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MODERN PHILOLOGY THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO, ILLINOIS THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON AND EDINBURGH THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISH...

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MODERN PHILOLOGY

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO, ILLINOIS THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON AND EDINBURGH

THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA TOKYO, OSAKA, KTOTO, FUKXJOKA, SENDAI

THE MISSION BOOK COMPANY SHANGHAI

//../'

\'

MODERN PHILOLOGY EDITED BY JOHN M. MANLY, General Editor CHARLES R. BASKERVILL, Managing Editor TOM PEETE CROSS STAKE W. CUTTING WILLIAM A. NITZE JEFFERSON B. FLETCHER FRANCIS A. WOOD KARL PIETSCH ERNEST H. WILKINS T. ATKINSON JENKINS ADVISORY BOARD FRANCIS

JAMES W. BRIGHT GEORGE HEMPL CALVIN THOMAS FREDERIC

I.

B. GUMMERE GEORGE L. KITTREDGE FREDERICK M. WARREN CARPENTER

VOLUME SIXTEEN 1918-1919

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO, ILLINOIS

I

My

Published

May, June,

July, August, September, October, November, January, February, March, April, 1919

Composed and Printed By The University of Chicago Press Chicago.

Illinois,

U.S.A.

December, 1918

CONTENTS The Reaction against William Godwin NEIL C. ARVIN. The Technique of Scribe's Comedies-Vaudevilles F. B. BARTON. Laurence Sterne and The'ophile Gautier ARTHUR C. L. BROWN. The Grail and the English Sir Perceval. I. J. DOUGLAS BRUCE. Pelles, Pellinor, and Pelican in the Old French Arthurian Romances. I and II 113 and JOHN L. CAMPION. Ein Tristanfragment D. H. CARNAHAN. The Financial Difficulties of Lamartine W. A. CHAMBERLIN. Longfellow's Attitude toward Goethe DONALD LEMEN CLARK. The Requirements of a Poet: A Note on the Sources of Ben Jonson's Timber, Paragraph 130 RONALD S. CRANE. A Note on Richardson's Relation to French B. SPRAGUE ALLEN.

.

.

.

.

159 205

.

553

Fiction

143

.

.

57

...

F. DEMos"s. Aristotle"

413

495 649

of

Realism

W.

89

.

The Gaelic "Ballad of the Mantle" E. PRESTON DARGAN. Studies in Balzac. II. Critical Analysis CROSS.

337

.

....

TOM PEETE

225

.

.

351 Spenser's Twelve Moral Virtues

"According to 23 and 245 VINCENTE GARCIA DE DIEGO. Formas Regresivas Espanolas 579 E. 0. ECKELMAN. Wilhelm Raabe's Trilogy, Der Hungerpastor, Abu 525 Telfan, Der Schudderump .

OLIVER FARRAR EMERSON.

.

The West Midland Prose Psalter 90: 10 The Plagiarized Book Reviews of C. F.

53

Weisse in the Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften Intercalations in the Novels of Alfred Meissner

77

CHARLES PAUL GIESSING.

.

....

ARTHUR ROLLINS GRAVES. JAMES HOLLY HANFORD.

Coleridge as a Philologian Hugues Salel, Poet and Translator

HELENE J. HARVITT. HENRY BARRETT HINCKLEY. Chauceriana JAMES ROOT HULBERT. The Sources of St. Erkenwald and The .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

315 615 *--595

.39

Trental

485

of Gregory

On

T. ATKINSON JENKINS.

Alleged Anglo-Normanisms in the Oxford

Roland

569

ALEXANDER HAGGERTY KRAPPE.

Bertrand de Bar-sur-Aube and

Aymeri de Narbonne

.

.

W. KURRELMEYER. The Sources of Wieland's Don Sylvio KEMP M ALONE. The A of Father, Rather ROBERT GRANT MARTIN. A New Specimen of the Revenge Play .

REGIS MICHAUD. OLIN H. MOORE.

Le Transcendantalisme d'apres

The

Infernal Council

SAMUEL MOORE.

New

Life-Records of Chaucer

1'histoire

.

.

.

151

.

637 11

.

1

.

393 169

49

CONTENTS

VI

E

Die Indogermanische Media Aspirata.

PROKOSCH.

andiv H. W. PUCKETT.

.

The

II,

III,

99, 325,

and 543

in Middle Fay, Particularly the Fairy Mistress,

High German

HYDER

Martin Parker, Ballad-Monger A Note on French-English Word Pairs in

E. ROLLINS.

.

....

JAMES FINCH ROYSTER. Middle English

Mind of Romanticism. I. Romantic 281 and I Motives of Conduct in Concrete Development. 609 Pharsalia Lucan's and EDGAR FINLEY SHANNON. Chaucer Personae Dramatis Human Individual The SIMONS. LISTER DOROTHY 371 of the Divine Comedy Studies in the

MARTIN SCHUTZE.

.

.

.

Poe's Extension of His Theory of the Tale

HORATIO E. SMITH.

.

FRANKLYN BLISS SNYDER. Notes on Burns's First Volume EDWIN H. TUTTLE. Vowel-Breaking in Southern France LEONARD DE LONG WALLACE. A New Date for the Conquest .

.

.

.

195

.

475

.585 of

....

Granada

ERNEST WEEKLEY. "To Prune" and "to Prime" CASIMIR DOUGLASS ZDANOWICZ. Don Garde and Le Misanthrope

.

271 431 129

REVIEWS AND NOTICES: Adams: Shakespearean Playhouses.

A History of English Theatres from the Beginnings to the Restoration (Baskervill) 503 Bates, ed.: A Woman Killed with Kindness and The Fair Maid .273 of the West (by Thomas Heywood) (Adams) .

Bowen: The Novels

of Ferdinand

The Poems

Fabre (Dargan)

.

.

.

.

.607

56 Edgar Allen Poe (Sherburn) 277 Cook, ed.: A Literary Middle English Reader (Knott) 167 Corte"s: Casos Cervantinos que Tocan a Valladolid (Northup) Croll and demons, eds. Euphues The Anatomy of Wit Euphues & his England (by John Lyly) (Baskervill) .279 Campbell, ed.

:

of

... .

.

.

:

:

;

.

.

.

Figueiredo Characteristics of Portuguese Literature (Northup) Historia de Litteratura Classica (1502-1580) (Northup). :

.

:

The Mystic Vision in the Grail Legend and in the Divine Comedy (Nitze and Wilkins) How (translator) and Wagner (ed.): The Life of Lazarillo de Tormes and His Fortunes and Adversities (Northup)

608 608

Fisher:

.

.

Meyer: Miscellanea Hibernica (Cross) Orr, ed.: Les (Euyres de Guiot de Provins, poete lyrique et :

385 218 391

satirique (Jenkins)

Rosenberg, ed.

433

Comedia Famosa de Las Burlas Veras de Ivlian de

Armendariz (Northup)

389 from the Italian (Baskervill) 213 Some War Novels with Soldiers as Heroes (Schinz) .381 Van Tieghem: L'Anne'e litteraire (1754-1790) comme interme*diare en France des litte>atures Strangles 223 (Kessler) Ossian en France (Cross) 439 Scott: Elizabethan Translations

.

.

.

.

:

.

.

ERRATA PHILOLOGY, XVI (July, 1918), p. 155, "Erard de Brienne." II" read "Henry

MODERN Vol.

XVI, March, 1919, n read 77.

p. 593, line 3: f or

p. 591, line 9:

line 15:

for

for equal read egual;

Modern Philology VOLUME XVI

NUMBER

May IQl8

i

A NEW SPECIMEN OF THE REVENGE PLAY Professor A. H. Thorndike, in his article, "The Relations of Hamlet to Contemporary Revenge Plays," 1 and more recently in his volume entitled Tragedy? analyzed the Elizabethan revenge play to educe its characteristics, and enumerated a series of plays conclud-

ing with the second quarto of Hamlet in which these characteristics appear. The list includes The Spanish Tragedy (1586-87), the old

Hamlet (before Aug. 23, 1589), Antonio's Revenge (1599), the transitional Hamlet (1601-2; Ql, 1603), Hoffman (1602), The Atheist's Tragedy (1602-3), the final Hamlet (1603; Q2, 1604). My purpose to add to the list another specimen of the type, the last two acts of

is

Thomas Heywood's The Iron Age, Part all

3

2,

which probably antedates

the above-mentioned plays except the first two. method of exposition, as follows:

I shall

make

use

of Thorndike's I.

II.

A

brief statement of the plot.

An examination of the leading motives and their treatment.

III.

A

IV.

An

consideration of the soliloquies. examination of the scenes, situations, and details of

the stage presentation. V. A discussion of the characters.

VI. VII.

A A

discussion of the style. discussion of the characteristics which differentiate this

play from the others of the type. Publ. Mod. Lang. Assn., XVII (1902), * 2

125-220.

Boston, 1908. In Hey wood's Collected Plays, Pearson, London, 1874, vol. Ill; page references are

to this edition. 1]

1

[MODERN PHILOLOGY, May,

1918

ROBERT GRANT MARTIN

2

Before stating the plot I must answer the question, How do you of a play, and a consideration justify such an isolation of two acts of

them independent of their context ?

himself has suggested such treatment

The answer is that the author by making the two acts a sort

appendix to the story of the Trojan War which occupies the part of The Iron Age and the first three acts of the second part. of

eight acts

Heywood

tells

the story of the siege

then makes of the last two acts a

and

fall of

first

In

Troy, and

drama, practically complete in itself, dealing with the fortunes of the Greek heroes after their return to Greece. Its connection with the preceding part of the play little

the fact that the revenge plot herein worked out is presented as the sequel of an episode that occurred during the siege. Synon,

lies in

in his lying harangue to the Trojans 1 persuading

wooden horse within

their walls,

them

to admit the

had referred to the death

of a certain

2 Caxton, whose Recuyell of the Historyes of Troye is 3 main source for his tells the PalaHeywood's Ages, story thus.

Palamedes.

medes, son of Naulus, ruler of a kingdom in the south of Greece, grumbled against the lordship of Agamemnon over the Greek host.

Agamemnon offered to resign the position, and at a council of the Greek leaders Palamedes was chosen commander-in-chief. He was shortly killed in battle, shot in the throat

To

of Paris.

his father

by an arrow from the bow

Naulus was borne a

false report that

a charge

had been trumped up against Palamedes, and that he had been foully slain by Ulysses and Diomed. 4 Acting upon this erroneous information, Naulus and his surviving son Cethus plotted to draw the returning Greek fleet on the rocky shores of their kingdom and thus wreak vengeance upon the slayers of Palamedes. Although two hundred ships were so wrecked, all the leaders escaped, and Cethus was forced to other methods. He wrote to Clytemnestra a letter saying that Agamemnon had married one of Priam's daughters, and was bringing her home to make her his queen. Clytemnestra incited her paramour Aegisthus to kill her husband on the night of his arrival, a murder afterwards avenged by Orestes. In like manner, of treason

1

2 Iron Age, II,

1

Ed. H. Oskar Sommer, London, 1894.

1

Of.

i.

Recuyell, pp. 591, 616-18, 624-27,

677

fl.

Iron Age, p. 397.

2

A NEW

SPECIMEN OF THE REVENGE PLAY

3

Cethus poisoned the mind of "Egee" (Aegiale), wife of Diomed, against her lord; in this case, however, a reconcilement was effected

between husband and

Upon

this story

wife.

Heywood

bases the last two acts of his play, but

with a divergence from Caxton's narrative so wide as to prompt He makes Cethus the ingenicuriosity concerning a possible model. ous plotter of a wholesale revenge embracing not only Agamemnon all the returned Greeks except Ulysses. Adopting

and Diomed, but

now Thorndike's method

of analysis,

we

find the story of the

two

acts to be as follows. I.

Cethus, having learned of the safe arrival of

Agamemnon

and his companions, instigates Clytemnestra and Aegisthus to murder Agamemnon before he has opportunity to punish them for their adultery.

of a banquet, retires to his pair,

who

flee

members

at the conclusion

bed-chamber, he

to a stronghold for refuge.

Agamemnon and by other

when Agamemnon,

Accordingly,

is slain by the guilty Roused by the cries of

a thunder peal which shakes the palace, the and the visiting kings rush

of the royal household

Agamemnon dead; and Orestes, standing over the body, vows to take revenge on the murderers, whoever they may be.

in,

to find

Cethus, however, already has under way another train of mischief. Before the return of the heroes, a betrothal had been arranged between Orestes and Hermione, daughter of Menelaus and Helen.

Menelaus, ignorant of this arrangement, has promised Hermione to Pyrrhus, son of Achilles; the

Hermione, and the

announcement

of this disposition of

sight of Pyrrhus courting her, inflames Orestes

against Pyrrhus, thus furnishing Cethus with "another column on

which to build

his slaughters."

Speedy vengeance

falls

upon Agamemnon's murderers.

By

a

device of Cethus, Orestes and his friend Pylades, disguised as messengers, gain access to Clytemnestra and Aegisthus in their strong-

and when Aegisthus proposes to the messengers that, as a measure of safety, they put Orestes out of the way, Orestes discovers himself and kills Aegisthus. Pylades goes out to win over the guard. hold,

Orestes, left alone with his mother, reproaches her in bitter terms,

and when she protests her innocence, he invokes supernatural aid that he

may know

the truth.

By 3

the stage direction, "Enter the

ROBERT GRANT MARTIN

4 Ghost of

and

On

Agamemnon, poynting unto

the Queene,

who were

wounds: and then

to

Egistus

his murderers; which done, hee vanisheth."

this testimony, Orestes kills his

been

his

mother, to

whom

the ghost has

invisible.

a temple where, attended by the Greek married. While the cereleaders, Pyrrhus and Hermione are being is in progress, Orestes, Pylades, and Cethus break in with

The scene

shifts to

mony

Orestes

drawn swords. the ear of

falls

on Pyrrhus, and Cethus whispers in causes him to attack Menelaus.

Diomed something which

Let a stage direction again speak for what occurs: "A confused kils Pyrhus: Pyrhus, Orestes: Cethus scuffle, in which Orestes wounds Pillades, Diomed, Menelaus, Ulisses, Thersites, &c. All fall dead save Ulisses, who beareth thence Hermione: Which done, Cethus riseth up from the dead bodies, and speakes" Cethus, in almost comic fashion, taunts his victims as they lie heaped before the altar, including Synon; but here he reckons without his host, for Synon, rising from among the dead, challenges Cethus to fight for the title of arch-

and they

villain,

sion

by

kill

beauty as she gazes in

by

The play

is brought to a concluan who, after apostrophe to her fatal a mirror, strangles herself, and by an epilogue

each other.

the death of Helen,

Ulysses, the sole survivor. II.

The motives

revenge play are

indicated

by Thorndike as

characteristic of the

Revenge, in this case triple kind: of brother for brother; of a son for his father, directed by the father's ghost; of a slighted lover upon his successful rival. (2) Hesitation: seen in the irresolution of Orestes before he of

all

present in this plot.

(1)

a

Clytemnestra, his doubt being dispelled by the testimony of the after the death of Clytemnestra Orestes ghost. (3) Madness: kills

breaks out into a raving description of his future in Hades: There is a Plasma, or deepe pit Just in the Center fixt for Parricides; keepe my Court there, and Erinnis, shee In stead of Hebe, shall attend my cup; Charon, the Ferri-man of Hell shall bee I'l

My Ganimed I'le

have a guard of Furies which

shall light

Unto my nuptiall bed with funerall Teades; The fatall sisters shall my hand-maides

And

P. 424.

bee,

waite upon the faire Hermione. 1

mee

A NEW

SPECIMEN OF THE REVENGE PLAY

5

Pylades remarks, "The Prince is sure distracted," but Cethus recalls Orestes from his brain-storm by reminding him that his vengeance on Pyrrhus is yet to come. (4) Intrigue is profusely practised:

by Cethus in his plots of incensing the various leaders against one another and in his plan for the disguise of Orestes; by Orestes in the manner by which he gains access to Aegisthus, and by Aegisthus in his effort to have Orestes put out of the way intrigue both by and (5) The bloody character of the play: there against the avenger. are twelve deaths in the two acts, as opposed to ten in The Spanish Tragedy, six in Hamlet, six in Antonio's Revenge, seven in Hoffman, seven in The Atheist's Tragedy; the concluding massacre results in

a depopulation of the stage perhaps more sweeping than in any other scene of carnage in Elizabethan drama. (6) The enforcement of the main situation by others of a similar nature is illustrated by the (7) The unlawful tripling of the revenge motive as shown in (1). passion of Aegisthus and Clytemnestra parallels the relations between Claudius and Gertrude, and suggests the passion of Piero for Maria

Antonio's Revenge, of Hoffman for Martha in Hoffman, 1 of D'Amville for Castabella in The Atheist's Tragedy.

in

III.

As

in the plays cited

important part.

Cethus has

by Thorndike,

soliloquies play

an

six:

With wondrous

joy, they say, the Greekes return (p. 396). Doe, doe, contract and marry, ayme at Heaven (p. 397). Now, father, stile me a most worthy sonne (p. 404). My brayne, about againe, for thou hast found (p. 408). And 'tis a fruitfull yeare for villany (p. 417).

What,

all

asleepe? and are these gossiping tongues (p. 427).

and Helen one:

When

Was this wrinkled forehead, 'twas at best, worth halfe so many lives? (p. 429).

These

soliloquies, however, with the exception of Helen's, are not of the moralizing, philosophical sort found in all the other plays but Hoffman. Helen's is, to be sure, the most striking and effective

1 References to Hoffman are on Thorndike's authority, since play at hand.

5

I

have no

text of the

ROBERT GRANT MARTIN

6

famous apostrophe; 1

of the lot, with its echo of Faustus' tive

nature and melancholy tone bring

it

its reflec-

into exact correspondence

with the typical revenge play soliloquy. Cethus' opening speech, in which he contrasts his sorrow with the joy over the return of the Greek host, and reproaches himself for cowardice and sloth in the

performance of his revenge, inevitably reminds us of Hamlet's mood The others are more in "0 what a rogue and peasant slave am I!"

Hoffman, explaining Cethus' stratagems and bragging of his exploits; the last, in particular, addressed to the dead, is a like those in

typical specimen of rhodomontade.

IV. Of the individual scenes and situations

many

are of the sort

The tentative love scenes between

found in the revenge type of play.

Orestes and Hermione, and Pyrrhus and Hermione, correspond to the sentimental element in The Spanish Tragedy, the LodowickLucibella scene in Hoffman, the Charlemont-Castabella scene in The

Agamemnon's murder

Atheist's Tragedy.

commonplaces

of the revenge play.

quet, reminding

recalls in several details

It occurs after

a carousing ban-

us of similar revelry in The Spanish Tragedy,

Fratricide Punished, Hamlet,

and Antonio 's Revenge.

while chatting with Clytemnestra,

is

Agamemnon,

struck with a premonition of

such a foreboding is, of course, common enough in Elizabethan tragedy, and, as a matter of fact, it is the avenger who experiences it evil;

in Fratricide Punished, Hamlet,

and Hoffman.

One

of the king's

exclamations at this point, with its mention of graves and winding 2 sheets, recalls the fondness for graveyard scenes, the exhibitions of

and bones, and the frequent references to charnel-house When the murderers wound Agamemnon, "a greate thunder crack" shakes the palace; in skulls

accessories in all tragedies of blood.

Fratricide Punished lightning 1

accompanies the entrance of the ghost,

Dr. Faustua:

Was this the face that launch'd a thousand And burnt the topless towers of Ilium ? Of.

ships

Iron Age, p. 430:

Where is that beauty ? lives it in this face Which hath set two parts of the World at warre, Been ruine of the Asian monarchy And L *

almost this of Europe f this the hat launch d a thousand ships from beauty Aulis gulfe

?

How

hard this Doune feeles, like a monument Cut out of marble. Beds resemble Graves.

And

these, me-thinkes, appeare like winding-sheetes, Prepar'd for corses [p. 412].

6

A NEW

SPECIMEN OF THE REVENGE PLAY

7

Hoffman's opening soliloquy is punctuated by thunder and lightning, and in The Atheist's Tragedy thunder and lightning precede the ghost's appearance.

Orestes, over the

body

vows vengeance

of his father,

as does Hieronimo over Horatio's corpse.

Finally, the fourth act

ends with a solemn funeral procession like those in The Spanish Tragedy, Fratricide Punished, Hamlet, Hoffman, and, for that matter, in

most Elizabethan

Most

tragedies.

interesting, because it at once suggests

familiar situations in Hamlet,

is

one of the most

the scene between Orestes and his

1 mother, at which the ghost appears. Koeppel pointed out the resemblance between the two scenes, though he might have extended

his comparison to include another similarity: when Clytemnestra laments Aegisthus' death, Orestes apostrophizes Agamemnon and reviles Aegisthus in a manner that recalls the portraits speech. 2 As

in Hamlet* the ghost is invisible to the

woman, and she

concludes,

from her son's wild behavior and inquiries whether she sees nothing, that he is mad. The differences are obvious: Orestes has already killed Aegisthus,

Hamlet has Claudius yet to

kill;

the ghost silently

Clytemnestra, where the ghost of old Hamlet expressly commands the prince to do his mother no harm. Heywood's conduct of the scene resembles that in the Hamlet group

encourages Orestes to

more

closely

kill

than does any other of the

series.

In The Spanish

Tragedy the ghost is a mere spectator; in Antonio's Revenge the ghost is visible to the mother and speaks to her, but she arrives at the same conclusion that her son

The

is

mad;

in

Hoffman there

is

no ghost; in

Atheist's Tragedy the ghost appears only to the avenger, to the

and to a soldier. Minor details which are found

villain,

in other revenge plays are:

a

comic element, supplied by the deformed railers Thersites and 4 Synon; use of disguise by the avengers; a marriage pageant; the suicide of Helen. 5

"Awake, revenge, He bring thee now to action,"

1 Studien fiber Shakespeare's Wirkung auf Zcitgenossische Dramatiker Materialien zur Kunde des alter en Englischen Dramas, Vol. IX, 1905), p. 25.

2

The

portraits incident

3

And

in Fratricide Punished.

4

Cf. Antonio's Revenge

is

(Bang's

also suggested in Fratricide Punished.

and The

Atheist's Tragedy.

Cf. the suicide of Ophelia, of Isabella in The Spanish Tragedy, The Atheist's Tragedy. s

7

and

of

Levidulda in

ROBERT GRANT MARTIN

8

Hieronimo and Antonio, " and Antonio, Revenge" and more distantly, the Hamlet, revenge" The wholeof the ghosts in the old Hamlet and Antonio's Revenge. sale character of the final massacre is most closely approached by the cries

Cethus,

1

recalling the "vindicta" of

"

slaughter at the end of The Spanish Tragedy. V. For the characterization not a great deal can be said; either lacking or almost purely conventional.

Heywood's

it is

failure

make his characters more individual and lifelike is due partly to the limited opportunity afforded by the two-act space of his drama in miniature, partly to the fact that emphasis, all the way through the The two avengers, as Ages, is laid almost altogether upon event. to

is

usually the case with the type in the revenge plays, stand out most Cethus combines the functions of avenger and villain.

distinctly.

He

and cruel, and his determination to spare with the supposed slayers of Palamedes connected any way His character has no surpasses even Hoffman's sweeping designs. He depth, nor has he any of the philosophy common in his kind. is

resourceful, cunning,

no one

in

indulges in

some

rant, like Hieronimo, the early

Hamlet, and the

heroes of Marston and Tourneur, and vaunts his deeds

much

in the

manner of Hoffman. The touch of irony frequent in his speeches 2 allies him with Hieronimo, Hamlet, and Hoffman. Orestes is more sympathetically presented; he is more imaginative than Cethus Cethus is too cool to get to the verge of madness as does Orestes more passionate; more phases of his character are displayed, since he is lover and son as well as avenger. Pylades plays to him the part that Horatio does to Hamlet. Helen's speech lends to her death an unexpected dignity; the mirror business is perhaps, as Koeppel 3 4 suggests, to be attributed to Ovid.

The style is undistinguished fluent, but not, save in a few passages, marked by imaginative power. When The Iron Age was printed in 1632 Heywood prefaced to the second part an address to VI.

the reader in which he apologized for the old-fashioned quality of his i

P. 396.

*

E.g., pp. 397, 398,

Op.

cit.,

and

his last soliloquy, p. 427.

p. 25.

Met. xv. 231-32. Koeppel also compares with the opening lines of Helen's speech Richard II, IV, i, 283-84: Was this the face That, like the sun, did make beholders wink ?

A NEW work:

"

SPECIMEN OF THE REVENGE PLAY

9

These Ages have been long since Writ, and suited with the

Time then: I know not how they may be received in this Age." One of Heywood's characteristic touches of homely tenderness occurs when Agamemnon, making ready for bed just before he is killed,

1

inquires of Clytemnestra after the progress of their children while 2 he has been absent at Troy.

It may be worth noting that some scur3 Synon's are repeated in Heywood's Gunaikeion, or Nine Books of Various History concerning Women* where they are attributed to Ovid's De Arte Amandi, bk. ii. 8

rilous couplets of

VII. It would perhaps be a bit unreasonable to expect so brief make a distinctive contribution to the development of

a drama to

the revenge play.

It

simply furnishes another illustration of the

and the original Hamlet, containing the important motives and features of its type, save the element of Senecan philosophy. In itself it is workmanly, displaying the honest craftsmanship and feeling for theatrical effect which we expect

influence of The Spanish Tragedy all

In unity and coherence it is distinctly the best in the Ages, although it must be admitted " that the confused scuffle" of the last scene is cheap and noisy in

from Heywood.

work that Heywood does

its effort

to impress

of numbers, and that the combat a ludicrous anticlimax. The improve-'

by mere weight

between Cethus and Synon

is

ment over Caxton's rambling narrative and

scattered ending

is

unquestionable. i

P. 351. 1

AQA.

You

told me, Queene,

Orestes

was a cunning horse-man growne:

It pleasde

CLI.

No AGA.

AQA.

to heare

it.

Centare can ride better.

And young

Electro,,

indowments that may best become A Princesse of her breeding, most compleate. It was in your long absence, all my care (Being my charge) that you at your returne Might flnde them to your wishes. Thankes for that [p. 411]. In

CLI.

me much

Greece reports

all th'

P. 415.

London, 1624, p. 264. LI. 711-16. These are doubtless from that version of three books of De Arte Amandi and two of De Remedio Amoris of which Heywood speaks in the preface to the Brazen Age; he complains that they had been stolen from him by one Austin, a pedagogue 8

Ham. Professor J. S. P. Tatlock, in his article, "The Siege of Troy in Elizabethan Literature," Publ. Mod. Lang. Assn., (1915), 715, calls attention to a similar use in 1 Iron Age of parts of Ovid's Heroides given more at length in Troia Britannica. of

XXX

9

ROBERT GRANT MARTIN

10

Enough evidence has been presented to prove the main contenThe question of date remains to be considered. From the tion. Koeppel draws the conclusion, as does Professor Bradley, that Hey wood was imitating Shakspere. Now, in any case, this conclusion is not inevitable, since there is nothing in Heywood which could not have been sugsimilarity of the ghost scene to that in Hamlet, 1

by the old Hamlet, as represented by the Fratricide Punished, 2 as well as by the second quarto form. Furthermore, the probability is that The Iron Age was on the stage before Shakspere began work on the Hamlet story. All the evidence for this view has been ably presented by Professor Tatlock, whose final conclusion is that the 3 If this be the case, Heywood's work Ages were written 1594-96. antedates by some time the period of the revenge play's greatest gested

popularity, 1597-1604.

There remains the possibility that

specific

between The Iron Age and Hamlet may be due to revision by Heywood, a theory which the appendix-like character of these two acts might render more plausible; but of such possible revision

likenesses

I

can find no indication.

ROBERT GRANT MARTIN NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY Shakespearean Tragedy, London, 1905, p. 140, note. 2

Professor Tatlock (op. cit., p. 719, footnote 47) makes this contention for the ghost scene. I thoroughly agree with Tatlock in dissenting from the convincingness of Brad-

between Hamlet and 2 Iron Age (Shakespearean Tragedy, p. 419). Op. cit., pp. 705-19. Whether The Iron Age was written before the other three Ages is unessential here; if, as Tatlock thinks, The Iron Age came first, so much the better for my theory.

ley's parallels

10

THE A OF FATHER, RATHER That a long as well as a short a was heard in ME father, rather is by the PE dialectal forms fayther, rayther, etc. This long a

attested is

usually explained as being a result of the general

ME tendency to

lengthen short vowels in open syllables. However, if we leave father, rather out of consideration, words in -ther certainly show no

by such a tendency. On the con-ther succeeded in keeping a preceding not termination the only trary, short vowel short; it even made a preceding long vowel short, as in signs of having been influenced

lather,

mother, etc.

The current explanation

is

therefore clearly

unsatisfactory, to say the least, and the present paper is an attempt to solve the problem on the basis of an entirely different

somewhat theory.

Our

apparently increased (though in reality diminished, as will presently appear) by the fact that neither in the dialects nor in StE have father and rather developed along scrupudifficulties

lously parallel lines.

are

So far as the dialects are concerned, the following

table, based on the material collected in Wright's Dialect Dictionary, may serve to indicate the nature and extent of the divergencies.

meant to be complete so far as the material at my would allow; the phonetic symbols used are taken from disposition

The

table

is

Wright, without change.

12

KEMP MALONE

THE "A" OF "FATHER," "RATHER"

13

14

KEMP MALONE

THE "A" OF "FATHER," "RATHER"

15

In standard speech father is now universally pronounced with a long vowel [a*]. The origin of this [a ] is as obscure as is the origin

ME

of the Jespersen, Mod. Eng. Gram., long. the theory that the present sound goes back to

I,

ME

cussion of this theory see

W. Horn,

older short

a.

its

XXXV,

advances

For a

364

ff.

dis-

Other

from an early eighteenth-century [], turn had developed (by lengthening) out of an

scholars apparently derive

a sound which in

Anglia,

10.67, [a*].

it

Thus Horn,

though he introduces the sugges-

loc. cit.,

tion cautiously enough (p. 374): "Vielleicht ist aber die moglichkeit

doch nicht ganz von der hand zu weisen." a was regularly lengthened before

we

>,

There are exceptions even

s].

we come

however, and when

here,

[f,

It is of course true that short

to the corresponding voiced

on uncertain ground indeed. Such forms as paths can hardly be brought forward as evidence, and raspThere remain berry, with its voiced s, is clearly not a case in point. spirants

find ourselves

the words in

-ther,

and

here,

we assume that

if

tendency to lengthen a short a before

Why

present usage are inexplicable. itself

completely in father,

[8],

there really was a

the inconsistencies of

did the long sound establish

but only partially in rather and not at

all

in gather, lather ? If it

were analogy we were dealing with, these inconsistencies

The workings of analogy are be may brought to bay, but the dogs

would not trouble us to the same extent. rarely thoroughgoing.

Tradition

Thus, even so mighty an instrument of analogy as the English plural in -s has never been able to uproot the -n of oxen or add an s to sheep. Furthermore, the ways

do not escape with whole

of

skins.

analogy are often inscrutable.

Why,

for instance,

do we have

but not in (irrevocable, did analogy drive the [g] out of

analogical stress in deplorable, remarkable,

admirable, comparable?

