gemina Colo-

Cappadocia.

norum Constantium ,4. £. 1911. 107. I Ulpia Contariorum M.C.R. Pannonia Superior. -^

Flavia I Flavia Fidelis M. ^ "

Africa.

Raetia.

Possibly identical with the Ala Augusta ]\loesica. Possibly identical with the Ala Augusta Syriaca.

See /. R. S. ii. (1912), p. 99. This regiment has no early inscriptions, and is probably identical with one of the other British alae, possibly the Ala Petriana, which renounced its original title in favour of this '

*

honorific appellation. ^

Not included by

Cichorius.

This regiment

a late formation, or possessed also an ethnical inscription.

is

title

probably either omitted on this

APPENDIX I Flavia

Gemelliana

II

189

APPENDIX

igo

II

V Gemina

Palestine.

Latabiensium Maritima

Germania

I

Inferior.

2224. Syria.

ii.

Miliaria

Alpes Maritimae. Mauretania Caesariensis. I Mauretania Caesariensis. Scutata C. R. Egypt. I Aelia Singularium Mauretania Caesariensis. I Ulpia supposed on account of the existence of II Ulpia E. C. R. Syria. Naiit I

.

.

.

Augusta Nerviana Velox Nurritanorum

This last section completes our survey of the auxiliary forces of the

Empire so

they are known to us, and

far as

regiments go our knowledge

it is

mere names

satisfaction to feel that so far as the

some

of the

now approaching comple-

is

The recently discovered diploma E. 1912. 128), which gave the names

Moesia Superior

tion.

for

{A.

of twenty-four regi-

ments which were stationed

in the province in 103, did not

mention one previously unknown to us, and a glance at the Anne'e Epigraphique for the past ten years will show how rarely a fresh

name appears among

deahng with the

auxilia.

the numerous inscriptions

This knowledge does not, of course,

while so many regiments are merely known by name from one or two casual inscriptions, we can tell neither the total number of auxilia maintained at any one time

carry us very far

;

to us

nor the relative strength of the frontier garrisons, and a host of

minor problems are even further from solution.

fact,

however, that new evidence

is

now

The very

so slow to accumulate

seemed to justify the attempt to utilize the available material and state summarily such conclusions as arc at present attainable on a subject of

students of the

Roman

some

Empire.

interest

and importance to

all

INDEX Actarius, in an ala, a cohort, 43. Aeneatores, ^2)> ii- H-

African

41

in

;

Cohorts, size

Ala, origin of term, 22-5

45

;

,

size of, 26

;

;

titles

officers

of, 40.

Balearic slingers, 10, 131. Barbarization of Roman army, 99, 138. Hill, fort at, 106.

Barr

16,

72. Beneficiarius, in

19,

27

officers of,

;

titles of,

;

104.

Cornicen, 43. Cornicxilariiis, in in a cohort, 43.

Cretans,

an

57,

ala, 41

;

ala,

41

;

9, 62.

Curator turmae, 41. alae or cohortis, Custos armorum, 41.

t^j,

Dacia, recruiting of garrison, yy. an ala, 37 in a cohort, 38. Diocletian, military reforms, Deciirio, in

35, 49,

an

of,

46 et seqq. ConstitiUio Antoniniana, 122. 43

Contarii,

Archers, 84, 103, 128. Augusta, used as title of auxiliar^- regiments, 47. Augustus, military reforms, 13 et seqq.

Batavians,

et

seqq., 187.

officers, 96.

of, 24,

Cohortes quingenariae 28. voluntariorum, 65 ,,

;

in

a cohort, 43,

Diplomata

Breastplates, 124. Britain, frontier defences, 109,

militaria, 31 et seqq.

Dromedarii, 30,

DupUcarius, 41.

112, 141.

British

regiments,

recruiting,

85-

Bucinatov, in an a cohort, 43.

ala,

42

;

in

Eqiiites Singulares Imperatoris, 41 et seqq., 135; recruiting, 81.

Face-masks, 127. Canabae, iij.

Frontier defences, 107 et seqq.

Capsarius, 43, n.

8.

Catafractarii, 128.

Cavalry, use

of,

104

;

superior

pay

of. 35. Celtic officers, 96.

Centurions, 37.

Gaesati, 86. Gallic regiments,

Gemina,

used as a title auxiliary regiments, 47.

Chain armour, 126, 130.

German

Civilis, 20.

Greek

granted to auxiliaries, 31 et seqq. Civitates foederatae, 57. Civiiim Romanorum, used as a title of auxiliary regiments, 46. Cohories equitatae, 28, 29. miliariae, 28. ,,

importance

of, 64, 81.

of

frontier, 108.

officers, 97.

Civitas,

Hadrian, military reforms, 90, 107 speech to army in Africa, ;

29, 35, 132. Haltern, fort at, 105. Helmets, 125. Hofheim, fort at, 105. Housesteads, fort at, ij, 118.

,

INDEX

192 Imaginifer, in an ala. a cohort, 42. Iwmunes, 39 et seqq. Isaurians, 144.

41

in

;

cohortis, ^6.

equiium, 23, 24. numeri, 87.

,,

Italian officers, 95.

Josephus, value

Praefecti, 91 et seqq. Praefectus alae, 36.

,,

Praepositits, 37. Praetorians, 34, 135. Principales, 39 et seqq.

102.

of,

Legionaries serving as officers

Roman

in auxilia, 38.

Legions, recruiting

connexion

80

of, 78,

;

with auxilia,

of,

serving citizens auxilia, ^^. Romanization, 117.

in

49-51Librarins, in an a cohort, 43.

ala,

Married

position

soldiers,

41

in

;

of,

119.

Mauri, 89, 128, 135. Medicus, in an ala, 42

;

in

a

cohort, 43. Medicus ordiuar'ms, 43.

Mensor, 43.

Mounted

Infantry, 29.

Newstead,

fort

at,

27,

106,

127.

Saalburg, fort at, 117. Salluitana turma, 11, 2t,. Scale-armour, 124, 127. Sesquiplicarius, 41. Shields, 125, 126, 129. Signalling, in. in Signifey, in an ala, 30, 41 a cohort, 42. Singulares, 41. Slingers, 132. Spears, 126, 129. Stator, 41. Stratoy, 41. Subpraefectus, in an ala, ^G in a cohort, 36. Sugambrians, 48, 116. Swords, 126, 129. ;

;

Notitia Dignitatuni, 138. Numeri, 85 et seqq., 128, 131.

Numidians,

10.

an

ala,

Optio, in 42.

41

;

Oriental regiments, of, 82 et seqq. Osroeni, 135.

in a cohort,

recruiting

Tacitus, value of, 102. Tesserarius, 42.

Tribunus

V elites, Palmyreni, 88. Pannonia, recruiting of garrison 71, 75 et seqq.

Pay,

35.

Oxford

:

cohortis,

t,6,

94.

Tiibiceii, 42. 10.

Veteranoruui cohortes, 48. VexiUarius, in an ala, 10; in a cohort, 42. Vexillationes, 113.

Horace Hart M.A. Printer to the University

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