Or why

but not out of younger? Examples might be multiplied indefinitely, but what I have given will suffice to show that analogy singer,

sometimes moves in an inconsistent way

its

changes to perform.

purpose to show that the [a*] of father, rather first developed in father, and thence spread, by analogy, to rather. If we It is

my

accept Jespersen's theories as to

under discussion established adhere to the

[ae-

PE [a*], we may suppose that the

itself

once for

>a-] hypothesis (which 15

all in

will

be

ME times.

my working

If

[a*]

we

basis in

KEMP MALONE

15 the following discussion),

ME

we must look upon the

and the

as mutually independent developeighteenth-century lengthenings is due to the fact that in each case which of the parallelism ments, What this of phonetic change was at work. the same principle

was becomes obvious enough when we read Granville Sharp's A Short Treatise on the English Tongue (London, 1767). Sharp is an orthoepist who, so far as I am aware, has never got a out at some hearing in Anglistic circles. I hope to be able to bring principle

future time a complete analysis of his pronunciation, on the basis of the Treatise named above. Here, however, I shall deal primarily with his

statements concerning the pronunciation of the letter a. Sharp calls long a (i.e., the a of fate, etc.) "the English a,"

because this value of the letter seems peculiar to English. Similarly with e and i. On page 3 he gives the following rule "The English :

(or long)

sound

are alone, or

same

given to the vowels a, e, and i is not a consonant following .

"On

syllable

"Except .... wherein

This

is

it

has a

.

when they them in the .

page 5 we find exceptions to this rule:

and the

Pa-pa, Mam-ma, " medium sound between aw and the English a in Fa-ther,

"medium sound" was

latter, since the

index.

.

when there

words

last syllable of

clearly either

[ae*]

or

in question are listed

[a*], presumably the under a aw in the

However, the exact quality of the vowel need not concern us

now we

at this point.

Just

identification of

the three

a's.

are interested primarily in Sharp's

This identification

we

find also in

such good authorities as Sheridan (1780), Nares (1784), and Walker (1791), so that we are thoroughly justified in assuming the correctness of Sharp's statement.

history of father,

The next

step, therefore, is to look into the

mamma, papa

to see

if

we can

discover

some

explanation for the parallelism of their development. Mamma occurs twice in sixteenth-century monuments (Eden,

Lyly, 1579, Euphues, ed. Arber., p. 129), but disappears from the literary language for over a century

1555, Decades, p. 44; thereafter

(NED).

it

Its restoration (ca.

1680) to standard speech is usually attributed to French influence, and this explanation is supported by the fact that the literary word, from the time of its revival to the present day, has always had ultima stress (NED). It argued that not only the stress but the whole word

may even be may have been

16

THE "A" OF "FATHER," "RATHER" borrowed from the French. course have lost

its

The

final

nasalization in the

and would have become a wide

[o-]

17

vowel would in that case of

mouths

of English children,

to begin with, since

aw was 1

in

those days the regular substitution for French (and German) a. The existence of such a pronunciation is directly attested by Shadwell's rhyme mamma : awe (NED), and by the PE vulgar paw, maw,

formerly in widespread use and frequently heard to this day (in the United States at least). However, we need not assume a French origin for this

[9*].

A native word mama,

even

if it

had never before

existed, might have been created any day in the nursery, and the stressed vowel of a seventeenth-century nursery-made or -remodeled

mama would have been [9*] or [se*] rather than [a*]. The open vowels baby produces are usually more like [a] than anything else, it is true, but the important thing is not what baby says (the fact of the

matter

he doesn't say anything; he merely makes meaningbut what the fond parents think he says. Baby's

is,

less noises2 ),

noises are therefore always interpreted in terms of the parents'

sound system, modified by the influence of tradition. Thus the traditional labials expected and consequently heard are p and m.

We

do not hear b because there was no

initial b in

Furthermore, since there was no such sound as

Indo-European.

[a, a*]

in late seven-

teenth-century and early eighteenth-century English, baby's open vowels were interpreted as [se] in South Carolina nurseries (whence the present-day South Carolina forms [pse, mse] 3 ), but elsewhere,

This [o*] developed also in father, as attested by [o-]. 1701 (Ekwall's reprint, p. 29), 4 Konig's Wegweiser, 1706 (Driedger, p. 51), and Konig's Grammatica, 1715 (Driedger, loc. cit.).

apparently, as Jones,

That is to say, baby's fa-fa-fa, etc., was interpreted as [fo*], largely, no doubt, because of the powerful analogy of (pa)pa, (mam)ma. The reverse process

(i.e.,

the influence of the

[se]

of father

on the vowel of

See almost any orthoepist of the period; further, cf. PE vulgar [vo'z] 'vase (a pronunciation formerly in excellent standing regularly used by Ellis, for instance), the proper names Chicago, Arkansas, the phrase with a claw, vulgar for with Gclat (Jespersen, I, 9.96), and the word mardigras [ma'digro'J 'carnival* (current in the southern part of the United States). 1

2

Cf. Jespersen's Bdrnesproget.

See Sylvester Primer, Phonetische Studien, I (1888), 235. Jones says "father, &c." I take the "&c" to mean mamma, papa. Neither of these words is equipped with a th, it is true, but this means only that Jones has bungled things as usual. See further Ekwall's Introduction, 98. 3

*

17

KEMP MALONE

lg

Carolina development; partly account for the South in vowel short the fa- must have been the certainly the analogy of than [ae-] in the other rather decisive factor in the development of [se]

ma, pa)

may

two words.

I

may add

that I have rarely heard the

pronounced as a genuine short vowel; should say. The use of a short or half-long

[se]

in

it is

words

[se]

of pa,

ma

usually half-long, I

of this character is not

unknown to StE; witness dad, daddy, mammy. Of the particular words under consideration, however, only father can be shown to have possessed a short a in standard eighteenth-century speech, and this

Even for short a goes back, of course, to pre-Germanic times. The father, indeed, the evidence is perhaps not quite conclusive. most

have been able to find is contained, unforTheodor Arnold's (1736) Grammatica Anglicana the most unsatisfactory grammars ever compiled.

definite thing I

tunately enough, in Concentrata, one of

Arnold's work contains,

among

other things,

scriptions of the Lord's Prayer, the Gloria, etc.

"phonetic" tranIn the passages

word

father occurs eight times; in every case it is This seems definite enough, but as a matter of respelled father. the a is fact symbol ambiguous; Arnold often uses it to indicate the a of face, etc., though his usual symbol for that sound is ah. To make

transcribed the

matters worse, the plural fathers, which occurs once in the passages transcribed, is respelled with a instead of a. Here, however, we may

umlaut sign to appear was due simply to an oversight. It is also highly improbable that Arnold was familiar with the dialectal fayther his grammar was safely assume, I think, that the failure of the

"made

in

Germany," and

certainly reveals

with English pronunciation taken at its face value.

no intimate acquaintance

so on the whole father

may

safely

be

We

have seen that baby's open vowels were interpreted as [se] in South Carolina. They might perhaps even better have been interpreted as

[ae-],

pretation of

however, and there is some evidence that this interSheridan's 1780 a in actually took place in StE.

them

mamma must have been a long vowel (Ellis labels it sese), and Buchanan (1766) records the same sound for father, if Ellis'

father, papa,

are to be trusted. What Sheridan says is worth giving in full; quote from page 59 of his Rhetorical Grammar ("prefixed" to his

lists

I

18

THE "A" OF "FATHER,"

"

RATHER"

19

General Dictionary of the English Language). He says: vowel, a, finishes a syllable, and has the accent on it, it

"When is

the

invariably

pronounced a (day) by the English. To this rule there are but three exceptions in the whole language, to be found in the words, father,

The

papa, mama. tion

.... is

th,

makes

Irish

may

but in the

taken

into

the

the difference."

(as in fat), a (as in fate),

think also the word rather an exceppronunciation the consonant,

English first

syllable,

as

thus,

rath'-er,

which

Sheridan distinguishes three a-sounds: a and a (as in fall). He indicates shortness

(in a stressed syllable) by putting the stress mark after the following consonant instead of after the vowel itself. Here he makes it per-

fectly clear that father

and

rather are not to be

pronounced alike, and since he nevertheless gives them both with a there seems to be no escape from the conclusion that the a in the stressed syllable of father, papa, mamma was for him a lengthened [ae]. This

perhaps the best place to discuss J. B. Rogler's edition (1784) of Arnold's Vollstdndig kleines Worterbuch, Englisch und I use Rogler rather than Arnold (1761) or Klausing's Deutsch. is

Arnold (1771) because the last two respell only a certain proportion of the words they give, while Rogler respells every word listed. All three dictionaries

or rather editions

exhibit the

same

peculiarity,

an astounding inconsistency in their respellings. Here are a few examples from Rogler; the respellings are inclosed in round viz.,

brackets: father (fahther),

mamma

(mdmmdh), papa

(pdhpd)',

(pahm), psalm (sdhm), balm (bdhm), calm (kahm)', half large (lahrdsch), barge (bdhrdsch);

(hdhv)',

palm

(hahf), halve

master (mdhst'r), plaster

far (fdhr), tar (tdrr); haunch (hdnntsch), launch (lahntsch). All this can have but one meaning (for we have here something (pldsst'r);

worse than mere muddling). The sound-change [se*>a\| was at that time evidently in full course, bringing in its train a diversity of usage

which must have bewildered our lexicographers.

As

to

papa, the shift of stress in papa was not uncommon in the eighteenth century (see the NED). The ah of papa, mamma confirms Sheridan, and the contrasted ah of father is only typical of

father,

mamma,

the general confusion which then prevailed. We are now in a position to explain the origin of the three words.

The

basis

was the Shadwell-Jones 19

PE [a*]

[o*],

in our

which

(to

KEMP MALONE

20

had undergone, in some nurserjudge from Sheridan and Buchanan) a remodeling to [se'J. It is reasonably certain that a third pronunciation, with [se], existed in father, and, in view of ies at least,

South Carolina usage, this pronunciation

present

in question, all current at

unsettled

and thus

creations of mine;

perhaps

papa.

facilitated

the general

a's

they are

leveling

which took

cannot be too strongly under discussion are not theoretical

place in the second half of the century.

emphasized that the three

may

The various pronunciations the same time, must have made usage

mamma,

be assumed also for

all

It

recorded in our monuments, or in

present usage, or in both, and the fact of their actual existence, in the mouths of eighteenth-century speakers cannot successfully be

Of the

challenged.

the other two either

would develop phonetically to [a-]; were simply leveled under this [a*] or else underthree,

[SB*]

went nursery-remodeling, a process which would give the same result. For it is obvious enough that the normal form the nursery variety of

The development of this [a*]. form had hitherto been hindered by the non-existence in standard speech of such a sound as [a-], but after the sound-change [ae*>a-] had begun, this hindrance was removed, the natural tendencies the words would take

is

the form with

were given free play, and results quickly followed. The first beleg I have been able to find is that recorded in Theodor Arnold's Vollstdndiges Englisch-Deutsches Worterbuch (Leipzig

und

Ziillichau,

Arnold's respelling for father is fahther; his respelling for rather is, on the other hand, ratther. The same respellings are given 1761).

in the edition of 1771 (edited

by A. E. Klausing) and in the abridged 1784 (Rogler's Kleines Worterbuch, discussed above). These transcriptions of father are to be compared with our same

edition of

Arnold's father in 1736 (see above).

already cited

nounced

[a-]

Sharp (1767).

in

mamma,

words pertinent

here).

Of the native orthoepists I have According to Nares (1784) a was pro-

papa, father, rath, etc. (to mention only those "Not so," he adds (p. 6) in a note to rath,

"its derivative rather. 11

subject

As he has nothing further to say on the we are left in doubt as to whether his a in rather was [JB] or [e-].

Fortunately enough, though, Walker clears up the matter for us in a note appended to the article on rather in his Critical Pronouncing Dictionary of the English Language (I am using the edition of 1797). 20

THE "A" OF "FATHER,"

He

says:

the

first syllable like

"

RATHER"

21

"Some very respectable

speakers pronounce this word with that in Rd-ven; and Mr. Nares has adopted this

pronunciation. Dr. Ash and Bailey seem to be of the same opinion; all the other orthoepists, from whom we can certainly know

but

the quantity of the vowel, as Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Elphinston, Mr. Scott, Dr. Kendrick, W. Johnston, Mr. Perry, Buchanan, and Entick, make it short." He himself gives both pronunciations, indicating his preference

by putting the

He knows

[se]-form first.

This distinction between

however, in father, mamma, papa. rather is maintained far into the nineteenth century. The following table, based partly on the variant pronunciations of only

[a*],

father

and

rather recorded in

Noah Webster's

dictionary (London editions of

1831 and 1864), may serve to indicate the situation for the greater part of the century. The works listed are all dictionaries. The

works are referred to by giving names of editors and dates of publicaThe two American dictionaries, Webster's and Worcester's,

tion.

which

is

includes all the dictionaries I have access to,

it

are not listed; both of these, of course, give rather with still

[se],

the usual American pronunciation. 1.

[]:

W. W.

Perry, 1802 and 1805 Scott, 1815

G. Fulton and G. Knight, 1802 and 1833 J. Walker, 1806 and 1826 (preferred pronunciation)

Davenport's Walker, 1831 (preferred pronunciation) Smart's Walker, 1857 A. J. Cooley, 1863 2.

[e-]:

S.Jones, 1806 Walker, 1806 and 1826 (alternative pronunciation) Davenport's Walker, 1831 (alternative pronunciation)

J.

3.

Jameson, 1827 Knowles, 1835 R. S. Jameson, 1850 R. Cull, 1864

[a']: J.

J.

Although this

list

and an earlier [o,']-beleg may some day be unearthed. There seems to be no doubt, however, that the [a*] of rather is, in marked contrast to that of father, a strictly nineteenthcentury product, and as such it can be explained only as an analogical development. The analogy failed to establish itself in America is

of course hot exhaustive,

21

KEMP MALONE

22 because

it

did not have sufficient support;

if

we leave out of considera-

tion the region east of the Connecticut River, [a*] does not occur in American English except in foreign words, in interjections, in the

words

father, papa,

mamma,

before

r,

and before the

bilabial conso-

In England, however, where the sound is used much more [m]. widely, occurring even before [V] in such plurals as paths, the analogical form, after a half-century or more of wavering, finally

nant

superseded the historical one. For Scotland see NED. Wyld's pronunciation of lather with [a*] indicates that this word is now coming

under the influence of the same analogy. I conceive the long forms to have originated in a similar way. Once introduced, the long seems to have completely driven

ME

out the short in the case of rather (except, of course, in the standard dialect). Only two modern dialects, those of Rutlandshire and the

Man, use a vowel which can be derived from the ME short, and even here we probably have borrowing from StE. Not so with father, the pronunciation of which was liable to be affected by nursery influences. When long a became a front vowel the nursery began Isle of

to look with favor

upon the hitherto neglected

quickly regained currency in

which thereupon those dialects (including Standard short,

English) which as yet had not completely discarded

it.

The influence

and especially of standard speech, must also have played a part from the very beginning; indeed, some of the of neighboring dialects,

variants

the

we

get are explainable only as borrowings.

To sum

PE dialectal equivalents of the a of rather represent in most

up:

cases

ME

long a, in the remaining cases either a sound developed by analogy or else a sound borrowed from another dialect (usually Standard English); the PE dialectal equivalents of the a of father represent in many cases long or short a unmodified by nursery influences, in

many

influences, in the

ME cases ME

long or short a modified by nursery remaining cases a sound borrowed from Standard

English or some other dialect.

KEMP MALONE

OTTENDORPEB FELLOW

NEW YORK

UNIVERSITY

22

SPENSER'S

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES " ACCORDING TO ARISTOTLE"

An article by Ambassador Jusserand, entitled "Spenser's 'Twelve Private Morall Vertues as Aristotle hath Devised/" Modern Philol-

my apology for writing. M. Jusserand underthat takes to prove Spenser's solemn statement concerning the substance of the whole Faerie Queene, made to the poet's friend and ogy, January, 1906, is

patron Sir Walter Raleigh, at Raleigh's request as Jusserand thinks, "misleading, every word of it." Jusserand says

is

:

Spenser's statement [in the letter to Raleigh] that he intends "to porhe was king, the image of a brave knight, perfected in the twelve private morall vertues as Aristotle hath devised" is misleading, traict in Arthur, before

every word of it. There is no such definite list; Aristotle's number is not twelve, and the virtues he studies are far from being the same as those form1 ing the basis of the Faerie Queene.

That Jusserand's paper has not been without its influence was shown in a recent article by Professor Erskine, of Columbia University.

Although Professor Erskine points out one

rand's argument, he accepts his conclusion.

false step in Jusse-

In discussing

Virtue of Friendship in the Faerie Qufeene," Publications of the

"The

Modern

Language Association, XXIII (1915), 831-50, Professor Erskine asks,

"Had

Spenser read Montaigne, or Plutarch, or Cicero's

Friendship, or Aristotle's Ethics?"

he says,

"He may have

read them

Replying to his all,

own

On

question,

though M. Jusserand has

taught us to suspect the Aristotle." Again, Erskine speaks of Jusserand's "having shown that Spenser did not get his list of virtues

from Aristotle." purpose of the present paper to show that not only are Jusserand's arguments faulty, but his conclusion is incorrect. It is the

Jusserand makes three main arguments: Aristotle's lists of virtues are not the

same

that Spenser's and number; second, that

first,

in

they are quite unlike in nature; and, third, that Spenser actually derived his virtues, and his ideas concerning a list of twelve virtues, i

23]

Modern

Philology, III, 376.

23

[MODEEN PHILOLOGY, May,

1918

W.

24

F.

DEMoss

Civil Life includes from Lodowick Bryskett, who in his Discourse of twelve is mennumber the in which a discussion of moral virtues,

tioned. I shall reply to these three

main arguments

in the order in

which

have stated them. The first of Jusserand 's three main arguments, that Spenser's and Aristotle's lists of virtues are not the same in number, falls into I

three subdivisions or arguments:

any dogmatic

list

first,

that "Aristotle draws nowhere

of virtues;" second, that it is diflScult to

to count Aristotle's virtues; and, third, that "Aristotle's

not twelve,"

number

for,

twelve.

know how number is

count his virtues as you will, you cannot get the I take up the last subdivision first.

Jusserand finds that nine of Aristotle's virtues are certainly the remaining four: virtues, but that there is some doubt concerning

Temperance, or Self-control; Shame, or Modesty; Friendship; and Justice.

we

ten.

Jusserand says:

and Modesty] we have a total of eleven; exclude both, a total of nine; if we admit Self-control alone, a total of Adding arbitrarily Justice and Friendship, or only one of them ....

we

If if

1

include both [Temperance

from ten to thirteen;2 a total of twelve being 3 perhaps the most arbitrary of all and the most difficult to reach.

we should have a

total varying

Now, it should be noted at the outset that a total what we want. Spenser's total is not twelve.

exactly

of thirteen is It is thirteen.

In his letter to Raleigh, only a short distance from the assertion which Jusserand undertakes to disprove, Spenser makes the following statement: In the person of Prince Arthure I sette forth magnificence* in particular, which vertue for that (according to Aristotle and the rest) it is the perfection of all the rest, and conteineth in it them all, therefore, in the whole course I mention the deedes of Arthure applyable to that vertue, which I write of in that booke.

patrones, for the

But of the xii. other vertues,* more variety of the history.

I

make

xii.

other knights the

The fact that Spenser wrote a Book on each of these four virtues see Faerie Queene, II, in, IV, and V might be expected to throw some light on whether Spenser counted them as virtues or not.

Books

Hereafter references to book, canto, and stanza of the Faerie Queene are given withtitle of the epic.

out the

mine.

Italics

Mod. *

Phil., Ill,

Italics

374-75.

mine 24

SPENSER'S

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

So much

for Jusserand's point that

twelve."

Neither

is

is

Spenser's.

the nature of Aristotle's

list

number

"Aristotle's

We may now

of virtues,

how

25 is

proceed to find

not

what

Aristotle's virtues are

and how Spenser got his number of virtues. In Book II, chap, vii, of the Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle discusses a list of moral virtues or qualities essential to the good man. They are exactly twelve in number: (1) Courage, (2) Temperance, or to be counted,

(3) Liberality,

Self-control, (6) the

(4)

Magnificence, (5) Highmindedness,

mean concerning Ambition,

Gentleness, or Mansuetude,

(7)

(8) Truthfulness, (9) Wittiness, or Jocularity, (10) Friendliness, or

Courtesy, (11) Modesty, or Shame, and (12) Righteous Indignation. Concerning this discussion Aristotle says: "For the present we are giving only a rough and is sufficient

We

more exactly." 1

acter

of the

summary account [of the virtues], and that we will hereafter determine their char-

for our purpose;

are promised, then, a careful discussion

In Book

moral virtues "hereafter."

III, chaps, ixff.,

Book

IV, and Book V, Aristotle keeps his word. Moreover, an introductory sentence and a concluding one mark the limits of this discussion

moral virtues as definitely as two milestones. The first two sentences of III, ix, are as follows: "Let us then resume our conof the

sideration of the several virtues

with which they deal, and the

In

so doing

we

and discuss their nature, the subjects way in which they deal with them.

shall ascertain their

number." 2

The

last sentence in

V unmistakably be taken as a sufficient description of Justice, and the other moral virtues." Between these two absolutely definite limits,

Book

closes the list of

moral virtues: "This then

may

Aristotle discusses exactly twelve

good

qualities or desirable

means.

In this careful consideration of the moral virtues, the same good qualities, or desirable means, are listed as in the less careful discussion

which precedes it, with one exception: in the "rough and summary account" Righteous Indignation is included. We know from the Rhetoric that Aristotle decided that his discussion of this quality

was

false, as

not

Envy and

opposites,

but

Malice, which he gave as 3 compatible and coexistent.

*

My quotations are from the translation by J.

2

Italics

s

See Aristotle's Rhetoric,

mine.

Book

II,

chap.

25

ix.

E. C. Welldon.

its

extremes, are

In his second

W.

26

discussion of the moral virtues,

more exactly" and Indignation and adds

DEMoss

F.

which

is

to

"

determine their character

number," he omits Righteous leaving the number unchanged.

"ascertain their Justice,

enough here to suggest the number twelve such suggestion were needed. Surely there

But Jusserand has he finds

it

if

is

for difficulty in totalizing Aristotle's virtues,

hard to decide which ones are to be counted.

place, he contends that

"Some

of another virtue

development

any

as [Liberality], but practiced

In the

first

of his virtues are only a branch or Magnificence is only the same

by the very

Now

rich, instead of

by the

plain that Aristotle's Magmoderately rich, It would be strange nificence and Liberality are not the same. indeed if they were, since Aristotle treats them as two separate

man." 1

virtues.

are

They

much

it

is

the same in principle, as both imply being But practically they are very different.

and spending.

free in giving

gives to the right cause, at the right time, in the right to the right amount, considering the means of the giver,

Any one who manner, and

and who takes from right sources, is liberal. 2 He has to avoid the extremes of illiberality and prodigality. The magnificent man, on the other hand, must avoid the extremes of meanness and vulgar display, or

bad

He must

taste.

be a kind of

artist.

"The

magnifi-

cent man," says Aristotle, "is like a connoisseur in art; he has the faculty of perceiving what is suitable, and of spending large sums of taste With equal expenditure he will make the result more magnificent." 3 And, as we shall see later, Magnificence includes far more than this. The poor widow who gave the

money with good

mites was liberal; but the problems she had to solve in being so were very different from those of a person who is in a position to practice the virtue of Magnificence and wishes to do so.

Again, Jusserand objects, "Others apart, at great length; but

....

are treated of quite

not clear whether, if one wanted to do what Aristotle neglected to perform that is, to tabulate his moral virtues these should, or should not, be admitted in the list.

Such

is

the case with Justice

Mod. Phil, 2

it is

Such

is

the case also with

III, 374-75.

Nicomachean

Ethics, IV, i-iii; II, vii.

Ibid., IV, iv-v

;

II, vii;

M agna Moralia, 26

I,

26;

and Ethica Eudemia,

III, vi.

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

SPENSER'S

27

Aristotle has treated them apart, and Friendship that he did not include them in his regular count." 1

shown

Jusserand 's assertion that Aristotle treated Justice apart from the other moral virtues is a misinterpretation. Justice is not separated from the preceding discussion in Books III and IV; on the contrary, it is in the closest possible way connected with it.

In Book IV, chap, xiii, while discussing Truthfulness, Aristotle says: "We are not speaking of one who is truthful in legal covenants, or of all such matters as

lie

within the domain of justice and injustice,

would be matters belonging to a

for these

the last sentence in

Book IV

is

different virtue."

as follows:

"But

let

us

Again,

now proceed

Hence, one can no more draw a line between than between Books III and IV. Finally, the sen-

to consider Justice."

Books IV and V tence which so clearly and moral virtues

is,

V: "This then

and the

as

definitely closes the discussion of the

we have already

may

be taken as a

One

other moral virtues"

treat "apart at great length."

sion into [Aristotle's] treatise

plea that

it is

is

seen, the last sentence in

Book

sufficient description of Justice,

virtue, Friendship, Aristotle does

According to Jusserand its "admisjustified, not to say excused, on the

and that

either a virtue or related to virtue,

it is

most

2 necessary in life."

But it could hardly need a better justification. Finally Jusserand points out: "Some, admitted into the class at one part of the work, are described elsewhere as doubtfully belong-

ing to

There

it

verecundia),

though

'it

is is

also a chapter on Shame (al5co$, Lat. But not correct to call it a virtue.'

adds Aristotle in the same chapter." 3 Thus Jusserand makes much of showing that Aristotle is sometimes uncer'neither

is

Self-control,'

tain whether a given one of his desirable

that

is,

And

whether or not

means

comes under a technical

is

a virtue or not

definition of virtue.

then, strangely enough, he expects Spenser to be severely

technical plainly in

Book is

it

II,

when Book

chap,

impossible. 1

Mod. Phil,

2

Ibid., p. 374. Ibid., pp.

his

master has not been.

But

Aristotle tells us

chap, i, of his Nicomachean Ethics, and again in that in a discussion on ethics, scientific exactitude

I,

ii,

He III,

answers Jusserand's objections some centuries

374-75.

374-75.

27

W.

28 before they were made.

He

F.

DEMoss

says:

"An

educated person will expect

as the nature of the subject accuracy in each subject only so far 1 Jusserand overlooks the important fact that both Aristotle allows." In Book II, are eminently practical in their aims. and

Spenser

chap,

ii,

Aristotle says:

"Our present study

is

not, like other studies,

for the object of our inquiry is purely speculative in its intention; to become ourselves virtuous, but not to know the nature of virtue

as that

is

the sole benefit which

to Raleigh of the object he

had

it

conveys."

Spenser's statement

in writing the Faerie

Queene shows

the practical nature of that work: "The general end therefore of all the book is to fashion a gentleman or noble person in vertuous and 2

gentle discipline."

With such a purpose,

is it

likely that Spenser

would stop to quibble over whether such a quality as Temperance, for example, does or does not come under a technical definition of virtue ?

What would his gentleman be without it ?

able that, in attempting to follow Aristotle, Spenser

Is it not reason-

would take

all

means or good qualities? Whether certain them come under a technical definition of virtue or not, they are virtues in any practical sense. And Aristotle himself regarded them as such, as is shown by the fact that he discussed them as virtues. Besides, they are absolutely necessary to a system which is to of Aristotle's desirable of

"fashion a gentleman or noble person" not only in "vertuous," but also in "gentle," discipline.

his

This brings us to a very simple explanation of how Spenser got number of virtues. He simply took all of Aristotle's desirable

means, or qualities essential to the good man.

Now

Aristotle dis-

cussed, all told, thirteen -good qualities, or desirable means, as Jusserand himself observes. One of these, as Jusserand also observes, is

Magnificence, as we saw, Spenser gives to Arthur, leaving exactly twelve others. Clearly, if one of Aristotle's virtues contains all the others, his virtues might properly be divided into "the twelve" and the one which includes the twelve. Magnificence.

So much

for the number of Spenser's and Aristotle's virtues. come now to Jusserand's argument that "the nature of the virtues considered by Spenser matches the Aristotelian selection

We

i

N. Eth..

*

Spenser's Letter to Sir Walter Baleigh, included in all editions of the Faerie Queene.

I,

i.

SPENSER'S

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

29

number" a proposition which rand means that the two do not match at all. 1

scarcely better than their

to Jusse-

Before discussing the nature of Spenser's virtues, it will be necessary to clear the ground somewhat, by saying a word about how the Faerie Queene

is

to be interpreted.

episodes are unimportant.

There

is

a notion that Spenser's of the

For example, Jusserand disposes

by saying, "It is only incithe episode of Guyon's visit to Medina, dentally dwelt upon, forming 2 And in this attitude toward the episodes Jusserand Bk. II, c. 2." lesson of one of Spenser's great cantos

by no means alone. Any notion that whatever is not a part of Spenser's main plot can have little to do with his meaning is based

is

upon a misconception of the fundamental structure of Spenser's great poem. An episode filling one of Spenser's cantos a great poem in itself such as the one in which Guyon is taken by his Palmer (Reason or Prudence) to the house of Medina (the Mean), where the Knight of Temperance learns the fundamental conception of true Temperance, cannot be considered unimportant. Such an episode be "only incidental" to some of the points named in Spenser's which the author undertakes to state the "gen-

may

letter to Raleigh, in

and to give something of the plot and plan of more than half a million words, and to propose and name the contents of a second poem, which would probably 3 have contained another half million words, all in a four-page letter a summary which disposes eral intention"

of the

whole of the Book on Temperance in

development

of

six lines.

any given virtue, such an episode

But in Spenser's is

of very great

importance. It is

mainly by means of the episodes that Spenser's discussion This fact will become clear as we pro-

of the virtues is carried on.

We may

note here, however, Spenser's direct testimony that his episodes are organic. In the Book on Courtesy, at the end of a three-canto episode showing Calidore's Courtesy among the lowly, ceed.

Spenser makes 1

Mod.

it

unmistakably clear that each episode in the Faerie

Phil.. III. 375.

381 and note. be observed that Spenser does not say how many Books will be in the second part; he speaks only of "these first twelve bookes" and of "the other part." Nor does he give the number of the political virtues. Aristotle gives nowhere a list of the political 2

Ibid., p.

3

It will

virtues.

W.

30

DEMoss

F.

Queene represents some phase of the virtue under discussion; that 1 Again, in the Book on Justice, in the author "never is astray." introducing the account of the spousal of Florimel, Spenser assures us that he is admitting to the poem nothing save what "with this 2 And the present treatise doth agree, True vertue to advance." distribution of in honors, which just episode turns out to be a study

according to Aristotle

is

the essence of Justice. 3

Moreover, Spenser does not intend that his readers shall misunderstand him. "By certaine signes here set in sundry place," 4 he aims to see to it that the reader "never is astray." And among the

most helpful

of these "signes" are the

of the author, oftenest at the beginning,

No

of a canto. 8

one

will

need to be reminded of the importance of

Spenser's arguments to the cantos

Sometimes a few

very illuminating comments but sometimes in the middle

and

his

proems to the books.

spoken by one of the characters throw great 6 Professor Greene has truly light on the allegory of the poem. remarked, "Only a man of abundant leisure can read the [Faerie lines

Queene] as Spenser would have

it

read." 7

To

get the meaning, one

must watch not only the enveloping plot and the episodes, but also every comment, every speech, every line, every word, and, frequently, in the case of proper names, every syllable. He must read the poem intensively

minutely

:

ne let him then admire, But yield his sence to be too blunt and bace, That no'te without an hound fine footing trace. 4

So much

for the manner in which Spenser is to be interpreted. Let us now examine, in the case of each of the six virtues developed

by Spenser, Jusserand's argument that Spenser's and

Aristotle's

virtues are unlike in nature. VI,xii,l-2. 1

V,

iii.

CM,vii,50;

Il.xii.l; III,vi,52;

VI

f

iii,25; Vl.ix, 1.

3.

WI C nt f Spenser s Book on J^tice, cf. N. Eth., V, ii, and V, *?" With P Z'/ T? Pohhcs, II, vii. Braggadocchio cf Achilles' Coward. Politic,. II. vu. 4 Book II, Proem, stanza 4. * See I, viii, 1, or I, x, 1. other examples will be pointed out later. See, for example, I, viii, 49. '

4

iv,

and

.

"

IV

IM'i

161

AUeg ry

^ SP6nSer

'

BUnyan> and Swift '" Pub Mod Lana A * 80C " '

30

'

'

SPENSER'S

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

31

Concerning the subject of Spenser's first Book, Jusserand says: "Holiness is certainly not borrowed from Aristotle's series of moral Possibly an argu" ment is thought to lie in a supposed inconsistency between holi" ness" and moral virtues;" but if so, it should be remembered that Spenser certainly classed holiness as a moral virtue, as is shown not

virtues."

1

This

is

mere

assertion, not

argument.

only by the letter to Raleigh but also by the "XII. Morall vertues" of the title page of the Faerie Queene. Again, Jusserand says that Spenser's reference to the twelve

moral virtues of Aristotle was "a mere afterthought, probably, imagined after part of the poem had been written for Spenser begins ;

with the virtue of Holiness, conspicuously absent as

we saw from

2

Surely it is incredible that Spenser should contemplate a great epic for years (see Spenser's letter to Harvey under date of 1580) and finally write the forty-five thousand Aristotle's enumeration," etc.

words of the Book on Holiness without even a general notion of the

and purpose

plot

of his

poem. Besides, the fact that the machinery and of the quests is introduced at the very

of the court of Gloriana

3 beginning of Book I indicates that the plan of the letter to Raleigh was not an "afterthought." But even if we were to admit that the

was an afterthought, conceived after the first would have to fit, at least approximately. Holiness, was one of the three which accompanied the

reference to Aristotle

Book was And Book

I,

letter to Raleigh.

Books

it

written,

How

could Spenser say that each of the twelve Queene would contain one of Aristotle's twelve

of the Faerie

moral virtues, "of which these three bookes contayn three," 4 when the first of the three had nothing whatever to do with Aristotle?

Could he expect to deceive Raleigh, Sidney, Elizabeth, and the rest of the brilliant circle for whom he wrote ? Obviously Jusserand misunderstands, or has forgotten, the meaning of Aristotle's virtue of Highmindedness, or

only "a kind

he sees in

it

It is well

known

1

2 3

Mod. PhiL, Ibid. 1,

,

i.

of

Magnanimity; for ornament applicable to all the virtues." 5

that this virtue represents Aristotle's conception of

III, 376.

p. 381.

See also canto

vii,

stanza 46.

Letter to Raleigh. *

Mod.

Phil., Ill, 382.

31

W.

32

DEMoss

F.

"The highminded man," says absolute moral perfection. " seems to be one who thinks himself worthy of great things,

Aristotle,

is

For he who thinks himself worthy and no virtuous person is foolish orabsurd."

them.

of

worthy

without being so

and who

of great things

is foolish,

be one particular object of his interest .... honor." do with honor on a great scale." "Highmindedness, then, has to "The highminded man, as being worthy of the highest things, will " It seems that the highminded man be in the degree good."

"There

will

highest " It seems that as belongs to every virtue." possesses such greatness as it enhances the of crown the it as virtues, were, Highmindedness is,

them and cannot

exist apart

Finally, the following

from them."

sentence shows Aristotle's exalted conception of Highmindedness: "He highminded man] will be only moderately pleased at great [the

honors conferred upon him by virtuous people, as feeling that he naturally his due or even less than his due; for it would be impossible to devise an honor that should be proportionate to

obtains what

is

1 perfect virtue."

But

is

the Knight of Holiness Aristotle's highminded

Some change

in the conception of .the

course, necessary

So far as

on account of the fact

possible,

man?

Red Cross Knight

that'

however, Spenser has

was, of he was a Christian hero.

made him conform

to

Highmindedness. First, he is characterized a of himself. For proof of his amazing self-confidence by high opinion we have not only Spenser's letter to Raleigh, but also the Faerie

Aristotle's conception of

Queene

itself.

"A

tall

clownishe younge

man" who

has never worn

2 armor, he enters the court of great Gloriana,

Where

noblest knights were to be found

and to the great wonder mortification of

of the

on

earth,

3

Queen and the disappointment and

Una, whom he proposes to help, demands the greatest

of all quests, the establishment of

Truth true Christianity and the and the Devil, a quest so diflftcult that, although great knights from all over the world have tried it, none has been able to

defeat of Error

4

Assuredly he thinks himself worthy of great things. But he not only thinks himself worthy; he is worthy as is abundantly proved, not alone by his ability to wear the Christian armor, which

fulfil it.

1

For

2

Letter to Raleigh and F.Q.,

Aristotle's discussion of

Highmindedness see Nicomachean I, i,i.

I,iii, 28.

32

<

Ethics, IV, vii

I, vii,

45.

flf.

SPENSER'S

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

33

the test, 1 nor

by Una's later testimony concerning his great work, 2 but also by his final triumph over all enemies including the Dragon In the second place, his chief thought is the winning of of Evil. 3

is

His "noble heart"

great earthly honor. great intent"

is

Can never

have brought

rest, untill it forth

Th' eternall brood of

4 glorie excellent.

"All for prayse and honour he did fight." 5 Knight of Holiness is in pursuit of honor.

Court in the

"with child of glorious

and

first

place to seek for fame

From first to last the He has come to Faerie

:

prickt with courage, and thy forces pryde, court thou cam'st to seeke for fame. 6

To Faery

Upon our first introduction Queene, we are told

to him, at the beginning of the Faerie

:

great adventure he was bond, greatest Gloriana to him gave,

Upon a That That

greatest Glorious

of Faerie lond,

Queene

To winne him Which

of all

And when he appears

worship, and her grace to have, 7 earthly things he most did crave.

in the third

Book, after he has attained perfect

Holiness, his character in this respect

is

unchanged:

Then he forth on his journey did proceede, To seeke adventures, which mote him befall, And win him worship through his warlike deed, Which alwayes of his paines he made the chiefest meed. 9

Nor does the Red Cross Knight seek merely great honor; he seeks the greatest of all earthly honor. Una tells him that his fight with the

Dragon

of Evil shall

Above 1

2 J

all

ye evermore renowmed make,

9 knights on earth, that batteill undertake.

Letter to Raleigh. 1, vii,

47-49.

I, xi.

<

I,

8

1, v, 7.

e

i, Xi

v, 1.

66.

quotations from Spenser are all mine. I quote from Smith and de Selincourt's Poetical Works of Spenser, Oxford, 1912, but I have disregarded the italicization of proper names and followed modern usage in regard to u, v, and j. 7

1,

i,

3.

Italics in

III, iv, 4. 8

1, xi, 2.

33

W.

34

F.

DEMoss

And Heavenly Comtemplation has honor is to be. The knight is to be Europe as a military

saint,

him what

already told

this great

Saint George, famous throughout

and the patron saint

of

England

:

For thou emongst those Saints, whom thou doest see, frend Shalt be a Saint, and thine owne nations called shalt bee, Saint George And Patrone: thou Saint George of

Red Cross Knight's Highmindedness may be com-

Finally, that the

plete

1 signe of victoree.

mery England, the

2 and convincing in Spenser's and Aristotle's view, Heavenly

Contemplation explains that the knight

of high birth

is

thou springst from ancient race 3 Saxon Of kings.

And we know

that

it is

by

deliberate plan, not

by

accident, that

one great passion love of Spenser makes the Red Cross Knight's the knight's pursanctions honor. Even Heavenly Contemplation suit of earthly fame.

That

And

4

I this

man

of

own person armes may blaze 5

the poet, in his

God

his godly

prays aid of of time, and everlasting fame That warlike hands ennoblest with immortall name. 6

The Nourse

The moral expected

perfection which the knight attains

is,

no doubt, to be

:

from the first unto the last degree, His mortall life he learned had to frame In holy righteousnesse, without rebuke or blame. 7 It is

not to be overlooked that

characterized

moral virtues.

all of

Spenser's great knights are by all of the other

Highmindedness, as they are

by

This

is

in accordance with Aristotle's

tendency to

all the others, and his teaching that "Neither greatness nor highmindedness is possible without complete virtue." 8 But although, on account of this close relation between

niake any given virtue include

the virtues, such great knights as ized

by Highmindedness, none

1

1. x. 61.

*

This statement

59, 60,

'I. xi, 7.

and

of Spenser's knights, except possibly

warranted not only by Aristotle's and Spenser's strong by Aristotle's discussion of Highmindedness in N. Eth., IV,

1. *. 65.

I, x,

Artegall are character-

is

of aristocracy, but also 1

Guyon and

62.

Xi,

6

it

7

1, x>

8

N. Eth., IV,

34

5.

45. viii.

feeling viii.

SPENSER'S

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

35

the all-perfect Arthur, can compare in Highmindedness with the Knight of Holiness. That especial emphasis should be laid on Arthur's Highmindedness would naturally result not only from the close relation between the virtues, but also from Arthur's moral perfection. glory, that

But it is in Book I, where Arthur tells his dream of we are most impressed with his Highmindedness. And

according to Spenser's plan in the letter to Raleigh, Arthur must, in the Book on Holiness, represent the same virtue as the Knight of Holiness: "In the whole course I mention the deedes of Arthure

apply able to that vertue, which I write of in that booke." Consequently, if Arthur represents Highmindedness in Book I, so must the Knight of the Red Cross. Thus it is clear that the Knight of Holiness exemplifies Aristotle's virtue of

Highmindedness.

Nor

was Spenser doing anything unusual in thus combining pagan and sacred writings. He was only doing what many divines did both before and after him. Moreover, he was only doing what he himself did again and again in the Faerie Queene, sometimes in a rather surFor example, in II, xii, 52, he compares Acrasia's prising fashion. Bower, falsely named the "Bowre of blis," not only to "Parnasse" and Mount Ida, but also to the Garden of Eden, the comparison being unfavorable even to Eden. Again, the marriage rites of Una

and the Knight of Holiness, described in I, xii, are pagan, not ChrisThere is nothing surprising, however, in his combining istotle's Highmindedness with Christianity; for the combination simply moral perfection (represented by the Knight of Holiness)

tian. 1

tied to Christian truth

(Una).

have discussed the case of Holiness at considerable length jause it is the only one which is in any way doubtful. In Books I

II-VI

it

is

certain

that Spenser

is

consciously and deliberately

Following Aristotle.

The

subject of Spenser's second Book is Temperance. Jusserand " [Spenser's virtue of] Temperance truly and plainly 2 Aristotle outlines )rresponds to one of Aristotle's [virtues]." to admit that

^emperance briefly in the Nicomachean Ethics, II, vii, discusses it at >me length in III, xiii-xv, and continues the discussion throughout i

See

*

Mod.

I, xii,

37.

Phil., Ill, 376.

35

W.

36

most all

of

Book VII.

DEMoss

F.

Spenser, in his

Book on Temperance, draws upon

three discussions.

Concerning the virtue of Spenser's third Book, Jusserand says: if we Chastity may be held to have been [one of Aristotle's virtues], and the fact of shame' sense neglect (verecundia) give the word the "

'

,

that Aristotle, while studying virtue."

1

declares that this 'shame'

it,

That both Spenser and

tical morality,

is

not a

Aristotle were interested in prac-

not in whether such qualities as Temperance and

Chastity are technically virtues, we have already seen. Although Aristotle tends to make this virtue of Shame, or Modesty, allinclusive, just as

in the

he tends to

make

all

the others, his discussion of

it

Nicomachean Ethics 2 and in the Rhetoric9 leaves unquestionable

the fact that he means

it

particularly to apply to sex morality.

hardly necessary to state that in his

It is

Book on Chastity Spenser

is

discussing sex morality from the standpoint of Shame, or Modesty, on the one hand, and Shamelessness, on the other. 4 It should be added that sex morality is also an important part of Aristotle's dis-

cussion of Temperance, including Licentiousness

and Incontinence.

Aristotelian Temperance, in the strict or particular sense, applies to

"meats" and "drinks" and "what are

called the pleasures of love." 8

Aristotelian

strict sense, applies, of course,

Shame, or Modesty, in the

Book on Chastity, drew not only upon Aristotle's discussion of Shame, or Modesty, but also upon that part of his discussion of Temperance and Incontinence which deals with sex morality. to the last of these.

Spenser, in his

Concerning the subjects of Spenser's fourth and fifth Books, Jusserand says: "The reader knows what the case is with Friendship

and

Justice." 6

I believe

he does.

Finally, concerning Courtesy, the subject of Spenser's sixth Book, Jusserand says: "Courtesy may be held to correspond, if to any-

thing, to Aristotle's friendliness, 1

Mod.

2

N. Eth.,

8

Rhetoric, II, vi, xii,

5

N.

but not without a considerable

Phil., Ill, 376. II, vil;

IV, xv.

and

xlii.

Eth., Ill, xiii.

Mod.

Phil., Ill, 376.

36

SPENSER'S

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

extension and modernization of the word

37

Aristotle's descrip-

tion of friendliness best suits, however, without

matching

it

exactly,

the modern notion of courtesy." 1 The New English Dictionary reveals nothing inconsistent in Spenser's discussing under the name of Courtesy the virtue

which Aristotle says

is

most

like Friendliness.

really counts, a comparison of Spenser's Book on Courtesy with this Near-Friendliness, shows that the two really do match.

But what

"

human society, with common life and association in words and deeds." The virtue is a mean between flattery, obsequiousness, complaisance, on the one The sphere

of Aristotle's Near-Friendliness is

its

hand, and surliness, disagreeableness, contentiousness, on the other. "It most resembles Friendliness; for the person in whom it exists answers to our idea of a virtuous friend, except Aristotle says:

that friendliness includes affection

as

He

well

will

so

and acquaintances," etc. 2 Thus Aristotle's Near-Friendliness is a kind of Golden Rule: In your association with others, including strangers, speak to them and act toward them as a virtuous friend would do. act alike to strangers

Spenser's virtue of Courtesy matches this exactly. tiousness,

It allows neither flattery,

on the other. 8

Aristotelian

ideal

on the one hand, nor contentoward others as a

It consists in acting

virtuous friend would act.

It should be remembered, however, that with both Aristotle and Spenser friendship includes love; and also that, in accordance with Aristotle's and Spenser's tendency to make

any given virtue include

all

will include other virtues

and

the others, Courtesy and Discourtesy vices.

For seldome yet did living creature see, That curtesie and manhood ever disagree. 4

That the virtue of Spenser's sixth Book does consist in acting toward others as a true friend would act is shown by the characters and the episodes.

and others Maleffort, Crudor, and Briana,

Calidore, Tristram, Calepine, Prince Arthur,

represent Courtesy, or Friendliness. who maltreat strangers (c.i.) the " proud discourteous knight " ;

Tristram slays 1

Ibid.

2

N. Eth., IV,

(c. ii);

the contemptible Sir Turpine,

who

xii.

3

See, for example, Spenser's exposition of Calidore's
37

Courtesy in VI,

i,

-

2-3. -

whom

will

'

not

W.

38

F.

DEMoss

his wounded lady, or help the wounded give lodging to Calepine and woman over the ford, and who even attacks the defenseless knight (c.

iii,

Mirabella,

vi, viii);

who

delights in the sufferings of her lovers

the "salvage nation," which preys upon strangers (c. viii, who lead Pastorell into captivity ff.); and the "theeves"

(c. vii);

stanzas 35

these are

(c. ix, xi)

some

of the examples of Unfriendliness, of not

And, finally, acting toward others as a virtuous friend would act. the Blatant Beast is not Slander, as it is sometimes named, nor yet the Puritans, as

it is

oftenest

named.

It is the Spirit of Unfriendli-

Malice, Malevolence, Envy, Despite, Slander, Conten2 tiousness, and is represented in one place, no doubt, by the most contentious element among the Puritans. The Blatant Beast, like 1

ness;

it is

Duessa, could d'on so manie shapes in sight, As ever could cameleon colours new. 3

Besides, Spenser acters,

more than once shows by the speeches

combined with the

totle's ideal of acting

example, in VI,

iii,

plot, that

he

is

of his char-

keeping before him Aris-

toward others as a true friend would

15, Aldine

of Courtesy.

The two

once before.

We

is

act.

For

talking to Sir Calidore, the Knight

are strangers, having seen each other but

are told:

In th'end his [Calidore's] kyndly courtesie to prove,

He [Aldine] him by all the bands of love besought, And as it mote a faithfull friend behove, To safeconduct his love, and not for ought To leave, till to her fathers house he had her brought.

W.

F.

DEMoss

UNIVERSITY OP WISCONSIN [To be concluded]

frju

With V, xii, 28-43 and VI, i, 7-10, in which passages the Blatant Beast is identified with Envy and Detraction, the latter including Malevolence, and with VI, v, 12-22, in which the Blatant Beast is identified with Malice, Deceit, and Detraction, compare the author's comment, or literal exposition of Discourtesy, in VI, vii, 1-2. 2 See VI, xii, 22-41; but note in VI, xii, 22 and 23, that the Blatant Beast has gone " " Very PlaCe and through aU estates ." aU ranks of life, before he conies to the 1

IV.

i.

18.

38

CHAUCERIANA

Troilus,

687-88:

1,

And

witeth wel, that bothe two ben vices, alle, or elles alle leve.

Mistrusten

Cf. Seneca Epistulae Morales

enim vitium

est, et

1. 3.

omnibus credere

4

(ed. Heinse, p. 5):

utrumque

et nulli.

Troilus, 1, 740-41:

For it is seyd men maketh ofte a yerde With which the maker is himself y-beten.

Wander,

in his Sprichwoerter-Lexikon, gives,

under the caption Ruthe,

but none so close to Chaucer's

a great

many forms

of the proverb,

as

of the seven

from Provencal poetry given by Cnyrim in

any

his

Sprichwoerter (Nos. 779-85). Troilus,

1,

963-66: It far'th of

som

As plante a

tree, or herbe, in

And on

morwe

the

No wonder Cf. Seneca op.

is,

2.

1.

cit.

pulle

though

it

3 (p. 3):

it

servise,

sondry wise,

up

may

as blive!

never thrive.

non convalescit planta, quae

saepe transfertur. Troilus,

1,

1065-69.

Professor Kittredge pointed out in

Modern

from Geoffrey de Nova Historia Poetarum et vss. 43-45 Vinsauf, (in Leyser, Poetria, Poematum Medii Aevi, p. 864). Chaucer refers to the same work in Philology, VII, 481 that this passage is derived

B 4537 ff.

It is to

be further noted that the use of

color,

colorare

very frequent in the Nova Poetria, frequent enough to suggest that Chaucer may have derived the usage from de Vinsauf, who, however, nowhere couples color with figure, as Chaucer

in

a rhetorical sense

sometimes does.

Cf.

is

Nova

Poetria, vss. 201, 745, 746, 748, 879, 924,

928, 929, 946, 955, 957, 962, 988, 993, 995, 1023, 1024, 1037, 1038, etc.

Chaucer's Almena for Alcmena (Troilus,

with 39]

Almenam

in

Nova

3,

1428)

may

be compared

Poetria, vs. 623. 39

[MODEEN PHILOLOGY, May,

1918

HENRY BARRETT HINCKLEY

40

Troilus, 2, 188-89:

Withouten bond, me semeth that in toune For this miracle here I ech belle soune.

For the miraculous ringing of bells on joyful or solemn occasions referbe found in Child's ences, chiefly from Germanic literature, may 519. English and Scottish Popular Ballads, I, 173, 231; III, 235, Dodd's Love Dr. G. W. Courtly attention is called to this fact by

My

in Chaucer and Gower.

would add the following: Boccaccio, Per la qual cosa, o

I

Decanter one, Giornata Seconda, Novella Prima:

vero o non vero che

si fosse,

Trivigiani affermano, che

morendo

nell'

egli,

addivenne, secondo che

ora della sua morte

le

campane

i

della

maggior chiesa di Trivigi, tutte, senza essere da alcuno tirate, cominciarono a sonare. II che in luogo di miracolo avendo, questo Arrigo esser santo dicevano tutti.

have found four examples of rime royal in French poetry earlier than the fourteenth century. Cf. Conon de Bethune, ed. WallensI

Guiot de Provins, ed. Orr, Chanson iv; same in (from a fourteenth-century manuscript) anonymous (Wackernaegel xli) Gace Brule", ed. Huet (Societe des Anciens kold, pp. 282-85;

Wackernaegel

xiiii

;

;

Textes Frangais), Chanson stanza into English poetry.

xiii (p.

31).

Chaucer

first

introduced the

In all his French predecessors the stanza used for lyric rather than for narrative; and even in Chaucer it often reverts to or continues the lyric tradition.

is

II

B 4047-50. The

Canterbury Tales, exactly on the hour

is

belief that the

alluded to in Sir

Gawayne and

cock crew the

Green

Knight, 2008: Bi vch kok

}?at

crue,

he knwe wel

steuen.

each cock that crew he knew well the hour.' B 4039-54. The best commentary on the colors of Chantecleer the song given by Padelf ord in The Cambridge History of English

"By is

}?e

7

Literature (II, 444-45),

English Reader

(p.

and by Cook in his excellent Literary Middle The Nun's Priest's Tale has several

429).

echoes of early English lyric poetry which add to the burlesque effect of the whole. And I am inclined to believe that Chaucer was 40

CHAUCERIAN A

41

acquainted with some version earlier than the extant fifteenthcentury manuscript of the song in question, and had it in mind while drawing the portrait of Chantecleer.

echoed Chaucer

in question is

is

To suppose that the song

of course perfectly possible,

to sacrifice something of the spirit of burlesque in the

Tale.

but to do so Nun's Priest's

Other echoes of early English song in the Tale are B4084: and B 4069 My lief is faren in londe.

herte in holde;

B4108.

Draw thy

:

"weapon." Cf. Romeo and Juliet, I, 1, 31-32: here comes two of the house of Montagues; and

tool,

tool;

Milton, Samson

A gonistes,

137:

In scorn of their proud arms and warlike

tools.

B 4243. wlatsom. That the w of initial wl was pronounced by Chaucer might be inferred from the evidence of the alliterative verse of his age.

The evidence

no contemporary

is

not, however, wholly satisfactory, since

alliterative verse occurs in

Chaucer's dialect.

Cf.

nevertheless Cleanness, 831: TFeZawynne/y wlonk tyl }>ay waschen hade 1501: So ]?e wordier of }>is worlde wlates }>er-iyith 541: Lo! suche a wrakful wo for wlatsum dedej

Cf. also

William of Palerne, 1634:

but now a while wol

B

4414.

i

stinte* of

The Oxford

J?is

wlonke murj>e [= proud mirth]

Dictionary perfectly establishes the use

"habitually," and even the Chaucer are beginning to take notice of the fact. The following are examples of the usage later than any given by the said I have some doubt about the case from Milton. Dictionary. of gladly in the sense of "usually,"

editors of

Henry Howard, Earl Series, XVII, 335):

Who

of Surrey (quoted in Anglia,

gladly halsethe ye golden meane of dayngers advisedly hath his

Voyde

XXIX, New

home.

Ascham, The Scholemaster (Ascham, English Works, ed. W. A. Wright, p. 224) Yet euen those that be learned and wittie trauelers, when they be disposed to prayse traueling, as a great commendacion, :

and the best Scripture they haue for it, they gladlie verse of Homere in his first booke of Odyssea, etc.

Watson (quoted by Ascham,

loc.

recite the third

cit.):

All trauellers do gladly report great prayse of Vlysses. 41

HENRY BARRETT HINCKLEY

42

Milton, Comus, 410-13: but where an equall poise of hope and feare dos arbitrate the event my nature is that I incline to hope rather then feare

and

Cf

.

gladly banish squint suspicion.

also the use of

French

volontiers as in

Machaut, Le Dit du Lyon,

1917-18:

Et pour

ce qu'on dit que cremour

N'est pas wlentiers sans amour,

II

5, Chapter 3, Paragraph 3: 1, dans ses promenades, mais il s'en

emportait volontiers un This use of volontiers fusil

etc.,

Book

and in Hugo, Les Miserable*, Part servait rarement.

is

very

common

in present-

day French.

We still say cold comfort. In William of Palerne, colde. kares have colde; in Sir Ferumbras, 4213, we have cold ys my 1656, we " cold red; and in the Roman de Troie we have frequently the phrase news." Cf. Herodotus 6. 108: eiriKovpiri ^vxpy, and Euripides B 4446.

Alcestis 353: \l/vxp&v V>& otjucu

B

4573.

rep^w.

Talbot as the proper

quoted by Padelford

(loc. tit.)

my hounde,

Talbot,

All about the grene It is barely possible,

name

of a

dog appears in a song

:

with a mery taste wode he gan cast.

though not more than barely, that Chaucer's use name of a dog was suggested by the lyric

of Talbot as the proper

poetry of his day. Talbot is also a common noun signifying a large, white or light-colored hound, having hanging ears, heavy jaws, and

This hunting dog was introduced into England by the Talbot family, but it is uncertain whether the family was named after the dog or the dog after the family. A pun upon the name of the species of dog and the name of the renowned enemy of Joan of Arc is found in Political Songs (Rolls Series, II, great powers of scent.

222):

He

is

That

bownden that oure dore shulde kepe is

Talbott oure

goode dogge.

See Oxford and Century Dictionaries under Talbot.

B4590. p. 263)

:

skriked. Cf. Defoe, Captain Singleton (ed. Aitken, hallowing and skreeking in a manner that it is impossible to

describe. 42

CHAUCERIANA

43

C 406. a-blakeberyed. Skeat pointed out the relation between the verbal in -ed and the Anglo-Saxon verbal in -aft, but the intermediate form in -eth is so rare that I will cite the following from Sir Ferumbras:

& Summe a deer hontep of hem J>ar went? 3730: Rennyngge a-streyey }>ar on \>e waye 5532: A-strayey on J>e grene 2222:

With

a-strayey for a-strayep cf the sixteenth .

&

some

to fox

and hare

and seventeenth century

spelling ye for the, the y being used as a substitute for p.

C

953.

place."

"a sacred object"; or, more exactly, used Not in the modern sense of "holy

seintuarie,

collectively for

"

sacred things."

Instances of saintuaire in the sense of sacred object (not Roman de Troie, 25515-16:

used collectively) are

Des Ert

and

Cliges,

saintuaires plus preisiez auteus pleins e chargiez;

li

1194-96:

Tot

le

monde, encois an

feist

Saintuaire, si con je cuit, Si Paorast et jor et nuit.

F

250.

This use of a personal pronoun before a occurs not only in the Scandinavian languages,

he Moyses.

proper personal

name

but also and very frequently in Middle Welsh. Cf. Mabinogion (ed. Rhys and Evans), p. 19, 11. 26-27: Hiiheu riannon a diuynnwys

athrawon a doethon, She Riannon (it was) who summoned to herself doctors and sages; ibid., pp. 11-12: Rof i a duw heb attei

ynteu bwyll llyna vy atteb i ytti, "Between me and God," said he Powell, "this is my answer to thee." The Welsh language applies the usage to

common nouns

pp. 78-79: Sef a

as well as to personal names.

wnaeth ynteu yr

eryr, this (is)

what he

Cf

.

op.

cit.,

the eagle did.

Ill

The Franklin's Tale. Association of America,

In The Publications of

XVI,

"a

Modern Language

406, Professor Schofield, the author

of a History of English Literature from the

which no competent person

the

Norman Conquest to Chaucer,

will fail heartily to praise, suggested that

careful analysis of the Franklin's Tale reveals the fact that at 43

HENRY BARRETT HINCKLEY

44

a simple story of an unusually happy marriage between I have the British Lord Arveragus and his beautiful wife Dorigen." To me the contention. marriage never been able to understand this referred to seems to be merely the background of the story, which is

bottom

it is

concerned not with married happiness, but with an interruption married in happiness; and tells of a wife by the seashore bewailing the absence of her husband at sea; of a husband not only resigning

itself

his wife

when he

is

bound by every consideration

of

honor to retain

"

"

as to threaten gentillesse her, but actually so far forgetting all her with death in case she should reveal his ignominious conduct;

and

of a

woman

pursued by attentions which are equally unwelcome

and unlawful. Professor Kittredge in his Chaucer andHisPoetry, page 45, remarked,

"Few facts

be

of history,

it

sacred or profane, are

more

lished than that Geoffrey Chaucer, in his habit as

he

solidly estab-

lived,

was not

Chaucer was admittedly a humorist, and naivete* is incompatible with a sense of humor." I do not find as a matter of naif

ordinary observation that contradictions are so nicely excluded from

human

And

if we find Wordsworth, one and enduring British poets, frequently falling the sorriest kind of prose, prose that no versification can disguise,

nature.

in literary history,

of the distinctly great

into

we need not be falling at

surprised

if

we find Chaucer, a consummate humorist,

times into something distinctly naive.

At any

no word seems to

rate,

me

so happily to characterize

word naive. An theme important running through Chaucer's story, the essential theme of the story as we have every reason to suppose that he found certain features of the Franklin's Tale as does the

it, is

the sacredness of a promise.

Could anything be more naive than

to treat the casual promise of Dorigen, which was intended to be absolutely ironical, as more binding than her marriage vow, which

had been made quite only a rhetorical

husband

for the

Dorigen's promise to Aurelius was

literally ?

way

of saying that she never

young man who was paying her

treating her answer literally, as

if

would desert her his addresses.

In

she were making a bargain (rather

than expressing with the utmost possible emphasis her determination to remain loyal to her husband), Aurelius really forfeited all claim to be considered "gentle," generous, or even honorable. 44

CHAUCERIANA

Nor

45

enough to say that this was all in the story as Chaucer and that in accepting what he found Chaucer by no means it, incurs a charge of naivete*. There are other features of the story which may even have been Chaucer's addition to the naivete" of his Do Dorigen and Aurelius meet by accident or by design original. is it

found

of Aurelius in

F

Chaucer (shall we not say naively?) meet both by accident and by design. And how

1499-1508?

assures us that they

that nobody, neither Dorigen, Arveragus, nor the poet himself, shows the slightest sign of being either shocked or amused when the is it

knight

who has promised

of courtship

to continue into married

suddenly threatens her with death

if

life

the

homage

she disclose their

secret (F 1481-84) ?

Evidently the beauty of the Franklin's Tale is of that naive order found in the primitives of the Italian Renaissance, paintings which

anatomy and perspective that have become basic to modern European art, but which nevertheless command nearly the enthusiastic admiration of the more intelligent observers by the beauty that remains, and even seems to be enhanced by what is lackfreely violate the all

There are in the Franklin's Tale various truly charming descrip-

ing.

and the character of Dorigen is a masterpiece. It has often been observed that Chaucer's insistence on "the

tions, there are delicate sentiments,

in itself

grisly

rokkes blake" and on the horrors of shipwreck is a mark of with Brittany. A few sentences

local color connecting the story

from the Pierre Noziere of Anatole France descriptive of the Breton coast furnish admirable illustration: "The ocean and the cliffs change their appearance every minute.

The

billows are alternately

violet; and the rocks which, a moment ago, were their veins of mica, are now as black as ink" (p. 283); "It flashing is still said that, on this shore, the souls in torment walk and weep, while the bones of those who have been shipwrecked knock at the doors of the fishermen and demand burial" (p. 286). Further notes of local color are perhaps to be found in the descrip-

white, green

and

tion of Christmas festivities.

I certainly suspect that the buglehorn (F 1253) from which "Janus" drinks the wine is a Celtic note retained from Chaucer's source. The drinking-horn, of course,

figures largely in

Teutonic history and tradition, but 45

I

know no

case

HENRY BARRETT HINCKLEY

46

of its retention in ceremonial or festive usage so late as it

was retained

In this town a cup formed of the horn of Quimper in the ceremony of Saint Cecilia's retained was wild or an urus, ox, La Bretagne Poetique, pp. 28-29. Day until 1793. See Parede, in Brittany.

at

For the drinking-horn in early Celtic literature the locus classicus perhaps in the very ancient tale of Kulhwch and Olwen, which twice

is

uses the formula,

horn, and there

is

"The

knife

is

and the drink is in the an excuse for not Cf Rhys and Evans, Red Book

in the meat,

treading of feet in the hall," as

opening the castle gate to a stranger. I, 126: kyllell a edyw

of Hergest,

.

ym

bwyt a llynn

ym

bual, ac

amsathyr yn neuad; also p. 103, where we have exactly the same words except that yn is omitted before neuad. I also

suspect that

F

1255,

And "Nowel"

crieth every lusty

man,

custom more or less distinctive of Brittany, though not Breton. exclusively F 734. oon the faireste under sonne. I will illustrate this idiom with examples drawn from a work of mine on Chaucerian describes a

syntax not yet published. Faireste is used as a substantive and in apposition with the numeral oon. That this is the correct way

which

is

to parse the phrase is shown by a glance at examples of the same idiom in cognate Germanic dialects, for which I am indebted to Professors Einenkel and Kellner:

BUckling Homilies, 73. 21: paer waeron^reo^>a betstan three the best ointments. Exodus, 32. 21: anepa maestan synne and a sin one the greatest and to God the most tan, Aelfric,

there

ele,

gode^a

lapus-

displeasing. Iwein, 334: ein das schoenste gras, one the fairest grass. Iwein, 1314: si muose toten sehn einen den liebesten man, she see killed one the dearest man.

must

Reinaert (Flemish), 137: ene die meste overdaet. Chaucer never uses the idiom with any other numeral than one, but examples with higher numerals occur in English even as late as the eighteenth century. The first three examples of those given below, as well as the seventh, are pointed out by Einenkel or Kellner; the rest are of my own collecting:

46

CHAUCERIANA

Guy

of

Warwick, 8097

Two

:

47

then slayne had y

the beste

Robert of Gloucester, Chronicle, 34 pre pe :

.

beste yles.

Trevisa, Higden's Polychronicon (Rolls Series),

I,

pilke

Out

199:

noblest ryveres of al

pre pe

Europa, Ryne, Danubius, and Rone. William of Palerne, 2162 tvo pe bremest white beres hil[les] springef>

of

f>at beef>

>e

i-cleped

>at

:

euer

burn on loked. 3943-44:

Ibid.,

&

treuli astit after

pe

realest rinkes of

Ascham, The

And

p. 163):

State of

him*

tvo

hundered

pe reaume* ded

Germany

seuen

ri^t f>at ilke

English Works, ed. Wright,

(in

to let other matter of

&

Germany

passe, euen this last

yeare within the compasse of eight monethes he professed himselfe open enemy against foure the greatest poweres that I knowe vpon earth.

Spenser, Faerie Queene, sonnes of mortall seed.

I,

8:

vii,

The hight

of three the tallest

Thomas May, History of the Parliament of England Which Began 8, 1640: how wicked the manners of Rome were grown, how

Nov.

the chief rulers were given to avarice and oppression, and the whole state drowned in luxury, lusts and riot, as you may see upon that subject in two the most elegant of them [i.e., of the Roman poets].

Colley Gibber, The Careless Husband, Act 2, Scene 2: Now I think deferring a dun, and getting rid of one's wife, are two the most

an English subject. Professor Withouten coppe he drank al his penaunce. A. Neilson has convinced me that in my Notes on Chaucer this

agreeable sweets in the liberties of

F 942 W.

passage

:

is

" wrongly explained, and that withouten coppe means under

difficulties."

The

expression occurs twice in the pseudo-Chaucerian

Tale of Beryn, thus:

306 460

"To

:

:

ffor

He

such was his fortune, he drank with-out pe cupp shall

drynk

drink one's woe,"

very fond.

"

for kittes love with-out cup or pot

penance,"

etc. is

a figure of which Chaucer

Cf. Troilus, 2, 784; 3, 1035; 3, 1215-16;

Hous

is

Fame, if thou will 42: 789-90. one recall Luke 21. Saint 3, "Father, Every be willing, remove this cup from me." But it is worth adding that 47

of

HENRY BARRETT HINCKLEY

48

Froissart represents love as a beverage.

Cf.

Le Parody s

d' Amours,

676-78:

Encor

croi que depuissedi Qu'au dieu d'Amours fesis hommage

Tu

as goust6 de son buvrage.

And in the same poem (738-39) we are told that the god makes one "drink good medicine ": II fait

1325.

Love

bon medicine boire

Dont on

F

of

but youre grace.

conforte sa sante".

That

this is better

taken as meaning is, I hope, too

"without your permission" than "except your favor"

evident to require any argument. For but, or as it is sometimes spelled boute, in the sense of "without," cf. William of Paler ne: 1704: Wijtly boute mo wordes* sche went fo[r]l? stille }>ei ete at here ese' as }>ei mi^t J>anne

1882-83:

boute salt oj?er sauce' or

any semly drynk

See also 1863, 2008, 2687, and Still, Cottar, 175 (A.D. 1845, cited by the English Dialect Dictionary): Gie

me

Wha The word

grace,

the man, whate'er his creed,

speaks the truth but fear or dread.

meaning "permission," occurs in the Romaunt of

the

Rose, 4079-80:

For no man moo into this place Of me to entre shal have grace.

HENRY BARRETT HINCKLEY NEW HAVEN,

CONN.

NEW The Calendar 1374-1377

LIFE-RECORDS OF CHAUCER and

of the Patent Rolls for the periods 1370-1374

1914 and

in

(published

1916

respectively)

contains

two documents which are not included in the LifeRecords of Chaucer and which, to the best of my knowledge, are new These abstracts are as follows to students of Chaucer's life. abstracts of

:

Patent Rolls, 48 Edward 1374.

June

8.

Westminster.

III,

Part

I,

membrane

13.

Grant, during pleasure, to Geoffrey Chaucer of the offices of controller of the custom and subsidy of wools, hides and woolfells, and controller of the petty custom of d. of the pound, also of cloths and other customable merchandise in the port of London.

wines and of 3

By Patent Rolls, 51 Edward [1377.]

III,

membrane

s.

p.

1

14.

Whereas Geoffrey Chaucer, controller of the custom and subsidies of wools, hides and woolfells and other customable things in the port of London, is often occupied on the king's service in remote parts so that he cannot stay in person upon the exercise of his office, and has deputed Thomas de Evesham to exercise the same in his absence; the king wills that Thomas may do so, and may write the rolls of

the office with his

own hand, during

Geoffrey's

pleasure.

By Owing to the

bill of

the treasurer. 2

fact that all the early Patent Rolls (with

most

of the

records prior to Charles I) have been sent

may

be out of danger from

away in order that they has not been possible for me search of the Chancery War-

air-raids, it

to obtain copies of these patents.

A

two documents which are printed below; the first is dated June 8, 1374, but the second is without date. These documents are as follows

rants, however, resulted in finding the

:

Chancery Warrants.

Ser.

I.

File 437.

No. 30146.

graci'a Rex Angh'e et Francie, et Dominus Hiberme, nosfro Johanni Knyuet, Cancellario nosfro, sahttem.

Edwardus, Dei Dilecfo

et fideli

Cum

Calendar of the Patent Rolls, 1370-1374, p. 449. 2 The patent is not dated, but the regnal year limits Ibid., 1374-1377, p. 462. the period from January 25, 1377, to June 21, 1377. 1

49]

49

it

[MoDEEN PHILOLOGY, May,

to

1918

SAMUEL MOORE

50

concesserimws dilecto nobis Galfrido Chaucer officia tarn Contrarotulatoris

custume

et

subsidii lanarww, coriorwra, et pelliuw lanutarwra, quam Contrarocustume vinorwm ac triura denarionm de libra necnon pannor-

tulatoris parue

um

et

aliarwra

tarn indigenas

mercandisarww quarwmcumqwe custumabiliura per mercatores debitorwra in portu Londome, haoenda

quam alienigenas nobis

qwamdiu nobis placuerit, percipiendo in officiis illis tantum quantum alii concustumarwm huiusmodi in portu predicto hactenws percipere consueuerunt: Ita quod idem Galfn'dus rotulos suos dicta officia tangentes manu sua propria scribat et continue moretwr ibidem et omnia que ad officia ilia pertinent in propria persona sua et non per substitutum suura faciat et trarotulatores

exequatur: Volentes quod tarn altera pars

quam

quod dicitwr coket custumis deputati in portu

sigilli nosfri

altera pars alterius sigilli nosfri pro paruis

predicto in custodia predict Galfridi remaneant qwamdiu officia haouerit supradicfo, vobis mandamus quod literas inde sub magno sigillo nosfro in

forma debita

fieri iaciatis.

monosterium,

viij

et Franc^'e

Datum sub priuato sigillo nosfro apud Westanno regni nostri Angh'e quadragesimo octauo,

die Junii

tricesimo quinto.

Chancery Warrants.

Ser.

File 1677.

I.

le grant seal a Thomas Euesham Citein de Loundres destre lieutenant Geffrei Chaucer Contreroulowr de la grande custume et de la petite el en du dit Geffrei tanque come plerra au Roi et au dit Geffrei.

Soit fait

Commission souz

.

.

.

.

.

.

1 leuesqwe de Wircestre

It will

Tresorer dengleterre

be observed that according to both the patent of June 8, above and the Chancery warrant of the same date,

1374, abstracted

Chaucer was appointed controller of the petty custom as well as controller of the custom and subsidy of wools, etc. In this respect these documents are in agreement with the Exchequer document of June 8, 1 374, printed as No. 82 of the Life-Records. Another patent of June 8, 1374, however, printed as No. 81 of the

Life-Records, grants

Chaucer only the controllership of the custom and subsidy of wools. And the matter is further complicated by the fact that the note to

appended to Document 82 of the Life-Records, though the document grants to Chaucer both controllerships, reads:

itself

Et predictus Galfridus, presens sacramentum de bene et

prestitit [italics

in Curia xij fideliter se

die Junij dicto

habendo in

anno

officio

xlviij

,

predicto

mine] quamdiu, etc. '

BiSh P **

f

Worceste^ appointed treasurer of the exchequer on June 26 1377. and was superseded by Thomas

*?*****

'

1

50

NEW

LIFE-RECORDS OF CHAUCER

51

Did Chaucer actually

receive the office of controller of the petty he receive only the office of controller of the custom and subsidy of wools ? If he exercised the office of controller of the petty custom during the reign of Edward III, it was for a short period only, for John de Oxton was appointed to the office on April

custom

1,

in 1374, or did

1375. L

Unfortunately, the Customs Accounts, which ought to do not name the controllers of the petty custom

settle the question,

between June

8,

1374,

and April

1,

1375.

Between December

24,

1372, and March 25, 1375, there are no entries in regard to the petty custom. For the period from March 25, 1375, to April 23, 1375, no is named, but only Ric. Lyonns of London, farmer of the 2 custom. petty From the evidence we have it seems impossible to decide whether

controller

Chaucer received both controllerships in 1374 or only the controllerand subsidy of wools. Kirk's opinion, that he received only the latter office in 1374, was based chiefly on the fact ship of the custom

that the only patent of which Kirk had knowledge, Document 81 of the Life-Records, grants to Chaucer only the controllership of the

custom and subsidy of wools. 3 But inasmuch as we now have a patent of the same date (that abstracted at the beginning of the present article) which grants to Chaucer both controllerships, we reason to doubt that he actually exercised both offices for some months in the years 1374 and 1375. The words "in officio

have

1

less

Calendar of the Patent Rolls, 1374-1377, p. 100.

During the period from April 23, 1375, to August 24, 1375, Ric. Fraunceys and Robert de Sarton are named as collectors, and John de Exton as controller. During the period from August 24, 1375, to October 1, 1375, Robert de Sarton and John de Ilkyngham are named as collectors, and John de Exton as controller. During the period from October 1, 1375, to February 20, 1376, Nicholas Potyn, Thomas Culham, and John Oxewyk are named as controllers. These data (from Declared Accounts, Customs, Roll 9) as well as the Chancery warrants printed above, I have obtained through the agency of Miss K. S. Martin of London, who has been a valuable assistant to me in this and other work 2

,

that involved a search of the public records. The data in regard to the controllers of the petty custom which are contained in the Patent Rolls agree substantially with those given above from the Customs Accounts except that the Patent Roll (or at least the Calendar) gives the name John de Oxton (see preceding note) where the Customs Accounts give the name John de Exton. Nicholas Potyn was appointed to the office on October 14, 1375; Thomas de Culham on November 8, 1375; and John Oxwyk in [ ?] November, 1375 (the patent is not dated, but the year is 49 Edward III, and the other patents in the same membrane range between November 7 and December 3); see Calendar of the Patent Rolls, 1374-1377, pp. 174, 191, 192. In regard to Richard Lyons, named in the Customs Accounts from March 25, 1375, to April 23, 1375, as farmer of the petty custom, abundant and interesting information may be found in the Calendar of the Patent Rolls, 1370-1374 and 1374-1377. 8

See Life-Records of Chaucer, pp.

xxiii

and 51

192, note.

SAMUEL MOORE

52

Document 82

in the note appended to predicto" which occur the contrary. certainly not conclusive evidence to

are

fact that the undated Chancery Warrant printed above " Contreroulour de la grande custume et de la refers to Chaucer as

The

petite" might seem at

first

Chaucer and 1374, April 1,

sight additional evidence that

exercised both controllerships

between June

8,

The

signature of the Bishop of Worcester, however, proves that this document cannot belong to the period mentioned, for the 1375.

was

bishopric of Worcester

in voidance during the period

named,

William de Lenne (or Lynne) having died November 18, 1373, and his successor, Henry Wakefield, not having been appointed till 1 His signature as treasurer enables us to date September 12, 1375. the warrant definitely within the period from January 11, 1377, to

July 19, 1377 (see note 1, p. 50). Thomas de Evesham, whom

the undated patent of 1377, names as the person Chaucer has appointed as his deputy in the controllership of the custom and subsidy of wools, and whom the Chancery warrant of 1377 names as Chaucer's "lieutenant," was a substantial merchant of London whose name

abstracted above,

appears frequently in contemporary records. On January 24, 1379, he was associated with a large number of other citizens in making

a loan to the

city, his

share being 5 marks. 2

On

July 31, 1384, he

summoned from the wards as a Common Council. 8 On July 18, 1385, March 28, 1386, and August 31, 1388, he was among those summoned to consult with the mayor in regard to the interests

was one

of those

of the city or the realm. 4

We may

hope that, when the public records are once more may be possible to obtain additional light on these documents. accessible in their entirety, it

SAMUEL MOORE UNIVERSITY OP MICHIGAN 6 Neve os
^

1

R. R. Sharpe, Calendar of Letter Books of the City of London, H, pp. 123-125. J&td.,

H,

p. 237.

PP> 2 9 f " 279 ,

,p. 556

?

P

fl "

332

B

137?-1381 ppr61 200.

f Por otner references to 1361 " 1364 P> '

'

52

Evesham

see ibid..

H,

THE WEST MIDLAND PROSE PSALTER CXXXIV,

In the Archiv,

132, Professor

Logeman

90:10 fails to find

adequate explanation for the figure in the following passage, "Our

He notes that in my penchen as >e lob 'as the spider.' Middle English Reader I have quoted the Vulgate to explain the English words, but objects that I did not use the variant reading '

^eres shul

one MS, although he finally admits that the latter does not account for the figure of the West Midland Psalter. Indeed, Professor Logeman was clearly on the wrong track in gravel of

supposing that the variant gravel will help us. The Vulgate sicut aranea is based on the Septuagint cos apaxvn, as he notes, while the Septuagint is also supported by the Syriac version of the Psalms.

Thus the West Midland Psalter

follows its original correctly, while '

'

the variant gravel shows the corruption of Latin aranea spider arena (harena) 'sand.' Besides, the Septuagint- Vulgate was the reading usually followed in English versions, as by the Vespasian, the

Cambridge, the lation, the

ME

OE

and the West Midland

Wyclifite versions,

Yet

metrical version, the Lambeth, the Rolle trans-

metrical text (Surtees Soc., three text,

MSS), the two

which we are

dis-

needs explanation today, especially since our modern version has no such figure in this place. cussing.

all this

The comparison

of

man's

life

to the spider not only has a basis

but was commonly accepted by mediaeval writers

in original sources,

and explained as indicating transitoriness or vanity. explained by St. Jerome, Breviarium in Psalmos (Migne

It

was so

26, 1159):

quasi mittit fila, et hue illucque discurrit, et texit tota quidem grandis est, sed effectus nullus est, sic et vita hominum,

Quomodo aranea die, et labor

divitias appetimus,

omnia facimus,

et

procreamus

non

filios,

laboramus, in regna sustollimur, et

intelligimus, quia araneae telam teximus.

So the English Bede, In Psalmorum Librum Exegesis (Migne 93, 966) Sicut aranea, id est, in corruptibilibus laboramus, et vana et inutilia :

1 conteximus, velut aranea. 1 Other Fathers might be cited, as Haymo of Halberstadt, Expositio in Psalmos (Migne 116, 506); Remigius, Ennarrationes in Psalmos (Migne 131, 622); St. Bruno of St. Bruno of the Carthusians, ExpoHerbipolis, Expositio Psalmorum (Migne 142, 336) sitio in Psalmos (Migne 152, 1122); St. Bruno Astensis, Expositio in Psalmos (Migne 164, Oddo 1051); Astensis, Expositio in Psalmos (Migne 165, 1256). [MODEEN PHILOLOGY, May, 1918 53 53] ;

OLIVER FARRAR EMERSON

54

Or we may compare the English

of

Richard Rolle, Commentary on

the

Psalter, the passage in question:

erayn makes vayn webbes for to take fleghis wty gile, swa oure occupyde in ydell and swykil kastis about erthly thynge, and passis wij>outen froyt of goed werke, waste in ydyll thynkynge and unnayt dede.

As

J>e

jeris ere

But the use passage or not,

Thus

Bible.

is

in

whether original in this found in other parts of the

of the figure of the spider,

not strange, since

it is

Psalm 39 12 the Vulgate has :

:

A fortitudine manus tuae ego defeci in increpationibus: propter iniquitatem corripuisti hominem. Et tabescere fecisti sicut araneam animam ejus verumtamen vane conturbatur omnis homo. :

Parts of both of these parallelisms are united in our

and the

figure has been changed (Ps. 39: 11)

When

thou with rebukes dost correct

beauty to consume away

like

a moth

:

man

for iniquity,

surely every

In both Job and Isaiah the same figure reads in the Vulgate

modern

is

version,

:

man

is

also used.

thou makest his vanity.

Job 8 13-14 :

:

Sic viae

Non

ei

omnium, qui obliviscuntur Deum, et spes hypocritae aranearum fiducia ejus.

peribit.

placebit vecordia sua, et sicut tela

Isaiah, arraigning the wicked, says (59 5-6) :

Ova aspidum

:

ruperunt, et telas araneae texuerunt:

qui comederit de Telae

ovis eorum, morietur, et quod confotum est, crumpet in regulum. eorum non erunt in vestimentum, neque operientur operibus suis:

eorum opera

inutilia, et

The evident corruption Psalters need

opera

opus iniquitatis in manibus eorum. of aranea to harena (arena) in early Latin

not be traced.

Certain editions of the Vulgate, however, refer to Ecclesiasticus 18:8, a passage to which Professor Logeman also caUs attention. There the years of man's life are likened to a drop of water (gutta aquae maris) (calculus arenae).

and to a grain of sand Such a reference and confusion of words in an

early Latin text are sufficient to account for the

reading swa sand, bridge,

and

OE

grytte

above the

gravel in the

line in

Canterbury Psalter

Vespasian and

Cam-

second text of the West Midland Psalter. But, as noted above, the latter cannot be the original reading of which aranea is a corruption, as is clear from the readings of the Septuagint and the Syriac. 54

THE WEST MIDLAND PROSE PSALTER The modern English rendering "

as a tale that

is

Vulgate version.

word

From

muse.'

55

comparison for man's life on the Septuagint-

told," naturally does not rest It is

for 'spider/

of the

90:10

based on a Hebrew text in which there

is

no

but a root, Hegeh, meaning 'to moan, growl, speak,

this the

noun

in the

comparison would mean 'a moanThis reading was known

ing, speaking, sighing,' 'a fleeting sound.'

to

Jerome and adopted

(Migne

in his version of the Psalms, the Vulgate

28, 1262), in the following form:

Omnes enim nostros quasi

dies nostri transierunt in furore tuo

:

consumpsimus annos

sermonem loquens.

It is perhaps best explained by Petrus Lombardus in his Commentarium in Psalmos (Migne 191, 844) :

Anni

nostri

sicut

aranea meditabantur.

Hieronymus

et

recentiores

signant distinctionem. Accipiunt enim active verbum superioris versus, ubi dicebamus defecimus, et copulant sequentibus, hoc pacto: conaliter

sumpsimus annos

nostros,

quasi

sermonem.

Addit tamen Hieronymus,

Alii non addunt. In Hebr. explicationis sensus gratia, loquens. inclinatur a radice interdum quae significat meditari.

HEGEH,

HAGAH,

Sed vocabulum aranea, cur a Septuaginta sit positum, explicat Hieronymus ad Cyprianum: "Pro sermone loquentis, Septuaginta meditationem araneae transtulerunt. Quomodo enim loquentis sermo praetervolat, ita et opus araneae incassum texitur.

De quo

super persona hereticorum scriptum est

in Isaia: telam araneae texunt (Isa., chap. 59). Quae parva et levia potest capere animalia, et muscas, culices, et caetera hujusmodi; a fortioribus

autem rumpitur; unter erroribus,

instar levium in Ecclesia simpliciumque qui eorum decipiviros in fidei veritate robustos non valeant obtinere." 1

cum

The Luther text follows the Hebrew as we should expect, rendering the comparison: "Wir bringen unsere jahre zu, wie ein Geschwatz." The English version of Coverdale, on which all later English renderings are based in this passage, reads: to

For when thou art angrie, all oure dayes are gone, we brynge oure yeares an ende, as it were a tayle that is tolde.

OLIVER FARRAR EMERSON WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY 1 For a more modern note explaining the texts at length, see Rosenmiiller, Scholia in Vetus Testamentum, Psalms, 1520-21, as of course Perowne, Cheyne, and Briggs.

55

REVIEWS AND NOTICES The Poems of Edgar Allen Poe. Boston: Ginn and Co., 1917.

Edited

by KILLIS CAMPBELL.

Pp. lxvi+332.

The appearance of this volume is an important event in the annals of Poe criticism, and indeed in American literary scholarship. For no other American poet is so excellent a volume available. The elaborate apparatus includes a judicious summary of the facts of Poe's life, discussions of the canon of Poe's poems, a very able account of the text and of revisions of it

by Poe, an astonishingly illuminating account of Poe's indebtedness to other and a summary of the various attitudes of critics towards Poe which last, whatever it does for Poe's reputation, doesn't add laurels to many of the critics or to criticism in general. Then follows probably the most thoroughly competent text of Poe yet printed, and voluminous and invalupoets,

able notes. These notes excel in placing the poems naturally in groups according to theme, in giving detailed accounts of sources of inspiration and circumstances of composition, and in citing parallels to other poets. Per-

haps sometimes it might be made clearer that these parallels represent romantic commonplaces rather than sources. For instance, the line ("The Valley of Unrest," 16)

Around the misty Hebrides! "Wordsworth's well-known lines in The Solitary Reaper," but the reader gets no information that the Hebrides had been a new ultima

is

related to

Thuk for many poets

of the eighteenth century, probably

of "Lycidas," 155, to which, as

indebted.

under the influence

much

as to Wordsworth, Poe seems here In general the parallels show Poe as a much more bookish poet

than he has generally been thought, though practically never discreditably bookish. As a whole the notes are admirable. That on hyacinth (p. 202) could have been improved by using a standard Greek dictionary on the Greek etymon, or even by consulting Murray, instead of quoting Verity and

Kent.

Perhaps other similarly petty improvements could be made, but the annotator gives so much that it is hardly just to ask more. The volume

seems somewhat to neglect Poe's versification; at least the reviewer has been a bit surprised not to see among the abundant references that bibliographical occur throughout the notes, any reference to Professor F. Olivero's thorough study of one phase of the problem in his essay "II Ritornello e la ripetizione in E. A. Poe" (pp. 31-77 of Studi sul romantidsmo inglese, Bari, 1914).

Professor Campbell

is

to be highly congratulated for his

most careful

and judicious work.

GE KGE SHEEBOTN

UN.VEBSITY OF CH.CAGO 56)

56

Modern Philology VOLUME XVI

NUMBER

June IQl8

2

LONGFELLOW'S ATTITUDE TOWARD GOETHE In December, 1836, Longfellow took up his work as Smith ProModern Languages at Harvard. This was a critical period

fessor of

in the political

and

On

America.

social history of

The

signs of expansion.

and

difficulties of physical

ence having been surmounted, the conditions of

and

idealistic

impulses were developed.

in religion, education, literature,

by more in

New

and

liberal currents, especially

The

art.

all

sides were

political exist-

life

became

easier

There sprang up new ideas Religious life was marked

by the growth

of Unitarianism

rising tide of moral sentiment

swept along such as the temperance movement and the abolition of African slavery. The people who had looked to England.

great reforms in social

England

life,

for guidance in intellectual

and

literary lines

began to cast

their eyes to a wider horizon, including the continent of Europe.

The German institutions came in for a large share of attention. The efficiency of their schools, the soundness of their learning, their intellectual accomplishments, found* zealous admirers

the

of scholars

who were

and advocates

familiar with them.

among group German literature especially claimed increasing attention. growth

little

was phenomenal. It was a was developing in America.

of this interest

of the culture that

was almost no knowledge here scarcely a book to be found in

German 1

57]

language,

Life, Letters

of

German

New

Up

to 1815 there

There was

for the study of the

when George Ticknor wanted

and Journals

significant feature

literature.

England

The rapid

to take

it

up.

1

of George Ticknor, Boston, I, 11-12.

1

[MODERN PHILOLOGY, June,

1918

W.

2

A.

CHAMBERLIN

Mme

was given by impulse to the study of German more powerful stimulation came de Steel's De I'Allemagne, and a led by George through the impact of the young American scholars,

Some

little

Ticknor and Edward Everett, who came back from versities enthusiastic over what they had learned. centers of influence in in the

New

South and West.

study at

Harvard

1

German uniThey formed

England, and in some sporadic instances German was introduced as a subject of

in 1825, with Charles Follen as instructor.

became professor of German five years later, continuing Harvard Library had already received quite a collection books, consisting of

many brought home by Edward

He

until 1835.

of

German

Everett, also

the library of Professor Ebeling, of Hamburg, purchased for Harvard, and of thirty volumes of Goethe's works, presented by him through 2

his friend,

A

Joseph Coggswell. strong influence in favor of

German literature came through His works became popular among classes in this country, who thus became acquainted

the critical writings of Carlyle. the intellectual

with some of the most famous

German

writers.

of college friends read Carlyle in college

group with his writings.

Professor S. H. Goodnight shows periodicals

how

by

Lowell and his little and were fascinated

his survey 3 of

American

German subjects increased friendliness to German literature was

rapidly the interest in

between 1820-40.

But the

not altogether unanimous. There were grave doubts expressed about the religious and moral views of these works, and American scholars, who were known to be delving in this new domain, did not escape suspicion. Some bitter denunciation of the spirit and influence of German writings appeared in literary reviews of this time. Even scholars who were best prepared to judge in such a matter

were divided in their opinions. The strife centered largely about Goethe. As he was recognized as the most conspicuous German writer, so his character

and

his

works were subjected to the sharpest

scrutiny, being alternately assailed and defended. 1 At University of Virginia and at Lane Seminary, Cincinnati. 'For gift of Goethe's works, cf. Goethe- Jahrbuch, XXV, 15-16. 3 German Literature in American Magazines Prior to 1846, by S. H. Goodnight, University of Wisconsin Bulletin, No. 188, 1907. 'Carlyle's books were reprinted in America .... as fast as they were written. Lowell read them attentively," etc. E. E. Hale's Lowell and His Friends, p. 21. 58

LONGFELLOW'S ATTITUDE TOWARD GOETHE It

was

3

just at this critical period that Longfellow

began his most prominent position in modern languages in this country. His office kept him at Harvard for eighteen years, until 1854, by which time German literature was As he occupied this influential firmly established in public favor. service at Harvard, undertaking the

two decades when American

place during the

strongly molded,

it

is

ideals

of special interest to inquire

were being so what was his

this vexing question of German literature, more what was his attitude toward Goethe. definitely, Longfellow was in Europe on his first visit, 1826-29, during Goethe's lifetime, and at the time when the great poet received Americans frequently at his home in Weimar. Gottingen, where Longfellow studied for several months in 1829, was only a short distance from Weimar, so that he could easily have paid homage to

toward

feeling

the prince of

Probably

German

his failure to

imperfect mastery call

home

earlier

tive professor,

of

1 poets, as several of his compatriots did.

improve

German

this

than he expected.

who was

opportunity was owing to his

at that time, as well as to his sudden

So

it

happened that the prospec-

destined to be the foremost interpreter to

the American public of German life for his generation, did not enjoy the inspiration of a personal acquaintance with the great Weimarian.

Two reviews of Goethe's works, which appeared in the years 1838 and 1839 in prominent American journals, express very plainly the contradictory opinions that were held of his character and writings.

They were both by

scholars thoroughly familiar with the

subject they were discussing.

Bancroft, the famous historian.

One

of these reviewers

He had

was George

studied at Gottingen and

had enjoyed a personal acquaintance with Goethe. Yet on his first reading of Goethe's works, he was offended by their taste, and

made a

strong

comment upon them

in his journal. 2

This

first

impression seems to have remained with him, although the tone is more moderate in a review in the North American, of 1824. But in this later review, in the Christian

makes a scathing denunciation

Examiner, of Boston, 1839, he He will not

of Goethe's character.

1 Goethe- Jahrbuch, XXV, 19-23, mentions visits by William Emerson, brother of Ralph W., George H. Calvert, H. E. Dwight, and several more. 2 The Life and Letters of George Bancroft, by M. A. DeW. Howe, Scribners, 1908, p. 38.

59

W.

4

A.

CHAMBERLIN

concede to him either moral character or poetic excellence.

was

said he

in his art.

insincere, lax in principles

Longfellow's

comment on

and

He

and imitative was to call it a

practice,

this article

1 "violent article against Goethe," which he evidently did not approve. The other review was from the pen of John L. Motley, another

He takes up the eminent historian who had studied in Germany. defends him and at hurled Goethe, charges that were commonly the latter point, to In regard against indifferentism and immorality. 2

he says: In so far as this charge rests on the want of a distinct moral aim in his we regard him as fully justified, on the ground .... that morals

works,

and esthetics constitute two different provinces. It is absurd to demand But on other grounds of an artist that his work should inculcate a moral. we do not know that Goethe can be entirely justified from the charge of "lukewarmness of moral sentiments." In a later

3

article,

Motley speaks more acter.

What

which

is

a sort of continuation of the above,

of the properties of Goethe's

he finds pre-eminent

is

mind and char-

his universalism.

"We

con-

and defects of Goethe," (quoting his forming parts of one great characteristic. This characteristic we have ventured to express by the term universalism." sider all of these excellencies

words) "as

He

all

characterizes Faust as the

which the equilibrium between human ambition mind which is disgusted with the insuffiIt is a mind which has refused to piece ciency of all human knowledge out with faith, the deficiencies of knowledge; in which the silver link, call it hope, faith, trust, or aught else by which alone the finite may be connected with the infinite, has been broken. eternal type of a

and human

The

mind

in

ability is destroyed; a

Motley's articles is here quoted, because his views were shared evidently by Longfellow and met his approval. Of the last one he speaks distinctly as follows: 4 "Motley has said in it the best gist of

thing on Faust (so far as

it goes) that I have ever heard or read." His agreement with Motley in the first article will appear later. These two articles of the years 1838 and 1839 are rather typical of the views expressed concerning Goethe. The New England 1

Journal and Correspondence, New York Review, 1838. Ibid..

4

I,

340.

I,

338.

V.

Journal and Correspondence,

60

LONGFELLOW'S ATTITUDE TOWARD GOETHE conscience was offended

5

Even his warmest defenders

by his liberality.

obliged to gloss over his defects.

Longfellow did not take a in forensic combat. this But in the quieter way of prominent part

felt

the professor,

by

his lectures

on German

literature

and

in his poetry

and romance, he was unobtrusively insinuating the spirit of German poetry into the American mind. His activities during his term of office were divided between his teaching and writing.

zeal for

German

lectures

In both functions he showed his As a professor he was required to give

literature.

They covered a broad field, embracing even classic modern writers. 1 The subjects for his course in the summer term of 1837, consisting of twelve lectures, show six of them devoted to German literature, of which three treat of Goethe's life and writon

literature.

as well as

ings.

No

other

German author, not even his favorite, Jean Paul much attention. These lectures, as explained

Richter, received so

by

his biographer,

2

his brother,

were the so-called "oral" lectures,

which the professor read passages which he had translated from the foreign works and commented on them. For those on Faust

in

he had an interleaved copy of the drama, on which he wrote translations of choice passages.

He makes

rather numerous references in

Journal and Correspondence to his lectures on Faust. He writes to his father, August 23, 1837, that he would commence the autumn his

term with lectures on Goethe's Faust. his lectures

on Goethe

He had

already referred to 7, 1838, he was

June

in the previous term.

reading Die Wahlverwandtschaften and writing a lecture on Goethe's character and work. In the autumn term of 1839, he spent apparently more than two months on Faust, as there is a reference on

September 8 to an "introductory lecture," and on November 13, he thought over his "last lecture on Faust for tomorrow."

Some

of these lectures

from which

were woven into

his sentiments regarding

The chapter on Goethe, 3 while not

his

romance, Hyperion,

German

literature are clear.

in just the

form

doubtless expressive of his attitude toward him.

of his lecture, is

put into the form of a dialogue between Paul Flemming and the Baron. The harsh criticisms of Goethe from the British critics are mentioned.

The i

points for Ibid., I, 261.

It is

and against him are noted, with the balance leaning 2

ibid., I, 286.

Hyperion,

61

Book

II,

chap.

8.

W.

6

A.

CHAMBERLIN

toward indulgence rather than condemnation. Every stroke against him is parried by some justification. His so-called indifferentism as his calm, philosophic frame of mind in the midst of is justified

His sensuality

turbulent elements.

is

explained as his realism in

to nature. depicting emotions according he as life describes perceives it, even the

attack on

him

is

He was an artist, who immoral side. Menzel's

accounted too savage and

is

unjustifiable, as

it is

The great poet, subjected to the attacks inconsistent in its blame. of petty writers, reminds the Baron of the sick lion, whom even the jackass abuses in his weakness.

a glorious specimen

of

a man.

Both speakers agree that he was

He reminds the American of Benjamin

Franklin, in his love of science, his philosophic nature, and his pracHeine's characterization of Goethe, in his Romantische tical sense.

quoted with approbation, in which he was likened to the giant oak, whose branches spread themselves over the forest of He towered majestically aloft, stretching out toward smaller trees. Schule,

is

heaven, until the stars looked like his golden fruit. From this chapter it is clear that Longfellow, while not insensible

was prone to excuse and pass over them. His " 1 explained in the chapter on Lives of Scholars," in which

to Goethe's faults,

viewpoint he says:

is

"We must

pardon much to

men

of genius.

A

delicate

them keenly susceptible to pain and pleasure. then they idealize everything; and in the moonlight of fancy, even the deformity of vice seems beautiful." This is the view taken organization renders

And

by Motley

The

above-mentioned

in the

Review, with

whom

article (p. 4) in the

New

York

Longfellow must have been in agreement. way in the form of a romance by which

gentle, indirect

Longfellow introduced Goethe to the public reached a larger audience than the more learned articles and reviews. It is difficult for us

today to days.

realize the

But

its

immense popularity

emotionalism,

its

Hyperion in the early romantic atmosphere, the intimate, of his

unconventional, self -revealing style of the poet, appealed powerfully to the community. Professor J. M. Hart2 this

emphasizes

renown,

saying that Hyperion represented German literature to America " in the forties and fifties of the last It influenced the New century. Book

1

Hyperion,

*

The Nation, Jan.

I,

chap.

9,

7.

1908.

62

LONGFELLOW'S ATTITUDE TOWARD GOETHE

7

England mind profoundly. It used to be a Harvard classic before Since that was the case, great credit is due to Longfellow for the more favorable reception which was gradually accorded to the war."

Goethe in this country. Another touchstone

judgment

Menzel's

of

German

of his relation to

attack

Literature

Goethe

is

supplied by his

on the Weimar poet.

was translated

MenzePs

in 1840

by Longfellow's knew of Felton's work and probably encouraged him in it, although he knew that it contained the bitterest attack on Goethe. Did Longfellow then approve We can answer that question by his own of this denunciation? direct and unequivocal statement, which he made in a review of History of

friend, Professor C. C. Felton.

Longfellow

1

"

He called Menzel an assailant of the literary idol " Germany," and the champion of Goethe's foes." "We are not now called upon or disposed to take sides in the contest," he continues, "it is sufficient for us to say, that we condemn the violence After commending of the author, and dissent from his opinion." the work in general, he makes special reservation as follows Felton's work. of

:

we do not mean

to say that we coincide with Mr. Menzel in all his views, especially in his estimate of many of the great men of Germany; in our opinion his remarks upon Goethe, Johannes Mueller and

In saying this much,

Voss betray too much of personal and malignant feeling to admit the supposition of their being fair criticisms.

Quite the opposite was his estimate of Lewes' Life of Goethe. Under date of December 16, 1855, 2 he wrote of this work as " a very The best we have had as yet, giving the clever and judicious book.

German Numerous

great

as he really was." allusions to Goethe's

works in Longfellow's Journal

and Correspondence show his continued interest. On one occasion 3 he is reading Faust and comparing several translations. On another 4 he was with Sumner and Hillard and had a "long discussion on Goethe his art and poetry." 5 He heard Emerson's lecture on Goethe, which he calls good, but not pre-eminent. Under date of 8, 1846, he writes: "In the morning before going to college, I read the first part of Goethe's Italienische Reise.' .... It is

June

'

1

2 3

New York

Review, 1840.

Journal and Correspondence, II, 299. < Dec. 8, 1839. Feb. 9, 1846.

63

Jan. 22, 1846.

W.

8

A.

CHAMBERLIN

written in his usual lucid, simple style."

His lectures on Faust were

Here is an entry from his given frequently, probably every year. 1 conscientious the reveals which "Today a new professor: Journal, wanting to read Faust. And I cannot in conscience say No. Inclination to do everything for the youngster prompts me to say Yes; accordingly I do say Yes." May 27, 1851, he writes: "Closed the first part of Faust at lecture. I am more than ever class in college

struck with the greatness of this poem. Next week I shall take up the second part of Faust, with extracts the first scene and the whole

There

of the last act."

is

a similar reference in the last year of his

professorship.

Thus

Goethe has been considered

far Longfellow's relation to

from the external standpoint, in such expressions of opinion as Longfellow made in public and private. This evidence is conclusive of his friendly feeling

toward Goethe.

But the

exposition of his

would not be complete without taking into consideration the intimate sympathies of the two poets with one another as revealed relationship

in the spirit of their works. critics

Competent Wendell,

2

of

American

literature,

such

as

Barrett

3 4 George E. Woodberry, Paul More, and others, concede

to Longfellow the credit of interpreting the spirit of

ture to America.

European

cul-

Wendell, after referring to his faithful service

work accomplished by the poet: "Longfellow's true mission was not to struggle with unwilling hearers; it was rather to set forth in words which should as professor at Harvard, emphasizes the larger

find their

way

to the eager readers of a continent the spirit as dis-

tinguished from the

letter of the literatures with which as a professor he conscientiously dealt so long." Higginson notices that "Longfellow was to all Americans, at

that time, one of the two prime influences through which the treasures of

German

literature

and

especially of

German romance were opened

to English readers." 5 i

Mar.

1

Wendell's Literary History of America, p. 381.

29, 1850.

Of. Harper's Magazine,

CVI, 427.

Of. Shelburne Essays, V, 139. 6

T.

W.

Higginson's Old Cambridge, p. 133.

64

LONGFELLOW'S ATTITUDE TOWARD GOETHE

9

As regards German

literature, Longfellow was able to interpret he found himself in vital sympathy with it. 1 At a time when his heart was peculiarly susceptible he was brought into touch its spirit, for

German

with

poetry,

and he became

he was transformed by

imbued with

its spirit,

that

The "treasures" which he enriched his own mind and

its influence.

imported into American literature broadened his outlook upon life.

A

so

observable in his poetry after 1836. His early poems show a refinement of form, but are artificial, cold and imperBut after that year his poetry was suffused sonal in sentiment. great change

with feeling. ity,

now

is

It touches the

deep and instinctive passions of human-

stirring to action with its vigorous thought, again expressive

and aspirations of the soul. The poet's the joys and sorrows of mankind have been enlarged.

of the tender longings

sympathies for Henceforth his vocation as a poet is secure, for he has found the source of all true poetry and has been moved by the deepest emotions.

The new

poetry corresponds to the great change in his which occurred in Germany. He went abroad in the early

Me

summer

spirit in his

accompanied by his young wife, with every promise But by the unexpected death of his wife in Rotterdam At one blow in November of that year, his hopes were shattered. His plans of life were seriously his life was shaken to its depths. He was left alone in a foreign interrupted, his spirit was broken. of 1835,

of happiness.

upon the future with Whither should he look for support ? Not to his friends, for they were far distant from him; not to his hopes, for they were blasted; not to his philosophy, which was inadequate

land, forced to break with the past, to enter

uncertainty and gloom.

such soul-stirring experiences. He turned for relief to the study poetry, "buried himself in books," working his way up from the mediaeval minnesingers to the "sunny lands" of the con-

for of

German

2 The gradual recovery of his normal disposition temporary bards. was effected by the restorative influence of German ideals. His

religious

and intellectual character was broadened and his courage communion with the German poets. In the sad months

aroused by

1 Cf H. S. White, Goethe in Amerika, "Kein englischer Dichter 1st so von dem Geiste der poetischen Seite der deutschen Literatur erfuellt wie Longfellow," GoetheJahrbuch, V, 234. .

2

Hyperion, end of

Book

I.

65

W.

10

CHAMBERLIN

A.

at Heidelberg, Goethe, Jean Paul,

panions of his lonely hours.

and Uhland were favorite com-

He gave

also large attention to the

Romantic poets, Tieck, Novalis, des Knaben Wunderhorn, Mueller, and the rest, and there are many marks of their influence in his

Romanticism a strong impulse upon him, He learned from the Romantic poets that it did not dominate him. the simple, unaffected, spontaneous outburst of emotion is the very poetry.

But conceding

to

But

his

essence of poetry.

not be satisfied with

American

rather to Goethe, with whose principles he

By

nature and training there was

mind, could turned for guidance

spirit, his practical

He

their visionary ideals.

much

was

in deeper

sympathy.

in his character that cor-

responded to Goethe's. He came to him therefore for support and found in his teachings encouragement to rise superior to his sorrow.

The account

of his bitter struggle

through the principle of action testifies to

is

with his

grief

up to

his restoration

related in Hyperion.

That book

the benignant forces which effected his restoration and

It was suggested by in theme and plan. resembles Wilhelm Meister, strongly Goethe's hero, striving for self-cultivation, sets out on his travels, on which he is brought into association with a troupe of actors, with

confirms the thought of Goethe's guidance. 1

which

the nobility, and with

young man, whose

all

The

sorts of people.

is

men of worldly experience, and

for the calm, well-poised Natalie. social conditions in

talented, enthusiastic

almost too pronounced temperament led to a more sensible view of life by asso-

artistic

for practical purposes, is

ciating with

it

Germany

his attachment an gives epitome of the

finally

The work

by

at the close of the eighteenth century.

many peculiar incidents and the views on various subjects which occupied public attention. It was the clearest revelation at the time it appeared of the author's worldly wisdom. It relates

Similarly Hyperion portrays the career of a

groping after

own

improvement.

2

young man who

It is Longfellow's self-revelation.

is

In

"

words, it is a sincere book, showing the passage of a morbid mind into a purer and healthier state." 3 The hero, Paul Flemming, his

1 The influence of Wilhelm Meister upon Longfellow is strongly stated by Professor F. L. Pattee in the article, " Longfellow and German Romance," Poet Lore, 1906, pp. 59-77.

2 Cf. Morin's Les Sources de V centre de Longfellow, pp. 214-15. He says: "Le heros, Paul Flemming, qui n'est autre que 1'auteur lui-meme, est une sorte de Wilhelm Meister." Letter to Greene, June 10, 1841. Given in Journal and Correspondence.

LONGFELLOW'S ATTITUDE TOWAKD GOETHE

11

has a refined, sensitive nature, as compared with the good-natured Baron, the man-of-the-world type, whose companionship with

Flemming

is

But more important than

most beneficent.

his influ-

finally the recuperative effect of the friendship with Mary Ashburton. The plan is imitative of Goethe also, bringing in many incidents and discussions which are digressions from the main

ence

is

them

interests.

But he lacked the

Its style is

patterned after Jean Paul, as the

Its

to

fit

in as aptly as Goethe.

critics

quickly discerned.

Romantic, showing how deeply affected the author was Romantic writers. The "atmosphere" is the chief thing,

mood

by the

skill

is

with only a slender plot. But while the author is swayed by these various influences, when he comes to the main point, to the message of his work,

he manifests his relationship to Goethe.

point in his hero's restoration wall at St. Gilgen: 1

is

"Look

The

turning-

by the motto on the chapel not mournfully into the Past. It furnished

comes not back again. Wisely improve the Present. It is thine. Go forth to meet the shadowy Future, without fear, and with a

manly heart." This is the philosophy of Goethe. It is the message that Wilhelm Meister receives in the scroll of the secret lodge, although it is there hidden under oracular expression "Art is :

long, life short, is

judgment

easy, thinking

fortable

summit

in

is

hard;

The view, we

the opportunity fleeting.

difficult,

to act according to reflection

is

Acting .uncom-

but not the steps; the 2 This is the gladly wander in the plain."

heights

attract

us,

keynote of Goethe's philosophy, most fully revealed in his Faust. Longfellow found it inspiring advice, which he was glad to act upon.

But Longfellow's

was more lyrical than narrative. So his best efforts are the songs and short poems, many of which have become household words. No other American poet has equalled him in the power to put in beautiful, emotional phrases the common, gift

In these lyrics is the clearest revelation of his turn to them, then, for the study of the poet's inner life,

homely sentiments.

We

soul.

and find in them

many

evidences of his sympathy with

ideals. 1

2

Book IV, chap.

8.

Wilhelm Meister, Book VII, chap.

9.

67

German

W.

12

The

first collection

CHAMBERLIN

of his songs after his

some

of the Night, contains

A.

of his

German

best-known

lyrics.

sojourn, Voices

They became

They were eagerly gathered as the best fruits that Romanticism had produced in America. The title was significant,

popular at once.

suggestive of Novalis' Hymnen an die Nacht, and there were other evidences of the author's romantic mood. In the Prelude he declared

the change which had of life

and

art,

come over him.

had found the sources

He had

gained a

of true poetry

and

new view

its

themes.

Reviewing the inclinations of his youth, his delight in the silent woodlands and in lonely musings, he bids farewell to such fancies and turns to the real objects of the poet's Its springs are in the heart.

mind, saying:

The land

of song within thee lies, 1

Watered by

living springs.

Look then

into thine heart, and write! Yes, into Life's deep stream!

and delight, All solemn Voices of the Night, That can soothe thee or affright, All forms of sorrow

Be

these henceforth thy theme.

This thought of poetry as the ingenuous, instinctive outpouring of the heart was the foundation principle of the Romantic But theory. it was not original with them. They got it from Goethe's works,

and he from Herder.

Herder had announced

it

in his first essays,

Fragmente uber die neuere deutsche Literatur, and had put the younger poets on the right track in urging them to study the folk-songs. Goethe needed but the hint in order to come to the real essence of poetry,

and henceforth

his

works became, according to his famous In the words of Faust:

words, "parts of a great confession."

Wenn Wenn and

ihr's nicht fuehlt, ihr

werdet's nicht erjagen, es nicht aus der Seele dringt [vss. 535-36],

later:

Das Pergament, ist das der heiPge Bronnen, Woraus ein Trunk den Durst auf ewig stillt? Erquickung hast du nicht gewonnen,

Wenn

sie dir

nicht aus eigner Seele quillt [vss. 566-69].

Of. his words in Hyperion: "Glorious indeed is the world of God around us, but glorious the world of God within us. There lies the Land of Song; there lies the poet's native land," etc.

more

68

LONGFELLOW'S ATTITUDE TOWARD GOETHE

13

Longfellow's discovery of this great truth, which reacted so favorably his development as a poet, was one of the most important results

on

German studies. Goethe was his guide in this path too. The most popular song Longfellow ever wrote, the " Psalm

of his

7

Life/

was contained

was marvellous.

in this collection.

Its effect

was

like

Its reception

a trumpet

new note in American literature,

struck a

some, that

it

by the

of

public

call to action.

so stimulating

It

and so whole-

caught the popular feeling and rang through the

English-speaking world.

Its central

Life is real!

Consequently there

Life

is

thought

is

the reality of

life

:

earnest!

need of action:

is

Trust no Future, howe'er pleasant! Let the dead Past bury its dead! act in the living Present,

Act,

Heart within and God o'erhead.

merely the poetic turn of the truth which he made the motto of his Hyperion. His using it there as the turning-point in his recovery and here in this poem, which as the title signifies was a This

is

characterization of

regarded

it

life,

shows how important

it

was

in his mind.

He

as the keynote of success, the conclusion of worldly

The same sentiment in different form appears in several others of his finest poems. The "nobility of labor" is one such phrase, which he names as the lesson from Hans Sachs, the cobblerStill more clearly he puts it in "The Village Blacksmith": poet. wisdom.

Something attempted, something done,

Has earned a

night's repose.

Thus at the flaming forge of life Our fortunes must be wrought. It is the

advice he gives

"To

a Child":

ever be thy pride linger by the laborer's side, etc.

Still let it

To

In his old age, in his class-day ode "Morituri Salutamus," one of the finest couplets is:

Better like Hector in the

Than

like

field to die,

a perfumed Paris turn and

fly.

W.

14

In

all of

these expressions

it is

was the principle That is the key-note

cornerstone 2

striving.

was to Goethe's worldly wisdom, whose seen

how

closely akin he

1

are like echoes of

They

Goethe.

CHAMBERLIN

A.

courageous action, of ceaseless

of

of Faust.

Das ist der Weisheit letzter Schluss: Nur der verdient sicht Freiheit wie das Leben, Der taeglich sie erobern muss [vss. 11574-76]. In the moral conceptions of life, the two poets were much

A

alike.

We turn first

comparison of their views will show this similarity. is found the fullest statement of Goethe's religious

to Faust, in which

a drama, portraying the struggle of good and evil in man. Mephistopheles is the embodiment of evil, as Faust is the The outcome of the struggle is assured representative of mankind.

The poem

life.

is

from the beginning. is

certain that

striving.

It is

The

author's belief in the Tightness of things

not condemn to perish a man the Lord's assurance, in the Prolog:

God

will

who

is

earnestly

Ein guter Mensch in seinem dunklen Drange, Ist sich des rechten Weges wohl bewusst.

any hold on Faust. He has put all that behind him, when he resorted to magic. Only once is he stirred by any religious feeling, and that is by the Easter chant, which reminds him of his childish reverence (vss. 771 ff.). He has no positive name Positive religion has not

for the

Ultimate Cause, but

"mind,"

or

is

in

doubt whether to

"deed"

"energy," (vss. whether he believes in

direct question,

1224

God

ff.).

call it

To

(vs. 3426),

"word,"

Gretchen's

he replies

He

did not have any He has strong convictions or vivid notions about the future life. the attitude of an agnostic toward the beyond. He was concerned

in effect, that feeling is all that is necessary.

about the present world and would take his chances about the hereafter. In this mood he is ready to wager with Mephistopheles, with his soul at stake.

Das Drueben kann mich wenig kuemmern; Schlaegst du erst diese Welt in Truemmern, Die andre

Aus

mag darnach

entstehn.

Erde quillen meine Leiden; Kann ich mich erst von ihnen scheiden, Dann mag, was will und kann, geschehn dieser

The Psalm of Life was first read to his class at lecture on Goethe, in July, 1838. 1 Cf. Faust, vs. 4685; (vs. 941) ; vss. 11471-86. 1

70

[vss. 1660-66]. Harvard at the conclusion

of

a

LONGFELLOW'S ATTITUDE TOWARD GOETHE

Even

to the last his eyes are fixed on this world,

man who

looks into eternity

and he

15 scoffs at

the

:

Nach drueben ist die Aussicht uns verrannt; Tor! wer dorthin die Augen blinzelnd richtet, Sich ueber Wolken seinesgleichen dichtet! Er stehe

Dem Was Im

fest

und sehe

hier sich urn;

Tuechtigen ist diese Welt nicht stumm. braucht er in die Ewigkeit zu schweifen!

Weiterschreiten find'er Qual

und Glueck,

Er, unbefriedigt jeden Augenblick!

After he has

"

stormed through

[11443-52].

wrecking one person after

life,"

another (Gretchen, Valentin, their mother, Philemon,

and Baucis),

pursuing his sensual pleasures, there is no word of sincere repentance, no evidence of contrition. The only change at the last is that he

shows some istic.

altruistic traits.

Some

mighty impulse was

Zum

He

idealism remains.

has not become entirely materialThis Titan of ambition, whose

stirred

hoechsten Dasein immerfort zu streben

[vs.

4685]

conceives of a channel for his activity which will bless others,

by

reclaiming some territory from the sea bottom and transforming it into habitable land. His goal lies in the distant future, but fortunately

it

He

includes the welfare of others besides himself.

is

saved by divine mercy, apparently by reason of this small proof of idealistic striving:

Wer immer strebend sich bemueht; Den koennen wir erloesen [vss. 11936-37]. This is in brief a summary of the ethical teaching of Faust. It easy to understand why such epithets as "Pagan" were hurled at Goethe, when he expressed so little of Christian belief. It explains

is

why

the

New

England orthodox leaders were suspicious

ence and doubted the effect of his works on religion

seemed

was only

materialistic, vague,

of his influ-

Young America.

a refined heathenism.

His

At best

and took no account of Christ. saw the deficiency of Goethe's moral doctrines as Longfellow the Christian standards. He thought 1 they were a revival judged by

it

1

deistic

Letter to Ward, Journal and Correspondence,

71

I,

331.

W.

16

CHAMBERLIN

A.

Epicureanism, as expressed in his

of Horace's philosophy, a pleasant

Ode

to Thaliarchus: Dissolve frigus, ligna super foco

Large reponens, atque benignius

Deprome quadrimum Sabina, Thaliarche,

merum

diota.

summarized by E. C. Wickham: "It is midwinter. Well, on more logs, and bring out larger supplies of wine. When the

which pile

gods

1

is

will,

that you get

much

so

is

Do

come back.

spring will

Enjoy

gained.

play while you can, for old age

it.

coming."

is

Each day Love and dance and This is an insufficient

not look forward.

It leaves

characterization of Goethe's ethical spirit.

out of account

But even; a modern view at any rate his earnest striving for ideals. Calvin Thomas, a noted Professor of his ethics, such as is given by commentator

of Faust, is

on Faust's salvation Evidently his of his idealism,

striving" all

not

much more

favorable.

His comment

:

"

which

the mainspring of

is

must be understood

in a rather abstract

way

indeed the dominant trait of his character, but not that he does. Nevertheless, that he should be saved is

than by faith or good works, accords with To live one's life in a large and eager way, with joy for its joys and pain for its pains, without stagnation or embitterment, with mind and soul unsated and insatiable, "still achieving, still pursuing" to the end this seemed to him worth while for its own sake. This is the sense of one of his favorite mottoes: "Ueber Graeber vorwaerts." in virtue of this quality, rather

the deepest convictions of our poet.

He

did not

are

beyond the grave

Now

deem

it

there was

away from the

gationalism.

8

much

in this optimistic

His youth

to Longfellow.

ing

necessary to ground the goodness of life upon issues that to live being the all-sufficient end and aim of living. 2

strict,

fell

in that period

when

stern orthodoxy of

He was brought up

to cherish faith in God.

view of

But he

that appealed there was a break-

New

life

England Congreand

in a pious regard for religion

recoiled

from the hard Calvinistic

He interpreted religious beliefs broadly and was by nature peaceful and charitable toward those of other faith. He hated dogmatism. He sided with the party creed of the prevailing church.

1

Wickham's The Works

2

Introduction

of Horace,

I,

59.

Second Part of Faust, p. Ixxii. '"In the congregation of the First Parish of Portland, the moderate Calvinism of the old preachers .... had gradually passed into the early form of Unitarianism," Journal and Correspondence, I, 13. to

72

LONGFELLOW'S ATTITUDE TOWARD GOETHE

17

from the orthodox church. It is easy to understand, consequently, his sympathy with the German poets and especially Its liberality was more in accord with Goethe's system of belief. of defection

with his views and seemed more progressive than the straiter American orthodoxy. His religious ideas were colored by Goethe's thought. His expression, for instance, of the intimate relation of

God and

Nature,

And

the Poet, faithful and far-seeing, Sees alike in stars and flowers, a part

Of the

self-same, universal being, is throbbing in his brain

Which sounds very much

like

and

heart,

Goethe's attractive pantheistic conception One." His belief in the divine

of the "All-embracing, all-preserving

nature in every

darkened

human

which God will strengthen even in the put in the Introduction to Hiawatha:

heart,

soul, is beautifully

Ye whose

Who Who

hearts are fresh and simple, have faith in God and Nature, believe, that in all ages

Every human heart is human, That in even savage bosoms There are longings, yearnings, strivings For the good they comprehend not, That the feeble hands and helpless, Groping blindly

Touch God's

And

in the darkness, hand in that darkness,

right

are lifted

up and strengthened. 1

He had

a deeper sense, however, than Goethe of the personal relation of God, so that he emphasized his wise, benignant character, as of an 2 omniscient, loving Father.

The quotation from Hiawatha

indicates that he did not

pathize with the idea of total depravity. leniently. his

He viewed

sym-

sin rather

Never having experienced its destructive influence in life, not knowing the sway of degrading passions, he

own moral

had no deep conviction

of its

pictures sin as the baleful

work

heinousness in God's sight. of

outward

He

forces, beleaguering the

1 1 have found many suggestions, in my summary of Longfellow's ethical views in President A. H. Strong's American Poets and Their Theology, chapter on Longfellow. 2

Cf. the

poems: "The Reaper and the Flowers," "The

73

Two

Angels,"

etc.

W.

lg

A.

CHAMBERLIN

which triumphs through faith. But these forces are phantoms, the products of our fear, more than actualities: soul,

the broad Vale of Tears afar

Down

The

spectral

camp

is fled;

Faith shineth as a morning star, 1 Our ghastly fears are dead.

In The Golden Legend he has copied Goethe's dramatic impersonation when he shows Lucifer tempting Prince Henry. The spirit of evil appears in several changing forms in the poem, but more as a Prince Henry's selfishseducer. crafty deceiver than as a malicious of evil,

ness

is

not depicted in its baseness, but only as a temporary insanity At the last his eyes are opened to see his conduct

and weakness.

it, and then he is easily restoration for miraculous and pardoned and rewarded by complete the endurance of the trial of his faith. We must guard ourselves

in its right light, in time to counteract

much

on the ethical ideas of this poem as views, remembering that he was reproducing the " " mediaeval thought. Likewise in Pandora he gives us the classical mythological conceptions of sin and retribution, which may not have against laying too signalizing his

stress

own

fairly represented his

own

But it is taken as evident, him away from the strict interpreta-

convictions.

that his liberality of thought led

tion of the Christian doctrines, as they

were generally held in his

2 time, and that he was influenced by Goethe in this respect. But in his poetry he went much further than Goethe along Christian lines. Otherwise his poetry would not have had the power in American life that it has exercised. Lacking the strong convic-

tion of Tennyson's faith

and the passionate appeal

of Whittier, his

poems are however shot through with expressions

of

Christian

them the greatest popularity of any American poetry yet written. He was not an agnostic, disregarding the claims of the future life, but he was a sincere, humble believer, trusting the wisdom and love of God, when he could not understand his ways. Such poems as " The Reaper and the Flowers," " The Two

thought, which have given

Angels," and others, express his faith in Providence. And his sublime belief in immortality comes out in beautiful expression more "The Beleaguered City." a "Indeed we mark a growing tendency toward a pagan view of the world and of religious things, as the years go on. German influences were strong, and to some extent Goethe was the poet's model," American Poets and Their Theology, pp. 239-40. 74

LONGFELLOW'S ATTITUDE TOWARD GOETHE

19

"

than once in such poems as Resignation," "God's-Acre," "Auf .Wiedersehen." One might indeed search in vain through all literaa more comforting picture of death Resignation/' written after the death of his

ture, outside of the Bible, for

than

is

little

daughter:

given in his

"

There is no Death! What seems so This life of mortal breath Is but a suburb of the life elysian, Whose portal we call Death.

is

transition;

The two poets resembled one another in the philosophic calmness life. With Goethe this serenity came after a rather stormy youthful period of stress, and was the effect of

in regarding the vicissitudes of

was the evidence of the harmony between the soul and body, which he thought was found in its perfection in the classic age. But Longfellow's peaceful frame of mind was more temperamental and was also in part the act of his will, the triumph of Thus he sings in an early poem, 1 one which had will over feelings. great power over the minds of his readers, of his classicism.

It

The

and

in another

star of the

poem: Be still, sad

heart!

Behind the clouds

But

unconquered

will,

2

his resignation rose to

and cease repining; is

the sun

still

shining.

a higher level than Goethe's, where

rested on faith in the good effects of sorrow.

sorrow

may

belief in

He

it

recognized that

be accepted as a wise dispensation, and expresses this of Life," What a passion of anguish was

"The Goblet

suppressed beneath his placid face can only be imagined from that picture of the cross upon his heart, that was found among his papers after his death. A more touching picture of the sublime endurance of grief has

probably never been written:

In the long sleepless watches of the night, A gentle face the face of one long dead

Looks at

me from

the wall, where round

its

head

The night-lamp casts a halo of pale light. Here in this room she died; and soul more white Never through martyrdom of fire was led * 2

"The Light of Stars." "The Rainy Day." 75

W.

20

A.

CHAMBERLIN

To its repose; nor can in books be read The legend of a life more benedight. There is a mountain in the distant West That, sun-defying, in its deep ravines Displays a cross of snow upon its side.

Such is the cross I wear upon my breast These eighteen years, through all the changing scenes And seasons, changeless since the day she died.

comparison of the two poets, it seems clear that Longfellow's views of art and of moral and religious life were colored by

From

this

his absorption of

German, particularly Goethe's, thought.

Hence we

can easily understand his friendly attitude toward his colleague. He could overlook or at least regard indulgently those ideas which were judged so harshly by others. His liberality of mind was confirmed and strengthened

by

German

intercourse with

literature.

Consequently he welcomed the advent of this literature into America He interpreted as means of broadening the horizon of his comrades. the message in his own way in words that thrilled his countrymen and others far beyond the borders of his country. They understood him, though they may never have heard the name of Goethe.

Throughout

his period of service as professor at

Harvard he labored

impart the ideals of German culture Through his poetry he reached a vastly larger circle

quietly in the lecture hall, to

to his hearers.

with his message of cheerful, beneficent activity. What was accomplished can be best judged in the enlargement of American thought and ideals that took place during his generation. When he began his career, art still

and

literature in this

country was in its infancy. It was most part crude in its utterance.

provincial in character, for the

But through

his efforts

and those

of his colleagues,

new light streamed movements were The spirit of the

Institutions and illumining the paths of life. revived by the quickening breath from abroad. in,

land, without being less American,

became

freer, brighter,

and

purer.

In this transformation Longfellow's service was invaluable. To him more than to any other single influence is due the credit of popularizing on this side of the ocean

some

of the

most

inspiring ideals of that

upward-striving age.

W. DENISON UNIVERSITY 76

A.

CHAMBERLIN

THE PLAGIARIZED BOOK REVIEWS OF C. F. WEISSE THE BIBLIOTHEK DER SCHONEN WISSENSCHAFTEN

IN

In his autobiography Christian Felix Weisse confesses to his friend Garve that he lacks the power of sustained independent

mind upon a single concentrate a book that he cannot and upon sufficiently long point, to master its contents, to say nothing of viewing it as a whole. Such thinking, that he finds himself unable to focus his

a statement, even though written in a moment of dejection, will naturally arouse our suspicions regarding Weisse's ability to pass 1

judgment upon books. While I was engaged

in studies bearing

upon Weisse,

especially

in his capacity as editor of the Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften,

there light

came to my attention a matter which may throw additional upon Weisse as an editor and a critic, as well as upon methods

books prevalent in his time. the founder of the Bibliothek (1757), had suddenly been Nicolai, compelled by the death of his elder brother to give up the editorship of his periodical, and to take charge of the well-known publishing-

of reviewing

house. 2

After some negotiations, Weisse had been persuaded to con-

tinue the Bibliothek, the change going into effect after the fourth

The new editor made a few changes in the scope of (1758). the magazine, the most important addition being in the nature of an article placed at the end of each number, entitled Vermischte Nachvolume

Under this heading we find information concerning new paintings and engravings in the various galleries of Europe, biographical notes of persons engaged in the fine arts or literature, and finally, an extensive collection of reviews of new English and French books

richten.

of poetry, the

drama, travel, history, landscape-gardening,

etc.

Christian Felix Weissens Selbstbiographie herausgegeben von dessen Sohne Christian Ernst Weisse und dessen Schwiegersohne Samuel Gottlob Frisch. Leipzig, 1806. P. 272: "Ich glaube .... dass ich noch in meinem Leben kein Buch mit der gehorigen Aufmerksamkeit habe lesen konnen Ein Buch, das tiefes Nachdenken, Raisonnement. Urtheil erfordert, [ist] fur mich ein Blanket: am Schlusse weiss ich nicht, was ich gelesen habe, es ist alles weg und ich kann keine Rechenschaft Von den darin enthaltenen Sachen " 1

geben 2

Herman

Erstes Buch. 77]

Hettner, Geschichte der deutschen Literatur im achtzehnten Jahrhundert 4. Aufl.

P. 175.

.

Braunschweig, 1893.

21

[MODEEN PHILOLOGY, June,

1918

CHARLES PAUL GIESSING

22

Herder made the statement in 1767 that as far as literary news lands was concerned, the Bibliothek der schonen Wissen-

of foreign

and even surpassed a Journal etranger, and would that he always begin reading the Bibliothek by opening to the schaften fully supplanted 1 Vermischte Nachrichten.

are here chiefly concerned with the reviews of English books They average about nine to the in this division of the magazine. number and about two to the octavo page. In a few issues they are

We

some there are as many as twenty-four, twenty-seven, and even fifty-seven reviews of English

entirely wanting, while in

twenty-five,

books.

a fairly clear picture of the nature of criticism is of the traditional kind the Although in their entirety make the impresthe reviews and non-committal,

Each

of these reviews gives

the foreign work.

by a man who was not only thoroughly with the English language, but who could read a large book

sion of having been written

familiar

through and master its contents at comparatively short notice. No one will question Weisse's thorough reading-knowledge of English. The surprising number of his translations from that tongue

But

will

bear witness as to that. 2

as to critical grasp

and

own

con-

put us on our guard. we recall the puzzle,

Our

ability implied, Weisse's

fession to Garve, already mentioned, will

first become stronger when touched upon by Lessing in the Hamburgische Dramaturgic No. 73 3 and not solved until the appearance of Meisnest's article in the

suspicions will

Euphorion seven years ago, regarding the connection between Weisse's Richard III and the Richard III of Shakespeare. Despite striking similarities, Weisse had pleaded not guilty to the charge

and many people continued to believe him. The matter remained in doubt until Meisnest4 showed that, in a way,

of plagiarism,

x "Die Bibliothek der schdnen Wissenschaften 1st in ihren Nachrichten von den Auslandera uns vollig und noch mehr als ein Journal Stranger; daher ich bey diesen Nachrichten zu lesen anfange und alsdenn die Bibliothek auf gut alt /3ov
Hamburgische

Dramaturgic 73.

(12

Jan.

1768.)

Lessings

samtliche

Schriften

(Lachmann-Muncker). Stuttgart, 1894. X, 95. 4 See article by F. W. Meisnest, Die Quellen zu Christian Felix Weisses Richard III; Euphorion, XVII (1910), 538-56, where the dependence of Weisse upon Gibber and upon other English writers is shown. 78

PLAGIARIZED

BOOK REVIEWS OF WEISSE

23

He had not plagiarized Shakespeare, because he right. had plagiarized a stage-version of Richard III by Colley Gibber. As Shakespeare's name had not appeared on this edition, Weisse may not have known that he was indirectly plagiarizing Shakespeare. Weisse was

At any rate, plagiarism was not unknown was publishing the Bibliothek.

And

so

it is

to Weisse in 1759,

when he

not surprising, as regards his book reviews, that we much of his information to current British

can trace the source of

This may not be magazines, particularly the Monthly Review. considered an illegitimate means of procuring knowledge, but when

book reviews can be shown to have been simple translations, sentence for sentence, from current English magazines, we are justified in stigmatizing this act as plagiarism pure and simple. In the first volume of the Bibliothek edited by Weisse (BSW V

entire

[1759], 1. 204-12), of the eleven reviews of English books, the first five are

more

from reviews in the Monthly

or less literal translations

XX

Review (Vols. XIX and [1758-59]). Let us examine them in parallel columns. The division into paragraphs has been made to facilitate comparison.

and Moral

Epistles Philosophical

BSW V

(1759),

1.

M.R.

204, 205

XX

(1759), 1-17

"Diese poetischen Briefe beziehen massen auf andere, die der Verfasser vor einiger Zeit unter

ence to a part of this work published some time since, and entitled Epistles

dem

Lorenzo,

to

siichtiger auf

versichert uns, dass er eiferden Charakter eines

is

Philosophen, als eines Dichters ist; aber man muss gestehen, dass er

poet.

".

sich einiger

Titel:

Epistles

to

.

.

.

these epistles bear refer-

Lorenzo

(p. 3,

note)

geliefert.

Er

He of

[the author] assures us that

more ambitious

a philosopher, than that of a (p. 12)

....

eben so grosse poetische als philosophische Verdienste hat: Uns scheint durchdie kurzen Verse,

merit

uns zu Lehrgedichten nicht wohl gewahlt zu seyn scheinen, oft die philosophische Precision zu fehlen,

will

The

die

he

of the character

he discovers great poetic (ibid.)

fetters of

rhyme and measure

not admit of that copious,

clear,

and precise expression, which we

may command

die wir in der Prose erwarteten.

(P- 2)

79

in

prose

"

CHARLES PAUL GIESSING

24

BSW V Im

(1759)

M.R.

Continued 11

Sendschreiben unter-

ersten

XX (1759)

Continued

In his first Epistle he examines the

sucht er das Kennzeichen der Wahr-

different criterions of truth

heit.

(p. 3)

vemoge

In his second Epistle, our Author

des Anspruchs, den jedermann auf

argues, that by the general pretentions of mankind to common sense,

1m sweyten die

zeigt er, dass

Empfindung (com-

allgemeine

mon sense) hat, die Erkenntnis em Kennzeichen der Wahrheit

admitted that knowledge

fin-

it is

ge-

criterion of truth

is

the

(p. 4)

halten zu werden -scheint.

....

Im dritten beklagt er die Thorheit der Menschen, indem sie das leichteste Kennzeichen der Wahrheit, die

laments the infatuation of mankind, who have rejected the general and

allgemeine Empfindung, verlassen.

obvious criterion of common sense.

in

the

third

Epistle,

he

(p. 6)

Im

redet

vierten

Granzen

er

von

den

menschlichen

des

In the fourth Epistle, the Author treats of the limits of the human

Ver-

standes.

Das

understanding handelt

funfte

von

(p. 8)

The argument

der is

Gliickseligkeit;

Das sechste vom abstracten Guten und Bosen.

of the fifth epistle

Happiness

The

(p. 9)

sixth epistle treats of abstract

kiinftigen Leben zwischen den Tugendhaften und Lasterhaften seyn

good and evil (p. 11) In the seventh epistle, our Author asserts, that whatever distinction be made between the virtuous and vicious in a future state, it must be

allein von unsers Schopfers Willen abhange, ganz ohne Absicht auf unsere Verdienste.

purely owing to the good pleasure of our Creator, and not to the influence of our merit over his final

Im

siebenden behauptet der Verfasser, dass der Unterschied, der

im

wird,

Dieser

Brief,

so

schon

er

determinations

ist,

scheint nicht ohne gefahrlicheGrundsatze zu seyn.

This

Das letzte ist der Unsterblichkeit " der Seele gewidmet [Thereupon a brief extract from the poem is

The

ity of the soul

....

Vignetten gezieret, in welchen durch emblematische Figuren allezeit auf

den

Inhalt

des

Gedichtes

subject of the last epistle,

is

an enquiry concerning the immortal-

given in English, followed by:] " Dieses Werk ist mit sehr schonen

spielet wird."

(p. 12)

conveys some solid truths, interspersed with some dangerous errors (p. 12)

argument

with

this

(p. 14)

work

is

embellished

and tail-pieces elegantly engraved, and representing emblematical figures, which bear

ange-

(pp. 204, 205)

head-pieces

striking allusions to the subject of

the 80

poem

"

(p. 17)

BOOK REVIEWS OF WEISSE

PLAGIARIZED

25

Lawson, Lectures concerning Oratory

V "

(1759),

M.R.

206

1.

".

Diese Betrachtungen sind richtig,

Methode ist leicht und natiirund seine Belesenheit sehr

seine lich

IBSW rross."

206) [Outline of contents

(p.

.

.

XX

His

.

(1759), 63-79

observations

are generally just;

his

.

.

.

method

.

is

easy and natural;

and he has displayed no inconsiderable share of " learning

follows.]

Ogilvie,

BSW

ibid.,

(p. 64)

The Day of Judgment M.R.

207, 208

XX

(1759), 141-50

[Introductory sentence of custo-

mary

praise.]

"

Er erdichtet einen Traum, in welchem ein machtiger Seraph sein Fuhrer und Beschiitzer ist, und ihn durch jede Scene von erhabnen ".

.

.

.

Schrecken hindurch fuhret:

seraph

Weg

diesen

his

is

through

einem kleinen Anruf an die lische Muse und einem Lobspruch auf den grossen Young, der zuvor

he

....

describes

represented to

him

which a mighty conductor and support, in

scene

every

terror

of

sublime

(p. 142)

....

After a brief invocation of

the celestial muse, with an elegant

compliment to Dr. Young, who had soar'd before him on the same

betreten hat, kiindiget

Ge-

er seinen erschrecklich grossen

as

a dream,

in

Nach himm-

.... ....

These

....

genstand also an:

he thus proposes tremendous subject

disquisition,

grand

.his

(p. 142)

....

care .

der

unheeded every mortal

leave

I

.

.

Es

.

ist

Verfasser

seinem

17.

[The passage of the poem quoted coincides with that in the

[etc.]

merkwiirdig,

dass

Gedicht

dieses

Jahre verfertiget."

.

BSW.] But what may prove a

.

is

the Author's being "

only seventeen years of age

(pp.

(p. 149)

Wilkes,

BSWV Werk

(1759), ist in

1.

A

General View of the Stage M.R.

208

4 Theile abhandelt von

".

Der erste der Schaubuhne und den Schauspielen iiberhaupt; der zweyte von der Schauspielkunst oder der Kunst zu agiren. Der dritte enthalt eine kurze historische Erzahlung von den alten und neuern Theaterri; und

getheilet.

.

better apology,

in

207, 208)

"Diess

.

.

.

four parts. stage and The second

the third

XX

(1759), 315-21

His work

.

is

The

is

first

divided into treats of the

stage-plays, in general. of the art of acting. In given, a short historical

the stage, ancient and modern; and the fourth contains a

account critical

81

of.

examination of the merits

CHARLES PAUL GIESSING

26

BSW V

M.R.

Continued

(1759)

von

der 4te eine kritische Priifung

den grossern oder geringern Verdiensten der vornehmsten Schauspieler Er 1st zu verschwenderin England. mit seinen Lobspriichen, und

isch

" .

.

England

(p.

318)

our coffee-house (p.

(1759),

M.R. ".

Die einfach noch Charakteren den Sprache ziemlich angemessen, aber fast ohne

'

'

Schmuck der Poesie

.

XIX

(1758), 582, 583

The

.

.

.... and the language, in general, too much, though not altogether, " destitute of poetry (p. 583)

ist

alien

criticks

plot is too thin, the scenes are too barren of incidents,

dieses Trauer-

zu

ist

spiels

of

317)

208,209

1.

....

Tragedy, by R. Dodsley

Cleone, a

BSW V

Ireland

repetition

encomiums on Shakespeare

florid

lines to the review.]

"Die Verwicklung

and

A

whole .... might easily be gathered from the daily conversation of

208) [Four additional

(p.

.

in

Continued

of the principal actors

and Garrick, appear to us extremely needless and disgusting .... the

von seinen Urtheilen scheinen von den Kunstrichtern der Coffeehauser zusammengelesen zu seyn. viele

.

XX (1759)

and demerits

(pp. 208, 209)

Poem

Ancient and Modern Rome, a

BSW VIII

(1761),

1.

M.R.

164-67

"Diesem schonen Gedichte Kupferstich vorgesetzt,

der einige

den merkwurdigsten Denkmalern des Alterthums, ein Theil eines weiten Circus, einen Obelisk,

nam

Poem, most striking remains

with a Trajan's, almost entire; distant view of St. Peter's Church.

Aussicht die Peterskirche vorstellet. (

P 164) .

.

."

.

.

[The passages quoted from the work "Wie schon sind nicht folgende ". .

Zeilen,

Nonne

die

die

of Antiquity

Rome, as part of a large Circus, an Obelisk, and a Pillar, perhaps in

eine Saule, vielleicht die ColumTrajani, und in einer entfernten

..,;,"

(1760), 145-49

plate is prefixed title-page of this elegant representing some of the

the

in

von

und

XXII

"A handsome

ist ein

(p.

145)

itself coincide.] .

The following lines beauti-

.

fully describe the

Einkleidung einer

beschreiben.

the

first veil

ceremony of giving on the admission of a

Nun.

"Noch

ruf ich

...'.." (etc.) Der Dichter

den Tag (p.

zuriicke.

'Still

166)

schliesst

(p.

mit

....

den

gerechten Lobspriichen, in denen er das neuere Italien in Ansehung der

Mahlerey,

Musik,

cludes

modern

Bildhauerkunst

und Baukunst erhebt."

I

recall

the

day,'

[etc.]

148) this benevolent writer con-

his

poem

Italy,

for

by

celebrating

the center and

preserver of Music, Statuary, and " Painting (p. 148)

(p. 167)

82

BOOK REVIEWS OF WEISSE

PLAGIARIZED

27

Imitations of Juvenal and Persius by I. Nevile M.R. XLII (1770), 46-52 (1771), 1. 171

NBSW X 'Herr schiedene

schon

hat

Neville

"Mr. Nevile has published several imitations of the satires of Horace,

ver-

Nachahmungen des Horaz

sie

present work

(p. 171)

.

his

may more

properly be called Hints of Satire taken from Juvenal and Persius than Imitations " of those great satirists

Nachahmungen genannt werden. .

....

which have their merit;

lerausgegeben, die ihr Verdienst kaum aber konnen laben

(p. 46)

The Summer Day

NBSW XI

(1770),

1.

M.R. XLII

168

(1770), 486

Verfasser dieser vier Tageeine lebhafte Einbildungshat zeiten, kraft und viel Geschicklichkeit in

"The Author of this descriptive poem is by no means deficient in imagination, but we can say noth-

der poetischen Mahlerey,

ing in praise of his versification."

"Der

obgleich

seine Versification nicht allezeit sehr

(p.

486)

Freunden der reizenden Auftritte der Natur wird es sicher leicht ist:

(p. 168)

gefallen."

Hugh

NBSW XI

Kelly,

A Word

"Diese Komodie wurde von Theater getrieben-, ohne dass

dem man

".

anhorte, unter dem Vorwande, dass Herr Kelly in eine Zeitung the Public Ledger, von der er die Auf-

zur

eingeriickt hatte:

der

Regierung dadurch

er verlor

....

nun auf Subscription

drucken lassen

" (p.

355)

(1771), 2.

of

injurious,

oppressive

Almida, a Tragedy.

NBSW XII

published by was driven

it

....

government

him of the was an act and tyrannical,

arbitrarily depriving reward of his labour,

.

sie

now

It is

favour

in

den Vortheil der ersten Vorstellung, die doch auf 600 Pf betragen konnte

und hat

(1771), 150, 151

...

from the stage without being heard: the pretence was that Mr. Kelly, who managed a news-paper called the Public Ledger, had inserted in that paper, essays and paragraphs

verschiedene Versuche

Vertheidigung

Wise

M.R. XLIII

subscription, because

sie

sicht hatte,

to the

(1771), 2. 355

By

" (p.

150)

1

a

Lady XLIV (1771), 150-55 "The model of this play M.R.

333

"Dieses Stuck ist der Tankred des von der Mrs. Barry, 2 der

.

Voltaire

the Tancrede of Voltaire.

"

1 Said to be the daughter to the late Mr. David Mallet. " a Genoese gentleman

.

.

is

.

Her husband is M.

Celesia,

2 The authoress was Mrs. Clesia, as a footnote on p. 150 of the M.R. states. The German reviewer evidently took Mrs. Barry, the great English actress, to be the authoress,

83

CHARLES PAUL GIESSING

28

BSW

XII

(1771)

XLIV

M.R.

Continued

verstorbenen

Mallet.

(1771)

she has taken the liberty to shorten some of the speeches. .... the performance is still too

Tochter des Sie hat den Dialog bin und wieder absukiirzen gesucht, aber dadurch es doch nicht dem englischen Publiko

much a French

unterhaltend genug machenkonnen."

English audience

(p.

Continued

....

play to please an " (pp. 150,

151)

333)

G. Bannatyne, Ancient Scottish Poems

NBSW XII

M.R.

(1771), 2. 336, 337

XLIV

(1771), 42-48

[Not given here in the same order

"Man

hat

schon

Jahren eine Sammlung tischen Gedichte unter

vor

einigen aller schot-

dem

Titel:

Evergrun [sic], erhalten, welche der beruhmte Allan Ramsay herausgegeben: aber es waren verschiedene schon neuere darunter. Die gegenwartigen, die der Lord Hailes herausgiebt, sind alt

und sehr

alt.

as in the periodical.] ". , larger work of this kind .

.

A

was published some years ago under the title of the Evergreen, by the celebrated Allan Ramsay; but in that miscellany there were

many

things of modern date. The poems here collected are certainly ancient,

them

are of very high

The preservation

of ancient poetry

and some

Man

of

antiquity

wie viel dergleichen Lieder zur Kanntniss der Sitten und der

weiss,

.... no

is

less rational

than the

Menschen der verschiedenen Zeitalter und der Geschichte des Witzes beytragen konnen. Des Lords An-

preservation of ancient coins; for .... the former .... promotes

merkungen, die er dieser Sammlung angefiiget, beziehen sich auch darauf Es ware zu wiinschen, dass das

pursuits of

our knowledge of the manners and

men

in their respective

periods

.

.... Lord

angehangte kleine Worterbuch vollstandiger ware, damit die veraltete Sprache auch Auslander verstehen konnten." [!] (pp. 336, 337)

Editor, has,

Hailes, the learned his notes annexed

by

to this collection, contributed greatly

to the

The only

edition

against this the exceeding deficiency glossary, which does not

same end objection which the

of

lies

is

include one fourth part of the words necessary to be explained to people " on this side of the Tweed 42)

(p.

from the statement on p. 155 of the M.R. ". Upon the whole we are of opinion, that nothing could have supported this piece upon the stage, but the very great theatrical " abilities of Mrs. Barry .

84

.

.

BOOK REVIEWS OF WEISSE

PLAGIARIZED

Paradise Regained, a Poem, in Four Books.

NBSW LIX

(1797),

1.

"Die Absicht des Herausg. bey iiner Arbeit war vorziiglich, das iblikum von neuem auf die Schoniciten eines, wie er glaubt, nicht mg geschatzten Gedichtes auficrksam zu machen, von welchem Johnson sagt, .... Der Herausg. sheint sich Miltons besten Erklarer, Thomas Warton, zum Muster genommen zu haben. Er besitzt kritischen Gelehrausgebreitete jharfsinn, und Feinheit des Geikeit

jhmacks; seine Anmerkungen sind jkmassig und alien denen zu ipfehlen, welche ihr Gefiihl fiir Erhabne und Grosse auszubilden liiht

sind."

(p. 184)

By John

M.R. Enlarged

184

XX

29 Milton

(1796), 74-77

"...-. Mr. Dunster, who seems ambitious of treading in the steps

and ingenious poet just mentioned, [Thomas Warton] has now favoured the public with an edition of Paradise Regained; a poem which, he thinks, has not of the learned critic

hitherto been praised as

it

deserves.

(p. 75)

Mr. Dunster: who, to a ". due portion of critical accuracy, joins .

.

.

extensive learning, elegance of taste? " a liberal cast of mind (p. 75)

[There follows a long note from the book.] "We shall here conclude this article, sincerely recommending the present the perusal of edition .... to those

who have a

poetry and "

taste for sublime

ingenious

criticism.

(p. 77)

foregoing examples will illustrate how Weisse went to work. would read whatever the Monthly Review had to say, pick out words, phrases, and whole sentences, add a little material of his own,

The

[e

and

finally

wind up with a quotation.

The examples have been chosen at random, but a careful com>arison of Vols. V and XII of the Bibliothek and Vols. I, X, XX, id XXX of the Neue Bibliothek with the Monthly Review shows that periodical, at least, r

continued to be one of the sources of

information about English literature. That The Scot's Magazine was also used, the following examples

eisse's

show:

NBSW

Volume

CHARLES PAUL GIESSING

30

Jerningham's Faldoni and Theresa

NBSW XV

The

(1774) 2. 355

"Ein junges verliebtes Paar zu Lyon, wird an seiner Vereinigung durch die Harte der Verwandten von Seiten des jungen Madchens

".

Magazine, XXXV (1773) A young man and a young

Scot's

.

.

.

woman at Lyons, two years ago, who had conceived a passion for each other, were prevented from marrying

gehindert. Ohne weitere Hoffnung fassen sie den Entschluss einander

by the

zu gleicher Zeit zu toten, errichten

to their union, they desperately resolved to destroy themselves; and for this purpose they erected a kind

heimlich eine Art des Altars, knien davor und vollziehen ihren Ententhusiastische

Leidenschaft

dieser Liebhaber ist

ungemein gut

gesehildert

und

ein

Finding

it

of altar in a private retreat, and kneeling before it, each held a pistol, to the triggers of which were tied

schluss.

Die

relatives.

girl's

impossible to remove this obstacle

Each held was fastened to the other's pistol; on pulling which, at a signal agreed on, they put an end to each other's life. The enthusirose-coloured

empfindliches

Herz wird es nicht ohne Thranen lesen konnen." (p. 355)

ribands.

the riband which

passion of these lovers our author has expressed very happily, and the reader who has the least astic

sensibility will scarcely fail of shed-

ding a tear at the melancholy tale." [Signed] C. (pp. 89, 90)

Conscience:

NBSW XV

An

(1774), 2.

Ethical Essay.

358

"Der Dichter der seinen Gegenstand philosophisch gepriift, hat ihn durch den sehr poetischen Schmuck interessant gemacht; auch bisweilen ins (p.

doch

".

Rev.

By

The

Scot's

.

.

J.

Brand

Magazine, 40, 41

XXXV

The Author has

.

(1773),

treated

mansame time

his subject in a philosophical ner,

but rendered

it

at the

fallt er

extremely interesting to the passions,

Schwulstige."

by an animated strain of poetry. The description is in general highly beautiful and luxuriant." [Signed]

358)

C.

(p.

41)

"In reading this poem we have been pleased by some bold and poetical passages, and offended by others that were turgid and prosaic." [Signed]

86

M.

(p. 41)

PLAGIARIZED BOOK REVIEWS OF WEISSE

I

Conscience:

NBSW XV "Der Dichter

A

By W.

Poetical Essay.

The

(1774), 2. 358

Scot's

31

Gibson.

1772

Magazine,

XXXV

The author

(1773)

den Fortgang der Stinde im Gegensatze mit dem Gewissen von dem Falle Adam

progress of sin, in opposition to conscience, from the "fall of Adam to

an, bis auf jetzige Zeiten."

the

".

schildert

(p.

358)

(p.

An Agreeable Companion NBSW XV (1774), 2. 358 "Die

und

enthalt,

die

.

.

present

times."

considers the

M.

[Signed]

40) for a The

Few Hours

Scot's

"These

Magazine,

XXXV

(1773)

be ranked among the few poetical pro-

fliichtigen Stiicke, die diese

Sammlung

.

sich

pieces

fugitive

may

durch

ductions of recent date, the perusal

und

of which can afford pleasure to a reader of genuine taste." [Signed] C. (p. 41)

eine ungemeine Simplicitat Zartlichkeit unterscheiden, werden geschmackvollen Lesern nicht

gleichgiiltig seyn:

sie stellen

sachlich Scenen aus

Leben vor."

(p.

dem

haupt-

landlichen

358)

The Sentimental Sailor.

Or

St.

Preux to Eloisa. With Notes.

NBSW XV (1774), 2. XXXV (1773), 151, 152.

With zine,

364, 365

The

first

An Ekgy.

In Two

Parts.

compare The Scot's Magaand last sentences of the

German review are almost literal translations. The examples given here will suffice to prove that the Bibliothek der schonen Wissenschaften made a regular practice of slavishly copying from the Monthly Review and The Scot's Magazine, at without a single acknowledgment. In many cases there

least, is

no

proof that the reviewer had ever seen the book he was reviewing. It is true that for a very large number of the reviews I could find no

and

am

not ready to say that Weisse borrowed from On the other hand, he may have had English magazines access to other English reviews which I have been unable to discover.

parallels,

I

in all cases.

In order to determine whether Weisse's practice was perhaps a had not yet developed our modern sense

general one in an age that

of intellectual authorship, I

examined other periodicals

nature and found no other instances of like nature. in

Eschenburg's Brittisches

Museum fur

of a similar

All the reviews

die Deutschen to be sure

were

translated from the English reviews, but Eschenburg states his intention in the preface. 87

CHARLES PAUL GIESSING

32

That nevertheless there were probably other reviewers engaging in the same practice is suggested by the following quotation from the Neues Hannoverisches Magazin for 1800, No. 14, Cols. 216-17, in an

article entitled

Ueber die Diebstdhle der Gelehrten:

"Die Blatter des Tages, die Journale, Wochenschriften, Zeitschriften, Zeitungen, Magazine, u.s.w. haben sich schon seit ihrer ersten Entstehung das Recht angemasst, fremde Produkte ohne Scheu aufzunehmen. Sie gleichen den Corsaren in Algier, die das Beutemachen handwerksmassig In so feme manche mitzliche Wahrheiten dadurch gemeinnutztreiben.

werden, haben sie eine bedeutende Entschuldigung fur sich Die kleinen Betriigereien der Schriftsteller und Buchhandler .... Uebersetzungen fiir eigene Arbeit auszugeben, .... werden von den kritischen Blattern, wie wohl mehrenteils fruchtlos, nach Verdienst geriigt." licher

Evidently Weisse's practice, while not unusual, was nevertheless considered, then as now, genuine plagiarism.

CHARLES PAUL GIESSING UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN

EIN TRISTANFRAGMENT Das Ms. Germ.

923 (Sammelmappe) der Konigl. Bibliothek, Berlin, nach einer sorgfaltigen Abschrift A. Reifferscheids vom Jahre 1878 hier zum ersten Mai mitgeteilt, enthalt auf einem Pergafol.

mentdoppelblatt in Quart aus etwa der Mitte des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts, zweispaltig beschrieben, die Spalte zu 41 Zeilen, die Verse 10614-10776 und 11433-11596 von Gottfrieds Tristan. eine genauere Beschreibung verweise ich auf Scheel, Die Berliner

melmappe S. 35,

Nr.

m

mit

Fur Sam-

deutscher Fragmente. Festschrift fur Weinhold, Leipzig, 1896, 4,

sowie auf Marold, S.

liii

seiner Ausgabe,

wo das Fragment

Obgleich das Bruchstiick schon lange die Kritik verwertet worden ist, lohnt es sich wohl

bezeichnet wird.

bekannt und

ftir

der Vollstandigkeit halber dasselbe den Fachgenossen allgemein zuganglich zu machen.

Der Dialekt

ist

alemannisch und der Text

stellt sich

nahe zu

dem

der Fragmente / und t, wortiber ist jetzt zu vergleichen Ranke, Im folgenden halte ich mich eng d. A., LV, 157 ff. an der Uberlieferung, nur werden Abkiirzungen durch Kursivdruck Zeitschr. f.

aufgelost.

Ftir daz steht in der Handschrift

gewohnlich

Abschnitte werden durch Ausrticken der Zeile bezeichnet; bei Vers 10695, steht eine grosse rote Initiale (H), welche

von

fiinf

Mit a und

Zeilen einnimmt.

6

Neue

dc.

einmal,

den

Raum

werden Vorder- und Rtick-

seite des Blattes bezeichnet.

BLATT

SPALTE

la,

Marold 10614 die man ze beiden namen 15

daz ez allez

em

1

sol

haben.

was.

wa?i swederhalben ich hin las. so ne

20

was

ie ni

me

dar an.

wan

tantn's oder tn'stan.

vnd

ie

an einem

Nv mvter nv disen

namen

in einen tan

beide.

sceide. tantris.

vnd

vnd sprechet daz

in einen tris. tris

fur daz tan.

so spn'chestv tristan. 89]

33

[MODERN PHILOLOGY,

June, 1918

JOHN

34 25

CAMPION

L.

spn'ch daz tan vur daz so spn'chestv tantris.

Div mvter segenete got sprach

30

si

tris.

sich.

der gesegene mich. kom dir ie der sin.

von wannen nu si dri von im vnder in. geredeten menger hande. div kunegin div sande.

Nach dem kunege. der

35

kom

dar.

sehet herre sprechent si nemet war. sulent vns einer bete gewern.

ir

daz wir dri ernesliche gern. tvt irz ez

kumet vns

alien wol.

ich volge swez ich volgen sol. Swaz ir wellet dast getan.

40

habet

ir

danne an mich verlan.

sprach abr div kunegin. ia. swaz ir wellet daz sol

Gnade

sin.

herre daz ist genvc.

minen bruder slvc. den han ich hinne. dem suit ir iuwer minne. vnd iuwer hulde lazen han.

herre der

45

tristan

gewerp der ist also getan. daz div svne vvge hat. Der kunec sprach triwen disen

sin

50

rat.

an dich. er gat dich mere an danne mich. den

laz ich baltliche

morolt din bruder waz

BLATT 55

la,

dir.

SPALTE 2

naher gesippe danne mir. hastuz vmbe in varn verlan. wiltu so han ich ez getan. Sus seite si dem kunege do. tristandes mere rente also. als er ir selbe sagete.

60

diz

mere daz behagete.

dem kunege wol vnd

sprach

nv sich daz ers mit triwen Div kunegin do sande. brangenen nach tristande. 90

ir

tv.

EIN TRISTANFRAGMENT 65

vnd

35

als tn'stan in gie.

dem kunege

er sich ze fvzen

gnade herre kunec sprach

lie.

er.

stat vf herre tn'stan gat her.

sprach gurnun vnd kusset mich.

70

vngerne verkiuse

ich.

idoch verkiuse ich den zorn. sit in

die

vrowen hant verkorn.

Herre spmch abr tristan. an dirre svne da ist an. 75

min

herre

vnd beide

siniv lant.

sprach her gurnun zehant. nv disiu svne zende kam. ia

80

div kunegin tristanden nam. vnd sazten zv der tohter nider. vnd bat in ovch daz mere wider. ir herren al von erest sagen.

wie ez sich hete dar getragen.

an

alien disen sachen.

beide

85

90

vmbe den

trachen.

vnd vmbe dez kuneges markes ger. daz seiter abr von ende her. Der kunec sprach abr herre tn'stan. nv wie bewar ich mich her an. daz ich der rede gewis si. vil wol herre ich han hie bi.

mines herren fursten alle. swaz gewisheit iv gevalle. die saget ir mir div ist getan. die wile

vnd

'BLATT 95

ich 16,

ir

einen han.

SPALTE

1

Hie mite sciet der kunec dan. die vrowen vnde tristan. die beliben abr eine da.

nam paranisen sa. sprach er get hin abe. da stet ein kiel in der habe. tristan

geselle

700

da ga geswazliche hin. vnd vrage welcher vnder Curuenal

dem 05

si

in.

genant.

selben rvne zehant

daz er ze sime herren ge.

vnd sage ovch nieman niht me. 91

JOHN

36

CAMPION

L.

vnd bringe in lise als hovesch du nv herre daz tet paranys.

sis.

er brahte in also lise dar.

10

daz sin nieman wart gewar. Nv si in zer kemenaten.

vrowen traten. im neic div kuneginne. vnd nieman me dar inne. sine namen sin durch daz niht war.

fur die

15

erne

Nv

kam

niht als ein riter dar.

curvenal tristanden.

den vrowen vnder handen. vroliche

20

vnd gesvnden

sach.

in franzoyser wis er sprach.

duz syre. durch gotes willen waz tvt daz ir sus wunnecliche. in disem himelriche.

Ay bea

25

ire.

sus lusent verborgen.

vnd

lat

vns in den sorgen.

wir wanden alle sin verlorn.

wol gesworn. lebende iht weret.

biz iezo hetich

daz

30

ir

wie habet

ir

vns besweret.

vnd iuwer livte. die gesworen wol noch hivte. vnd habent ez da vur ir sit tot. vnd sint mit micheler not. Iwer

35

kiel

her vnze an disc naht beliben.

BLATT

16,

vnd heten daz si

40

SPALTE 2

in ein getriben.

woltent hinaht hinnen

sin.

Nein sprach div gvte kunegin. er lebet gesunder vnde vro. vnd tristan der begunde do. britvnsce sprechen wider in. curuenal sprach er ga balde hin.

45

vnd sage hin nider min dine sta wol. vnd ich ez allez enden sol. da nach wir vs sin gesant. hie mite so seiter im zehant. sine linge al von grunde. 92

EIN TRISTANFRAGMENT

37

so er ebeneste kunde.

Nv 50

er

im hete geseit. vnd sin arbeit.

sin gelucke

nv sprach er balde ga hin nider. sage minen lantherren wider. vnd ouch den ritteren dar zu. daz

55

ir

iegesliche vrv.

mit sinem dinge sin bereit. wol gestrichen vnd gecleit. mit der aller besten wat. die ir iegeslicher hat.

60

vnd nemen mines boten war. swenne ich in den sende dar. so riten her ze houe ze mir. Ouch send ich morgen fru ze

dir.

so sende mir den cleinen serin.

65

da miniv cleinote inne sin. vnd miniv cleder da mite. die von dem aller besten snite. dich selbe clede ouch als wol. houesc riter sol. Curvenal neic vnd kerte dan. brangene sprach wer ist der man. in dunket werliche. als ein

70

hier inne

weder

si

ein himelriche.

ist er riter

frowe swa vur

75

35

oder kneht. geseht.

man. dane habet dekeinen zwiuel an. er ist ein riter vnde

BLATT 11433

ir

2a,

SPALTE

1

die wil vnd sich ouch tristan. mit sinen lantgesellen dan.

bereite

vnd

berihte.

die wile so betihte.

ysot div wise kunegin. in ein glazevezzelin.

40

einen tranc von minnen. mit also cleinen sinnen. vf geleit

vnd vorbedaht.

in solchem liste vurbraht.

mit swem sin ieman getranc. den muzer ane sinen danc. 93

JOHN

38 45

CAMPION

L.

vor alien dingen meinen. vnd er da wider in einen. in

was

ein tot

vnd

ein leben.

ein truren ein vrode

Den 50

tranc den

nam

samet gegeben, div wize.

sprach brangenen lize. brangene sprach si niftel min. la dir die rede niht swere sin. si

solt mit miner tohter bin. so stelle dinen sin. nach da

dv 55

daz ich dir sage daz vernim. diz glaz mit dizem tranke mm.

daz habe in diner hvte. hvtes vor allem gvte. sich daz ez vf der erde.

60

iemen innen werde. Bewar mit allem vlize. daz ez ieman enbizze. vlize dich wol starke. swenne ysot vnde marke.

65

inein der

minnen comen

sin.

so scenke in disen tranc vur win.

70

vnd laz in trinken vz in ein. bewar daz daz sin mit in zwein. iemen enbize daz ist sin. noch selbe trinkes niht mit in. der tranc der ist von minnen. daz habe in dinen sinnen. Ich beuilhe dir ysote.

BLATT vil tvre

75

an

ir

so

2a,

SPALTE 2

vnd vil genote. lit min leben.

ich vnde

si sin dir ergeben. vf alle dine seleckeit.

hie mite

si dir genvc geseit. Trvt vrowe sprach brangene do.

80

ist

iwer beider wille also.

so sol ich gerne mit ir varn. ir ere vnd al ir dine bewarn.

so ich iemer beste kan.

vrlop

85

vnd si

nam do

tristan.

al sin liut hie

vnde dort.

sciedent ze weisefort.

94

EIN TRISTANFRAGMENT

90

mit michelen vrouden abe. nv volget im vz in die habe. durch ysote minne. kunec vnde kuneginne.

vnd al ir massenie. sin vnverwande amie. sin

95

vnerkantiv herze not.

div liehte wunnecliche ysot. div waz im ze alien ziten.

weinende an der siten. vater ir mvter beide. vertriben mit mengem leide. die selben kurzen stunde. menic ouge da begunde. riezen vnde werden rot. ir

500

ysot waz menges herzen not. si bar vil menigem herzen.

05

togenlichen smerzen. div weneten genote.

ougen wvnne ysote. gemeineiv weine. da weineten gemeine. ir

Da waz vil

10

herzen vnrf vil ovgen.

offenliche vnrf togen.

vnd abr ysot vnd abr ysot. div svnne vnd ir morgenrot.

vnd ouch daz vol meine. div scone brangeine.

BLATT 15

do

si

sich

26,

SPALTE

muzen

1

sceiden.

div eine von den beiden. do sach man iamer vnde

leit.

div getrvliche sicherheit. sciet sich

20

Nv

25

mit

mengem

leide.

ysot custe si beide. dicke vnd ze mengem male. die

von kurnewale.

vnde ouch von yrlandere. der vrowen volgere. alle ze sciffe waren komen.

vnd heten vrlop genomen. tristan der gie ze iungest in.

95

39

JOHN

40

30

CAMPION

L.

div liehte ivnge kunegin. div blome von yrlant. ysot div gienc im an der hant. trurec vnde sere vnvro. si

35

zwei

si

nigen

dem

lande do.

vnd baten den gotes segen. der liute vnd dez landes pflegen. si stiezen an vnd furen dan. mit hoher stimme hubens an. vnd sunges eines vnde zwir. in gotes namen varen wir. strichen alles hinewart.

vnd 40

Nv waz den vrowen zvzir vart. mit tristandes rate. ein kiel kemenate. nach heimlicher sache.

45

gar gegeben zvzir gemache. da waz div kuneginne. ivnc vrowen inne.

mit

ir

vnd

vil luzel

kein man.

wan vnderwilen

tristan.

der gie wilent dar

50

in.

vnd troste die kunegin. da si weinende saz. div weininde clagete daz. daz si als von ir lande.

55

da si die liute erkande. vnd von ir vriunden alien

BLATT

26,

sciet.

SPALTE 2

vnd vvr mit der vnkunden sine wiste war oder wie. so troste

tristan

si

diet.

ie.

so er suzeste kunde.

60

ze iegelicher stunde. als er zuzir truren

quam. si nam.

zewiscen sin arme er vil

suze vnde Use.

vnd niwan 65

als ein

in der wise.

man

sine

vrowen

sol.

der getriwe der versach sich wol. daz er der sconen were. ein senfte zuzir swere.

vnd

als ez ergie.

96

EIN TRISTANFRAGMENT 70

daz er sin arme an

41

si verlie.

so gedahte ie diu scone ysot.

an

ovheimes tot. ie danne wider in. stan meister habet iv bin.

ir

vnd sprach lat

75

tvt iwer

arme hin dan. man.

ein harte mvlich

ir sit

war vmbe rvret

ir

ey scone missetvn

ir

slvget

minen ovhein.

doch versvnet. des ir sit mir doch vmmere. wan ich were ane swere. vnd ane sorge enweret ir. ir alterseine habt mir. daz

85

ich.

wan

ich bin iv gehaz. seligiv sprach er vmbe waz. ia ir

80

mich.

ist

disen

kumber

allein.

alien vf geleit.

mit parate vnd mit kundekeit. waz iuch mir ze scaden gesant. 90

von curnewale in yrlant. die mich von kinde habent erzogen. den habent ir mich nv an ertrogen. vnd furet mich ine weiz wa hin. ine weiz wie ich verkoufet bin.

95

vnd weiz ovch waz min werden sol. Nein scone ysot gehabet iuch wol.

JOHN UNIVERSITY OP NORTH CAROLINA

97

L.

CAMPION

DIE INDOGERMANISCHE MEDIA ASPIRATA.

II

Vom

sprachvergleichenden Standpunkte kann man also seit den siebziger Jahren die Urspriinglichkeit von bh, dh, gh als anerkannt betrachten; dunkel war noch ihre lautphysiologische Definierung. hier wurde Licht geschafft. Wie es schon Bruecke in den oben erwahnten Ausftihrungen theoretisch getan hatte, unterscheidet Sievers (Grundzuge der Phonetik mir ist nur die 5. Auflage zugang-

Auch

lich

170

S.

ff.)

in heutigen indischen Dialekten zwei (bzw. drei)

vorkommende Arten dieser Laute, namlich solche mit stimmhaftem und mit stimmlosem (und mit verstarktem) Hauch. wirklich

Seine

Angaben (wie auch

sonliche Beobachtungen,

die

und

von

Ellis u.a.) stiitzen sich auf per-

es andert nichts

Hoffory gehassig gegen ihn polemisiert.

an der Sache, dass

1

Die Frage, ob dem Indogermanischen fur seine stimmhaften Aspiraten stimmhafter oder stimmloser Hauch zuzuschreiben sei, ist nicht entschieden worden.

WALDE.

Klarstellungen der indischen Ausder heutigen Zeit sind nun freilich fur die Ursprache nicht direkt beweiskraftig. Fur diese machte vielmehr 5.

MERINGER,

spracheverhaltnisse

Meringer (ZfoG, 1888, S. 122, in einer Besprechung von Brugmanns Grundriss) einen neuen Versuch einer Losung. Nach ihm "sind die Lautphysiologen heute noch nicht dariiber einig, ob eine Vereinigung der media mit nachfolgendem tonlosem Hauch, d.h. eine media

nach gewohnlicher Auffassung iiberhaupt moglich sei"

aspirata

auf grund der arischen Entwicklung von bh-t, gh-t, dh-t zu bdh, gdh, ddh kommt er zu dem Schluss, dass t in diesen Verbindungen (S.

142)

;

tonende Nachbarschaft hatte, "und da dass h in gyt,

liegt die

Annahme

zunachst,

Um

die komnimmt er

bf3t, homorgane Spirant war." binatorischen Lautvorgange dieser Gruppen zu erklaren,

dzt der

1 Besonders in dem Briefe an Meringer, Zft>G, 1888, S. 774; Sievers' Beschreibung der media aspirata sei "so erbarmlich und leichtfertig, dass es nicht notig ist, weiter darauf einzugehen; die Definition, die er aufstellt, ist so widerspruchsvoll, dass sie sich selbst widerlegt (die med. asp. sind namlich nach ihm tonende Verschlusslaute mit nachfolgendem 'tonendem Hauch'; als ob ein Hauch nicht eo ipso tonlos ware!)."

Dass mehrere Sprachen, darunter neben dem Ungarischen und dem Bohmischen auch das Indische. tatsachlich stimmhaftes h, also "tonenden Hauch" haben, ist ja bekannt. 99]

43

[MODERN PHILOLOGY, June,

1918

E.

44 also an, dass die f raglichen

PROKOSCH

Laute eigentlich Affrikaten gewesen seien

:

gy, 6/3, dz.

Gegen ihn macht Walde (KZ, dass seine

Annahme

XXXIV,

461) mit Recht geltend,

die Schwierigkeiten der betreffenden Lautver-

bindungen keineswegs lost; er vermutet vielmehr (wie es schon Bruecke getan hatte) stimmhafte Spiranten f iir das Indogermanische, doch beschrankt er sich bei seiner Begrtindung auf das Hauchdissimilationgesetz

:

Griechisch und Altindisch zeigen, dass das Vorhandensein von Aspiraten im Anlaut zweier aufeinanderfolgender Silben als sehr schwer sprechbar empfunden wurde, weshalb der erste Hauch unterdriickt wurde. 1st es da wahrscheinlich, dass das Indogermanische, wenn es mediae aspiratae besass, wirklich von dissimilatorischen Vorgangen verschont geblieben sein sollte? Gewiss nicht. Da aber Dissimilationsspuren vollkommen fehlen, so muss es auch von diesem Standpunkte als hochst wahrscheinlich bezeichnet

werden, dass die sogenannten aspirierten Verschlusslaute des Indogermanischen etwas anderes waren als Verschlusslaute mit gehauchtem Absatz. Andrerseits sahen wir oben, dass ein tonendes spirantisches Element mindestens den letzten Teil unserer fraglichen Laute gebildet habe. Daher bleibt als einziges

Auskunftsmittel die

Annahme

iibrig,

dass die mediae aspiratae

nach ihrem Lautwerte einfach tonende Spiranten waren:

Es

ist

Kern

richtiger

geblieben

(KZ,

schade, dass Walde, in dessen

ist.

XXXV,

steckt, bei dieser

d, 5, 5, 5^, 5.

Anschauungen

sicher ein

unzureichenden Begrtindung stehen

Es war natiirlich, dass er keine Folge fand. Foy wendet gegeii ihn ein: "Der Wahrscheinlichkeits-

15)

grund, aus der gleichen Hauchdissimilation im ai. und gr. lasse sich schliessen, dass im idg. keine mediae asp. bestanden, .... ist bei unserer jetzigen Kenntnis der Sprachentwicklung von vornherein hinfallig: was in der einen Periode als leicht sprechbar erschien, konnte in einer andern Schwierigkeiten bereiten." Auch Brugmann verhalt sich ablehnend (Grdr.\ I, 292), und Walde hat seither seine Anschauung selbst stillschweigend widerrufen (IF, XIX, 98).

Den ganzen Stand

der Beweisfuhrung fur die " Indogermanenschaft" von bh, dh, gh fasst 1907 (KZ, XLI, 31) Hermann in folgender

Weise zusammen: Will

man

einen Einheitslaut rekonstruieren, so

kommt man

auf eine

media aspirata. Gestutzt wird der Ansatz 1. dadurch, dass das Indische den Laut wirklich besitzt; 2. dadurch, dass er fur das Italische mit Hilfe der andern Sprachen leicht erschlossen werden kann; 3. durch die ganz 100

DIE INDOGERMANISCHE "MEDIA ASPIRATA"

45

eigentiimliche Entwicklung, die dieser Laut in den andern Sprachen genommen hat. Auch wenn man das Indische nicht besasse, wlirde eine Einheits-

rekonstruktion auf ihn fiihren [??]. Es gibt keinen andern Laut, der in jrm Falle als gemeinsame Quelle naher lage denn die media aspirata.

mders eine Betrachtung des Italischen und des Keltischen gewinnt fiir den Ansatz. Dass das Uritalische media aspirata gekannt hat, wtirde man, wenn man Walde (IF, XIX, 98 f .)* folgen will, auch ohne das Indische

vermuten konnen; in Waldes Beispielen spielen Ferner sind im Keltischen indisch

ja indische

Etymologien

bh zusammengef alien, ebenso d, dh und j, h, wie im Iranischen, Albanesischen, Balto-Slavischen Wird da nicht das Keltische einmal auch jene andern g und gh aber nicht. keine Rolle.

b,

;

Laute unterschieden haben? Wird ferner nicht auch im Iranischen, Albanesischen, Balto-Slavischen einmal ein Unterschied gewesen sein? Obgleich keine Einzelsprache ausser dem Indischen auf media aspirata ftihrt, hat der Ansatz doch viel Verlockendes.

ZUSAMMENFASSUNG.

man

zugeben mussen, dass die bisherige Begrtindung ursprachlicher stimmhafter Aspiraten recht unsicher ist. Die Geschichte der Theorie, um sie 6.

Trotz alledem wird

kurz zu wiederholen, ergibt das Folgende: Curtius und Grassmann wiesen nach, dass die fraglichen Laute nicht Abspaltungen aus idg. Medien oder stimmlosen Aspiraten

gewesen sein konnen. Das ist ein unzweifelhaftes Verdienst. Ascolis Arbeiten iiber den Gegenstand sind methodisch gewiss sehr schon, tragen auch dazu bei, dass sie mil Zugrundelegung der vorgefassten

Meinung, dass indisch bh, dh, gh die Ausgangslaute sein mussten, den italischen Zustand dem System einpassen, aber eine wirkliche Forderung der Erkenntnis der Laute selbst bedeuten sie nicht. Die physiologische Seite der anzusetzenden Lautiibergange ist trotz Hermanns eben erwahnten Ausfiihrungen (auch trotz Bloomfield,

AJPh, XXXII, 56) noch keineswegs klar, wie es denn iiberhaupt mit der Anwendung phonetischer Erkenntnis auf die historische Sprachwissenschaft noch immer recht schlecht bestellt ist. Was

dem es

einen natiirlich scheint,

kommt dem andern

abenteuerlich vor;

wird gekliigelt, und wer einigermassen scharfsinnig

ist,

dem muss

Lautwandel, ob er nun in Wirklichvorkommt oder nicht, unter eine lautphysiologische Formel zu bringen wenn er ihn isoliert, statt ihn im Zusammenhang des

es ja gelingen, so ziemlich jeden

keit

1 Walde dehnt das Hauchdissimilationsgesetz auf das Italische aus; Sommer, KE, S. 50.

101

vgl.

17

und

E.

46

PROKOSCH

zu betrachten. 1 ganzen Lautcharakters einer bestimmten Sprache Es 1st beispielsweise ebenso leicht, den Ubergang von b zu v wie den von v zu bj den von t zu p wie den von p zu t zu erklaren alle vier

genug vor. So lasst sich sicher "phonetisch" das ohne Schwierigkeit aus einem bh herleiten umgekehrt griechische ph Es ist nur die Frage, ginge es (trotz Paul, a. a. O.) ebenso leicht.

kommen

ja oft

ob der tlbergang auch der betreffenden Sprache und Zeit angepasst Gelegentliche physiologische

ist.

Erklarungen einzelner Lautiiber-

gange sind eben mtissige Spielerei,

Entweder

sollte

man

mehr

irrefiihrend als klarend.

das ganze Gefiige der Lautentwicklung einer

Sprache oder Sprachgruppe vom physiologischen Standpunkte betrachten oder lieber auf alle "historische Phone tik" verzichten

und bei der geheiligten Formel der Buchstaben bleiben. Doch will mich nicht in Polemik verlieren, noch weniger konkrete Beispiele

ich

fur die nur allzu gebrauchliche Fliichtigkeit phonetischer Erorter-

ungen anftihren; Ausfuhrungen

lieber will ich

mich bemuhen,

liber die vorliegende

in

meinen eigenen

Frage moglichst vorsichtig zu

Werke zu gehen. Jedenfalls

betrachte ich bei der Schwache der

angegebenen

Griinde einen "Einwurf gegen die Indogermanenschaft von bh, dh, " gh" nicht mit Ascoli als einen verzweifelten Versuch"; doch ist es

vor allem notwendig, die ganze Frage (mit Ausnahme der durch Curtius und Grassmann fest bewiesenen Vierheit der indogermanischen Artikulationsart der "Verschlusslaute") noch einmal neu aufzurollen.

Zuzugeben ist von vornherein, dass fur gewisse Zwecke der vergleichenden Sprachwissenschaft (besonders fur die Bedeutungslehre und Syntax, zum grossen Teile auch fur die Formenlehre) der bisherige Ansatz

vollkommen ausreicht. bh, dh, gh sind "Formeln," im Sinne Delbrucks, schliesslich nur die Ansicht aussprechen, dass das Indogermanische ausser den Medien und den tenues und etwa noch den aspirierten tenues noch eine weitere Art von Konsonanten die,

1

Vgl. Vendryes, Mel. ling. off. d M. A. Meillet, V, 119: "Une loi phonetique ne peut connue valable que si elle est d'accord avec les principes qui regissent le syst6me au moment ou elle agit . . il n'y a pas de loi phonetique lee AUSSI y a-t-il un grand interSt a introduire toujours dans la loi phonetique le tendance phonetique.Ahnlich Verf., Mod. Phil, XI (1913-14), 71-83

articulatoire de la langue

.

.

(

Sprachwissenschaftliche AusbUcke").

102

DIE INDOGERMANISCHE "MEDIA ASPIRATA" hatte, die in

47

den verschiedenen Sprachen, in der Dentalreihe beip (/) erscheinen. Aber ebenso wie es

spielsweise, als dh, th, 3, d,

doch mehr

rein formale

als

hatte, dass Collitz indo-

Bedeutung

germanisch a, e, o an Stelle des dreifach schattierten indogermanischen a setzte, so muss es auch als berechtigt gelten, einen Versuch zu machen, dem Lautwert dieser formelhaften ursprachlichen gh auf die Spur zu kommen.

bh, dh,

Die Sprachen, in denen die Aspiraten und die einfachen Medien zusammenfallen, sollen vorlaufig aus dem Spiele bleiben. Es handelt sich also darum, den ursprachlichen Einheitslaut zu finden, der im Indischen dh, im Armenischen *>/>,

im Griechischen

im Germanischen d entweder II.

7.

d,

Dass

im Lateinischen

blieb oder wurde.

gh ALS STIMMHAFTE ASPIRATEN.

bh, dh,

INDISCH.

th,

es sich hier wirklich

um stimmhafte Aspiraten,

um Verbindungen von Verschlusslaut mit (stimmhaftem oder stimmlosem) Hauch handelt, ist iiber alien Zweifel erwiesen. Die also

Grtinde dafur sind bei Wackernagel (Ai. Gr., S. 114) knapp und klar zusammengestellt. In welcher Ausdehnung in den heutigen Dialekten der

Hauch stimmhaft oder stimmlos

Frage keine Bedeutung.

Meringer

men

[a. a.

Fur

ist,

hat fur die vorliegende

die altere Sprache ist (wie besonders

O., S. 143] hervorhebt) stimmhafter

trotz Hoffory.

Hauch anzuneh-

Die Laute wurden schon von den altesten

europaischen Sanskritisten (z.B. Colebrooke, 1805) mit bh, dh, gh umschrieben und ungef ahr in der heutigen Weise erklart. Im Hindustani,

das die arabische Schrift gebraucht, wird eine Verbindung der alphabetischen Medialzeichen mit h gebraucht. Nach Arend, Kuhns und Schleichers Beitrdge, II, 306 (dessen

Angaben

allerdings

von Brand,

AJPh, I, 148, stark in Zweifel gezogen werden), kommen aspirierte Medien in ungef ahr dreissig heutigen indischen Dialekten vor; sonst Eine sind sie entweder zu reinen Medien oder zu h geworden. Zusammenstellung von tatsachlichen Beobachtungen gibt Sievers 5

S.

170

Fur

alle

(Gr.

,

Annahme

ff.);

weitere Bibliographic bei Wackernagel (a. a. 0.). kommt man mit der bisherigen

Fragen des Indischen

selbstverstandlich sehr gut aus.

mag

wenn

Die aspirierende Aus-

schon nicht ursprachlich sein sollte, eine immerhin auf sehr friihe Periode zuriickgehen, die sowohl ja

sprache dieser Laute,

sie

103

E.

48

PROKOSCH

vor der Hauchdissimilation als auch vor der Hauchumstellung liegt. Keines der beiden Lautgesetze bietet vom indischen Standpunkt physiologische Schwierigkeiten, wenn auch zugegeben werden muss, dass sich keines von beiden mit ganzlich befriedigender ernstliche

Sicherheit losen lasst, well uns eben zuverlassige Kenntnis der altin-

Sprechweise jener friihen

dischen

man

Zeit

fehlt.

Fiir

Grassmanns

dem

ziemlich unbestimmten Begriff "Dissimilation" zufrieden geben, wenn man nicht etwa annehmen eine Schwachung war, die will, dass der "Verlust des Hauches"

Gesetz muss

sich

mit

Formen eintrat, wo der Akzent auf der zweiten Silbe lag (z.B. in Formen wie babhuva, jaghdna) und erst allmahlich auf alle Formen mit zwei Spiranten (ibertragen wurde. Phonetisch hat das zwar manches fur sich, aber das historische ursprimglich in solchen

Material gewahrt, soviel ich sehen kann, fur eine solche Annahme keine Stiitze, und ausserdem konnen wir nicht wissen, ob der aus

dem

Idg.

uberkommene Druckakzent zu jener Zeit noch stark genug Vermutung zu rechtfertigen. Eine ziemlich aus-

war, eine solche

reichende Erklarung der Hauchumstellung gibt Bloomfield,

AJPh,

Bei jeder Erwagung dieser und ahnlicher Fragen fur die indischen Aspiraten darf vor allem nicht vergessen werden, dass " wir es nicht mit echten Lautverbindungen " zu tun haben, sondern mit Einzellauten, in denen der Atemdruck kraftiger und andauernder

XXXII,

ist, als

56.

zur blossen Losung des Verschlusses (der fur tenuis fest, fur Sobald man mit Max Miiller ist) erforderlich ware.

media locker

an "konsonantische Diphthonge" denkt, muss man in Schwierigkeiten kommen. Halt man sich aber daran, dass der Unterschied zwischen 6 und bh nur in der Starke und Dauer des Druckes

liegt,

so ist nichts Merkwiirdiges daran, dass z.B. in der Verbindung bht der tiberdruck erst nach der zweiten statt nach der ersten Ver-

schlusslosung zur Geltung tion) bdh eintritt.

Pracht, Tracht,

also (mit progressiver Assimilawir doch auch in deutschen Wortern wie Sprechen

Kram

kommt,

in der Regel unaspiriertes p,

t, k aus, weil die fordert wie eine Aspiration. bei den indischen Aspiraten merkwiirdig. Oben

Vibration des r denselben

Druck

Aber eines ist wurde Ascolis Bemerkung erwahnt, dass die Nachbarsprachen des Sanskrit keine aspirierten Medien besitzen. Fur die Dravidastamme ist

das richtig; in einheimischen Wortern ihrer Sprachen 104

kommen

DIE INDOGERMANISCHE "MEDIA ASPIRATA" tute der

Art nicht vor;

[ndischen gebraucht.

1

sie

werden nur

Sicher macht

in

49

Entlehnungen aus dem den

Ascolis angefiihrte Stelle

indruck, dass er auf diese Tatsache Gewicht legt

und

vielleicht aus

lem gegenteiligen Sachverhalt etwas Ahnliches geschlossen hatte,

man

tie

it

es fur die indischen Zerebrallaute langst vermutet;

man

fur diese an, dass sie ins Indische aus den Dravidasprachen

ikommen

seien,

welche diese Laute in voller Ausbildung besitzen. 2

ist ja natiirlich,

dass ein derartiges Zusammentreffen einer seltenen

jpracheigentumlichkeit in zwei benachbarten, aber nicht verwandten >prachen den Verdacht der tlbernahme aus der einen in die andre 3gen muss.

Genau das Gleiche

aber mutatis mutandis auch von den stimm-

gilt

Aspiraten nur dass diese noch viel seltener sind als die In den meisten Dravidasprachen kommen sie allerirebrallaute. nicht vor. Wir finden sie aber in den nicht-arischen Dialekten dings Ften

des Himalaya,

in Zentral-Indien 3

im Gondi

lesischen Gruppe, die sich

und von Hinterindien bis

ganzen burnach Bengalen

in der tief

linein erstreckt; 4

ind mh, nh,

lh,

das Tibetanische ferner besitzt aspirierte tenues Sonst kommen rh, aber keine aspirierten Medien.

diese anscheinend nirgends auf der

des Lautstandes vor.

5

Welt

Da nun die in

diesen Volkern schon sehr

frtih,

als regelrechte Bestandteile

Indien eindringenden Arier mit

friiher als

mit .den Dravida, in

1 274; Beames, Comparative Grammar of the Modern Arian Languages in India, Byrne, General Principles of the Structure of Language, I, 302; Miiller, Grundriss der

Sprachwissenschaft, III,

1, S.

107.

2

Gabelentz, Vgl. Sprachwissenschaft, Languages, II, 32. 8

S.

263;

Caldwell,

Grammar

of the Dravidian

Die Gondi sind ein turanisch-dravidisches Mischvolk, nach. Hewitt, Ruling Races

of India, I, 140, und Index, S. 589, vor den Ariern das herrschende Volk Nord-Indiens, bis an den Indus. Sie mogen ihre Aspiraten von der burmesischen Gruppe ubernommen

haben.

Zur Gondi-Sprache

vgl.

Beames,

a. a. O., S. 274.

Byrne, a. a. O., 490; Miiller, a. a. O., S. 278 und 351; Roberts, Grammar of the Khassi Language, S. 5 f Khassi ist eine Sprache der "Sub-Himalayan Group" im westlichen Assam, nahe der Ganges- und Brahmaputra-Miindung; vgl. Constable, Hand Atlas of India; Berghaus, Atlas der V&lkerkunde, No. 9. Gabelentz, Grammatik und Worterbuch der Khassisprache (1858), S. 6, spricht dem Khassi nur bh als einheimische media aspirata zu, wahrend gh, dh nur in Fremdwortern vorkamen. Roberts, a. a. O., (1891), macht keine solche Einschrankung; er flndet ausser den aspirierten tenues und Medien auch rh, ngh im Khassi. Bei der Zwischenstellung dieser Sprache liesse sich ein sicheres Urteil dariiber nur auf Grund genauer Kenntnis gewinnen. Hauflg scheinen die Aspiraten im Khassi eben nicht zu sein. 4

.

Die vereinzelte Lokalaussprache von Aspiraten statt Medien, die Sievers, a. a. O., fur den armenischen Dialekt von AStarak erwahnt, darf man sicher nicht hierher rechnen. 5

S. 171,

105

E.

50

PROKOSCH

wohl unter teilweiser Vermischung mit ihnen zuriickgedrangt haben (das Vorkommen der Aspiraten im Gondi macht es wahrscheinlich, dass sich Dravida und Burmesen beruhrten, ehe sich der indogermanische Keil zwischen sie schob), sie

Beriihrung getreten sind,

kann man wohl kaum umhin, an eine Ubertragung der Aspiraten aus den genannten nicht-arischen Sprachen auf das Indische zu so

denken; der umgekehrte

Weg ist

schon aus geographischen Griinden

so gut wie ausgeschlossen (das Burmesische erstreckt sich viel zu

auch dem Erfahrungssatze zuwider, dass Volker einer niederen Kultur von solchen hoherer Kultur wohl Lehnweit nach Osten)

und

liefe

worter, aber nicht Artikulationsgewohnheiten

Lehnt

man

die

Vermutung

anzunehmen

einer t^bertragung ab, so steht

pflegen.

man

in

weit bestimmterer Weise als bei den Zerebralen vor der seltsamen

Tatsache des zufalligen Zusammentreffens der einzigen zwei Volkergruppen, bei denen aspirierte Medien regelmassige Laute sind. Was lasst sich also aus dem Indischen fur die idg. Aussprache von bh, dh, 1.

gh f olgern ?

Den

Nur

dies

:

einzelsprachlichen Verhaltnissen des Indischen sind diese

Laute vollkommen angemessen;

sie

miissen es sein, weil sie

ihm

sicher schon seit sehr alter Zeit angehoren. 2. Ausser dem Indischen kommen diese Laute nirgends in der Welt vor als in einigen nicht-arischen Nachbarsprachen des Indischen. Es besteht daher der Verdacht, dass bh, dh, gh nicht indogermanische

Laute sind, sondern aus Sprachen der tibetisch-burmesischen Gruppe ubernommen wurden. 3.

Sind diesem Wahrscheinlichkeitsgrunde zufolge die aspirierten

Medien des Indischen nicht ursprachlich, so bleiben als weitere Moglichkeit nur Spiranten, und zwar liegen vom indischen Standpunkte stimmhafte Spiranten

am

nachsten.

ANM. 1. Im Februar 1917 hielt ich an der Universitat von Texas einen Vortrag, in welchem ich aus inneren Griinden die Meinung vertrat, idg. bh, dh, gh seien stimmlose Spiranten gewesen. Dasselbe hatte ich schon ein halbes Jahr friiher in der Vorrede meines Buches Sounds and History of the German Language niedergeschrieben. Da mir zu jener Zeit keine Bibliothek zur Verfugung stand, war es mir damals nicht bekannt dass stimm-

gewesen,

hafte Aspiraten nur in den angegebenen Sprachen existieren; ich stellte das erst im April in der vorzuglichen sprachwissenschaftlichen Bibliothek der

Universitat von Chicago fest.

Demnach war mir 106

diese Tatsache nicht der

DIE INDOGERMANISCHE

"

MEDIA ASPIRATA"

51

sgangspunkt, sondern nur einer Bestatigung und Erganzung meiner nahme, dass bh, gh, dh nicht der Ursprache angehorten. 2. Bruecke (a. a. 0.) und Raumer (ZfoG, 1888, S. 365) hatten aus Schriftformen des Devanagari-Alphabetes Schliisse auf die Aussprache zu ziehen versucht, aber ohne Erfolg. Abweichend von ihnen war es mir schon

ANM.

ucii

dass die Buchstaben fur die stimmhaften Aspiraten Verwandtschaft mit den Zeichen fur die Medien zeigen, sondern Aber den stimmlosen Lauten ahneln (besonders in der Zerebralreihe) Versuche in dieser Richtung konnen zu nichts Bestimmtem fiihren, weil die Alphabete viel zu jungen Datums sind. Es ist also kein Gewicht darauf zu legen, dass dieser Unterschied sich schon in recht alten Karosthi-Formen zeigt, noch auch darauf, dass ^ und dh in Inschriften des Bengali, Panjabi, Gujerati, t und dh in den heutigen Alphabeten des Panjabi, Gujerati, Oriya lange auf gef alien, keinerlei

.

ahnlich, teils geradezu gleich sind.

teils

8.

g zu

by d,

im

ARMENISCH. p,

t,

Idg. bh, dh, gh

k werden.

Das

werden zu

ist auffallig,

wahrend idg. muss doch wohl

b, d, g,

denn

es

im zweiten Falle eine Steigerung der Artikulationsenergie bedeuten. Dass fur das Germanische das Gleiche angenommen wird, macht die Sache nicht erklarlicher. ersten Falle eine Minderung,

Eine Entwicklung der armenischen 6, d, g aus 5, ft, 3 wiirde der allgemeinen Richtung der armenischen Konsonantenentwicklung wohl entsprechen; leiten wir aber diese aus bh, dh, gh, ab, so stehen wir wieder vor einer Lautminderung. Pedersen (KZ, XXXIX, 327) nimmt fur das Altarmenische noch " unveranderte media aspirata"

man fur das von ihm Vorgebrachte mit stimmhafter ebenso Spirans gut aus. Alles in allem deutet die armenische Lautrichtung auf stimmhafte Spiranten als Vorstufe von b, d, g, aber weiter konnen wir hier doch reicht

an,

vom

einzelsprachlichen Standpunkt nicht gehen.

9.

GRIECHISCH.

Dass

0,

B,

bis

x

um

Christi

Geburt

aspirierte

tenues waren, in denen die als indogermanische tenues aspiratae und

mediae

aspiratae

bezeichneten

dariiber ist heute kein

Laute

Wort mehr zu

zusammengefallen waren, Die Entwicklung

verlieren. 1

der idg. stimmhaften zu den griechischen stimmlosen Aspiraten wird

von

Ascoli, VL, S. 136) in folgender Weise dargestellt: Diese Entwicklung, woraus sich auf den ersten Blick ein sonderbarer Zwiespalt zu ergeben scheint, lost sich in Wirklichkeit in eine 1

Brugmann, GrGr, S. 124; Hess, IF, VI, 123; Thumb, IF, VIII, 188; wurde mehrfach auch aflricata angenommen, so von Ebel, KZ, XIII, 265, Bruecke,

Vgl. bes.

friiher

ZfoG, 1858, S. 696.

sondern

als

Brugmann

u.a.

setzen affricata nicht als urgriechischen Laut, /, p, \, an.

Ubergangsstufe zu spatgriechisch

107

E.

52

PBOKOSCH

Assimilation auf, wodurch sich gewohnliche Erscheinung von riicklaufiger das erste Element der urspriinglichen Affricata dem zweiten homorgan zu k-h, t-h, p-h infolge eines Prozesses, gestaltet; so werden g-h, d-h, b-h ist von demjenigen, der uns von der etymolozu g-s griechisch oder lateinisch k-s fuhrt, wie A.^o> usw. Nach unsrer Ansicht von der Genesis der idg.

welcher nicht verschieden gischen Kombination (leg-so),

rex (reg-s),

aspiratae, welche wir bei

Beginn der Erorterung beruhrten,

liesse sich die

vollstandiger darlegen, wenn man sagte, nachdem in der griechischen'Sprache die trennende Pause zwischen der tonenden Explosiva

Umwandlung

und dem tonlosen h weggefallen sei, gehe daraus die Vereinigung der beiden Elemente hervor, und dies bringe es notwendig mit sich, dass der Gegensatz Ein ihrer lautlichen Verschiedenheit durch Assimilation behoben werde. Sanskrit und Griechisch er zwischen dem wie eintritt, analoger Wechsel, kehrt wieder zwischen

dem

heutigen Sanskrit selbst, oder besser zwischen

den heutigen prakritischen Volkssprachen und dem zigeunerischen Idiom. Wahrend letzteres in seinem Lautsystern mit Sindhi, dem Hindustanischen und anderen neuindischen Mundarten sanskritischen Stammes vollstandig ubereinstimmt, trennt es sich von ihnen darin, dass es der aspirierten media bestandig die aspirierte tenuis gegeniiberstellt, welche reinen tenuis zusammenschrumpft.

dann

schliesslich zur

Dass Ascolis Erklarung nicht ausreicht, liegt auf der Hand. Sie beruht auf der festen Annahme, bh, dh, gh seien Doppellaute, die aus einem Verschlusslaut und einem h bestiinden ja aus einem Zusammentreffen dieser beiden Laute (darauf lauft die erwahnte " Genesis" hinaus) entstanden seien. Das ist eine der friiher haufigen Folge-

rungen aus der Buchstabenf ormel, die sich so oft weder beweisen noch widerlegen lassen. So ist denn seine Aufstellung zwar nicht glattweg

von der Hand zu weisen, umsomehr

als sie

durch die Parallele der

Zigeunersprache gestiitzt wird, aber sie kann nicht befriedigen. Denn wie man es auch wenden mag in dem Wandel von bh zu ph liegt nicht einfache Assimilation,

sondern Drucksteigerung; fur eine

solche aber gibt der griechische Sprachcharakter auch nicht den geringsten Beleg an die Hand, eher das Gegenteil: die Vermutung liegt

nahe, dass eine Tendenz zur Drucksteigerung auch zu einer k gefuhrt haben wurde. So meint denn auch t,

Aspirierung von p,

Meyer (GrGr, S. 280) vorsichtig, die tenues mit gehauchtem Absatz seien aus den Medialaspiraten " durch einen noch nicht klargestellten Prozess" hervorgegangen. Am ehesten konnte man sich die Sache noch erklaren, wenn man mit Meillet (Introduction, S. 54) annehmen will, "une occlusive aspiree est ordinairement douce" erne Ansicht, die 108

DIE INDOGERMANISCHE

"

MEDIA ASPIRATA"

53

auch sonst ofters ausspricht. Will man das zugeben und sich ausserdem mit der Schwierigkeit abfinden, dass das h fur das Altindische er

usw. als stimmhaft, fur das Griechische (und Italische) aber als stimmlos gelten muss, so mag man griechisch <, 6, % als aspirierte stimmlose lenes ansehen, wie in bairisch [bholtn] = behalten. Dann o

mtisste

man

fur das Griechische in der Hauchdissimilation eine

Artikulationssteigerung erblicken, was ja wegen der Anlautspannung ganz gut moglich ist. Ich kann mich freilich mit dieser ganzen

Annahme mit

alien ihren Unsicherheiten nicht befreunden;

auch

im Wege, dass idg. ph, th, kh, wenn die Andeutung dariiber im Anhang dieses Artikels nicht ganzlich fehlgreift, als Verstarkungen von p, t, k, also als entschiedene fortes, aufzufassen sind. steht ihr das

Man

miisste also zu

dem

weiteren Notbehelf greifen, bei ihnen Artium ihren Zusammenfall mit idg.

kulationsschwachung anzunehmen, bh, dh, gh zu erklaren.

ware denkbar ? Einzig und , 0, % aus Dass Entwicklung Spiranten. stimmhafte Spiranten zu Aus stimmlosen Spiranten aber ph, th, kh wurden, ist ausgeschlossen. entwickeln sich solche Laute nicht selten, wie in 17 zu zeigen sein

Welche andere Herkunft von

allein

Also ergibt das Griechische vorlaufig: 4>, 6, x aus idg. bh, dh, gh abzuleiten, ist trotz einiger Schwierigkeiten denkbar, wenn es auch auf den Widerstand trifft, dass diese wird.

1.

Laute durch das

liber das Indische

Gesagte schon an Wahrschein-

lichkeit verloren haben.

Von anderen Lauten, die als nur stimmlose Spiranten. Wie sich 2.

Vorstufe gelten konnten, bleiben diese

Annahme

bewahrt, werden

wir spater sehen. 10. ITALISCH.

Wie oben

ausgefiihrt,

hat Ascoli die Ansicht

begrtindet, dass das Italische ebenso wie das Griechische (vielleicht 1 sogar mit diesem gemeinsam ) bh, dh, gh zu ph, th, kh verwandelte und diese dann weiter (wie z.B. im Germanischen) in /, p, x iibergingen.

Nimmt man die griechische Entwicklung als gesichert an, so ist gegen die italische Wandlung zu aspirierten tenues natiirlich vom physiologischen Standpunkt auch nichts einzuwenden,

und deren Fortset-

I, 231, erklart das Zusammentreffen fur zufallig; den griechischen ttbergang zu ph, th, kh fur ziemlich jung, was die auch von ihm bemerkte chronologische Schwierigkeit beseitigen wtirde; 1

Brugmann,

Z.

/.

Kretschmer, Einleitung,

allg.

Sprw.,

S. 156, halt

seine Griinde iiberzeugen aber nicht.

109

E.

54

Spiranten findet ja im Spatgriechischen ebenfalls eine

als

zung

genaue

PROKOSCH

Parallele.

Chronologisch freilich stosst man auf eine gewisse Schwierigkeit, die Ascoli selbst schon aufgefallen war (VL, 140): "Der gewaltige Zeitraum, um welchen Italien in der Schmalerung der alten Aspiraten zu blossen Spiranten Griechenland vorauseilte, erhellt am besten aus der Tatsache, dass die Osker, die Umbrer und die Latiner es nicht des angemessen gefunden haben, fur h und fur / das x und das griechischen Alphabetes zu adoptieren."

In der Tat

ist

der Zeit-

unterschied ungeheuer gross. Selbst wenn wir, gunstigstenfalls, zu der Annahme geneigt sind, dass die Verwandlung von bh, dh, gh zu

kh im Griechischen und Italischen gleichzeitig vor sich gegangen sei, kommen wir zu dem Schluss, dass die Entwicklung der ph,

th,

tenues aspirata zur Spirans im Italischen nur wenige Jahrhunderte, im Griechischen aber mehr als ein Jahrtausend in Anspruch genom-

men

Nun

habe.

Druck auf

weist allerdings der italische Lautstand starkeren

der griechische (der starke dynamische Akzent ist der beste Beweis dafur), aber so gross scheint der Unterschied vom als

Griechischen doch nicht zu sein, dass er die Schnelligkeit des tJber-

ganges erklarte, die der Wandel

muss man fur

bh>ph>f>-b-

auch noch einigen Spielraum gewahren zieht,

im

kurz,

/

fiir

p

wenn man

in Betracht

wie ausserordentlich konservativ der italische Konsonantismus

iibrigen

ist,

erscheint diese beispiellose Gewaltsamkeit der ange-

nommenen Entwicklung beinahe unmoglich. es,

Dabei immerhin

voraussetzt.

die gemein-italische Substitution des

Ital. /,

Viel anziehender ist

p, x schlankweg als Beibehaltung der idg. Laute zu ital. Konsonanten keine

betrachten, so dass hier wie sonst uberall die

revolutionare Anderung, sondern konservative

Wahrung

darstellten.

ANM. Die aspirierten tenues des Germanischen sind in ganzlich andrer Weise entstanden; sie sind gegeniiber den hypothetischen italQ-griechischen Aspiraten jedenfalls relativ als fortes zu betrachten. Ein Vergleich der Zeitdauer der Spirantenentwicklung im Italischen und Germanischen fuhrt

darum zu

nichts.

Ganz undenkbar

von Hartmann (DLZ, 1890, S. 1831, und Hermann (KZ, XLI, 30) beifallig aufgenommene Ansicht, dass nicht tenuis aspirata, sondern stimmhafte spirans als Zwischenstufe zwischen bh und / anzunehmen sei. 1892, S. 10)

ist die

angedeutete und von

110

DIE INDOGERMANISCHE

"

MEDIA ASPIRATA"

55

Denn das wtirde voraussetzen, dass im Uritalischen 5, d, $ nicht nur im Anlaut, sondern sogar im intersonantischen Inlaut stimmlos ein Lautwandel, der ganzlich

geworden seien

im Auslaut

ist er

ohne Gleichen dasteht;

im Germanischen, Russischen usw.

allerdings ganz

gewohnlich, aber in dieser Stellung herrschen vollstandig andere Sprechverhaltnisse.

Fur das Ergebnis 1.

bh

kommen

wir also

zu

diesem vorlaufigen

:

Die Ascoli'sche Annahme von ph

und / 2.

Italische

als

Zwischenstufe zwischen

moglich, aber chronologisch auffallig. Stimmhafte Spiranten sind fur das Italische ausgeschlossen; ist lautlich

gegen stimmlose Spiranten aber kann

vom

Italischen aus kein

Einwand

erhoben werden, da sie ja tatsachlich vorliegen. 11. GERMANISCH. Fiir das Urgermanische sind (trotz Meillet) stimmhafte Spiranten als Vertreter von idg. bh, dh, gh gesichert selbstverstandlich an und fur sich ein phonetisch moglicher Ansatz, nur passt er, ebenso wie beim Armenischen, nicht recht in den

Charakter der Lautverschiebung hinein, denn er stellt eine Minderung der Artikulationsenergie dar. Dass auch ph, th, kh Spiranten " wurden, ist keine Parallele dazu, wie in den phonetischen Bemer-

kungen

" (

14) deutlich gezeigt

spannung schon

werden wird.

Bei ph

ist

eine Hochst-

Drucksteigerung muss zur Spirans zunachst eine Spannungserhohung als

erreicht, weitere

ftihren; bei bh aber wiirde

man

Reaktion gegen die Drucksteigerung erwarten, und beide Faktoren zusammen wurden eher zu ph oder doch p, aber sicher nicht zu b ftihren.

Fiir das Griechische

und

Italische wird ja dieser

Ubergang beim Griechischen wenigstens die Voraussetzung des starken Druckes fehlt). Natiirlich muss diese ganze Aufstellung unsicher sein, solange der Grundcharakter der angenommenen stimmhaften Aspiraten nicht naher bekannt ist. Die theoretische Moglichkeit des Uberganges von bh zu b ist zuzugeben, aber fur die Ausspracheweise des Germanischen ist er sehr

tatsachlich behauptet (wenn auch

unwahrscheinlich.

Nicht alle stimmhaften Spiranten des Germanischen kommen aus stimmhaften Aspiraten, sondern viele haben sich unter den Bedingungen von Verners Gesetz aus germanischem /, p, % entwickelt. Der

Lautwandel /, p, x>5,

#, 5 setzt

voraus, dass die ersteren Laute lenes 111

PROKOSCH

E.

56

waren; fiir die spatere Zeit 1st die lenis-Aussprache der germanischen stimmlosen Spiranten allgemein erwiesen, im Inlaut aber wird man sie gerade wegen Verners Gesetz sicher schon fur eine sehr friihe Zeit als lenes

betrachten diirfen.

Das Germanische hat

also

irgendwann

in der vorchristlichen Zeit stimmlose Spiranten mit lenis-Aussprache

unter gewissen Bedingungen in stimmhafte Spiranten verwandelt.

Spater geht dieser Lautwandel uber die ursprunglichen Bedingungen von Verners Gesetz noch hinaus. p wird im deutschen Sprachgebiet iiberhaupt, s wenigstens im Norden desselben stimmhaft; / wird es

im Nordischen und im nordwestlichen Teil des Westgermanischen im Es besteht also ohne Zweifel Inlaut, teilweise auch im Anlaut, usw. sagen wir vorlaufig:

eine starke

Neigung

erklaren sein wird), stimmhafte Spiranten in lenis-Aussprache eintreten

14 naher zu

(die in

fiir

stimmlose Spiranten

zu lassen.

Die beispiellose Einheitlichkeit der germanischen

Konsonanten-

entwicklung lasst es statthaft erscheinen, einmal gegen alle Gesetze der Logik einen Riickschluss von gleichen Wirkungen auf gleiche

Ursachen zu wagen und die Hypothese auf zustellen Germanisch 5, ft, % sind nicht nur unter den Bedingungen von :

Verners Gesetz, sondern unter alien Umstanden aus /, p, x in lenisAussprache hervorgegangen. Diese schwachen stimmlosen Spiranten waren: (a) die durch die Lautverschiebung entstandenen germanischen /, p, x unter geeigneten Verhaltnissen; (b) die sogenannten idg.

mediae aspiratae unter alien Bedingungen. Das Germanische deutet also mit einiger Wahrscheinlichkeit

darauf hin, dass idg. bh, dh, gh stimmlose Spiranten gewesen sind.

ANM.

Natiirlich wiirde

vom

reingermanischen Standpunkte nichts im

Wege

stehen, bei 5, 0, 5 zu bleiben, in ihnen die beibehaltenen ursprachlichen Laute erblickend. Italisch und Griechisch verbieten das aber, und zudem

deutet sogar die germanische Lautentwicklung, wie spater gezeigt wird, mit ziemlicher Bestimmtheit auf die Herkunft dieser Laute aus den entsprechenden stimmlosen Spiranten.

E. UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS [To be continued]

112

PROKOSCH

Modern Philology July I 9i8

VOLUME XVI

NUMBER

3

AND PELLEAN IN THE OLD FRENCH ARTHURIAN ROMANCES

PELLES, PELLINOR,

In the Romanic Review, IV (1913), 462

ff., I have combatted the at and others that some Brugger hypothetical earlier stage in the development of the Old French Arthurian romances in prose a Perceval Queste held the place which in the existing Vulgate cycle

theory of

held by the Galahad Queste. In the elaboration of this theory of antecedent cycles, 1 H. O. Sommer, Modern Philology, 2 V (1908), 291ff., and Romania, XXXVI (1907), 369 ff., 543 ff., and
is

XL

Zeitschrift fur franzosische Sprache und Litteratur, (1913), 47 ff., note 11, have made the characters named in the title of the present 3 It is my purpose, however, in the play no unimportant part. following pages to show that we do not have to resort to any theory of

article

hypothetical antecedent cycles to explain the origin of these characters and the occasional inconsistencies and contradictions which we 1 The only cycle actually preserved, besides the genuine, though fragmentary, de Borron cycle and the Vulgate, is that which the MSS falsely ascribe to Robert de Borron. In the above-mentioned article, pp. 429 fl., 465 ff. (including note 104), I have tried to show especially with reference to the Mort Arthur and Quest sections that this cycle is really derived from the Vulgate and not from a common source of the two. Of., for the Quest section, the valuable article of A. Pauphilet, Romania, XXXVI (1907), 594 ff. 2 The "Galahad and Perceval" text, to which Sommer's discussion is attached, furnishes the approximate original to Malory's Books XI and XII. The text is obviously late and largely based on Part III of the Lancelot. E. Wechssler, Uber die verschiedenen Redaktionen des Robert von Borron zugeschriebenen Graal-Lancelot-Cyklus, pp. 18 f. (Halle, 1895), assumes that it is a part of the Lancelot of the pseudo-Robert cycle. 3 In her Legend of Sir Perceval, II, 343, note (London, 1909), Miss J. L. Weston supposes that the successive writers in whose works Pelles and Pellinor appear were drawing independently from oral tradition in regard to these characters. This view, however, has not an iota of evidence in its favor.

113]

1

[MODERN PHILOLOGY,

July, 1918

J.

2

DOUGLAS BKUCE

manuscript tradition with reference to their relations to one another and to the Grail. As will be seen, I distinguish especially

find in our

sets of circumstances as responsible for these inconsistencies or

two

authors of the contradictions, the first pertaining to the original or redactors. scribes the to second the romances, 1.

call

different romances, or "branches," as our

The

them, which

composed by

make up

different

through faults of

MSS commonly

the Vulgate cycle were, generally speaking,

1 men, and 'the successive authors might, either

memory

or intentionally, introduce innovations in some reason or other,

for respect to previously existing characters, or, after invent new characters outright. For,

all,

these romances,

though connected with each other in a way, were also separate works, and each author exercised more or less the liberty of invention, without any idea of maintaining a strict scientific accuracy in harmonizing his own branch with the branches of his predecessors. Very frequently, no doubt, while composing, such an author would not have the latter works at hand, but even if he had them and were disposed to establish exact conformity with the other branches

it

would not

always be an easy task to look up a particular point. 2.

On

their

own

responsibility the scribes occasionally attached

names they were copying anticipatory references or descripdrawn therefrom. 2 In making these insertions they doubtless depended mainly on memory, and hence the references and phrases, being not always correctly to the

tive phrases relating to other branches, or

applied, gave rise to inconsistencies

and contradictions.

Moreover, were copied all the branches of the cycle were already in existence, a branch like the Queste, which stands late in the series, was just as subject to inter-

inasmuch as at the time that our extant

MSS

polation of this kind from a branch like the Merlin (including continuation), of the text

which stands

may

earlier, as vice versa.

Such contamination

be due also to the influence of other romances

besides those of the Vulgate cycle such romances, for example, as Chretien's Perceval or the Merlin continuation (Livre d'Artus) of Miss Western, Legend of Sir Lancelot, p. 139 (London, 1901), argues that Queste and Grand St. Graal (Estoire del Saint Graal) are by the same author. So, too, Brugger, 1

Zs.

/. frz. 2

spr. u. Litt.

XXIX

(1905), 89, note 45.

Of course, they sometimes took larger

liberties

than these with their texts, recasting, am concerned here merely with the

interpolating passagesjjof varying length, etc., but I shorter additions.

114

PELLES, PELLINOR, AND PELLEAN

MS

337.

no reason why we should insertions drawn from romances of the

Theoretically, indeed, there

MSS

not find in our

scribal

3

is

pseudo-Robert de Borron cycle, or the Perlesvaus, or even the prose Tristan, since these romances were doubtless already in existence

MS

any branch of the Vulgate cycle, as we have it today, was written. For it should not be forgotten: (a) that from fifty to sixty years must have elapsed between the composition of the latest member of the Vulgate cycle and the date of our earliest before the archetype

of

extant manuscript of any part of that cycle, during which period these romances, the most popular works of their age, must have 1

(b) that the archetype undergone very frequent transcription; of our MSS of any branch of the Vulgate cycle does not necessarily 2 All extant represent that branch as it was originally composed.

MSS

go back to copies which had been adjusted to the cyclic form, wherever such adjustments seemed still required, and these par-

may have

ticular copies

been altered in passages from the original

form of the individual romance, to say nothing of omissions. Hence a corruption or interpolation may run through a large number even of

MSS or, indeed, through them all. In view of the varying conceptions of the different romancers as to the functions or relationships of particular characters, and in view,

the best

the frequent difficulty they must have encountered in consulting the texts concerned, one may say that it was the most natural thing in the world, if the scribes did introduce into their texts such also, of

contradictions and inconsistencies as I have indicated above. After some twenty years of editing Arthurian texts, Dr. Sommer speaks 3 of Perceval as being nephew of the Fisher King in Chretien's Perceval, whereas he is really his cousin (cf. 11. 6377 ff.), and interprets as 1

We know

was the

that the Estoire del Saint Graal, which there

is

latest part of the cycle, except the Merlin continuation, discussion of the subject, Romanic Review, III (1912), 185

See my the earliest dated gate cycle, viz.

every reason to believe

was composed by 1216. ff.

On the other hand,

MS

MS, and probably

as early a as any extant of any part of the Vul342 of the Bibliothgque nationale, is from the year 1274. Cf. the description of it in my edition of the Mart Artu, p. xv.

MS

2

Brugger, Zs.

to the Lancelot,

Review, IV, 466

Spr. u. Litt., XL, 48, note, has made this remark with regard have pointed out the same thing with regard to the Queste (Romanic

f. frz.

and

I

ff.).

Note, too, how Sir John Rhys, throughout his Studies Legend (Oxford, 1891), unsuspectingly accepts the blunder of the Welsh translator of the Perlesvaus, who made a King Peleur (a proper name) out of the Old French roi pescheor.

Modern

Philology, V, 295.

in the Arthurian

115

DOUGLAS BRUCE

J.

4 Perceval's father the

wrong

1 Pellinor in the

as will be seen later in this article. to the conclusion that Dr.

Why,

romances.

then,

Lime d'Artus

MS 337,

In such cases,

Sommer had access to lost versions of these should we do so when we come across

work of a mediaeval copyist who,

similar blunders in the

of

we do not jump

himself for the

in transcrib-

nonce the functions of

some passage, took upon " 2 Wenn In criticizing Miss Weston, Brugger observes: ? noch einzelne Widerspruche tilgen, so entstehen dadurch ing

an editor

Kopisten

equally true: einzelne Kopisten Widerspruche einfuhren, so entstehen

nicht jiingere Redaktionen."

"Wenn

dadurch noch nicht

dltere

But the converse

is

Redaktionen." 3

the probOwing to the circumstances which I have just described, is not is what and texts our in is what lem of ascertaining original with a a solution have we attempted extremely complex, but until full

we

are not justified

now the occurrence of these three

characters in the

consideration of these undeniable conditions

in taking refuge in theories of lost versions.

Let us examine romances. I.

Pelles.

Pelles was,

no doubt, the creation either of the author of the

4 Queste or of one of the authors of Part III (often called the Agravain) of the prose Lancelot, viz., of those portions of Part III which

Galahad and which prepare for the achievethat character as narrated in the Queste. Brugger, to be

relate to the begetting of

ments

of

5

sure, says that 1

he

first

appeared in the hypothetical redaction of the

The Vulgate Version of the Arthurian Romances, VII, 243, note

1

(Washington, D.C.,

1913). 2

Zs.

f. frz.

Spr. u.

Litt.,

XXX (1906), 177, note.

pp. 65 f., note (Wien, 1891), has discussed in detail the characters, Pelles, Pellehem, and Pellinor. He has made allowance in a considerable measure for scribal confusions, but does not attempt to fix definitely the In a study like the present, one is hampered seriously, of course, origin of each character. has by the want of critical editions of the romances involved. The genealogy of the not been worked out for any branch of the Vulgate cycle, except, after a fashion, for the earlier part of the Lancelot, by Professor E. Wechssler's pupils in the Marburg er Beitrage zur romanischen Philologie, 1911, et seq. The only record we have of the variant forms of the names in particular passages is that which Dr. Sommer has given us in the notes of his Vulgate Version of the Arthurian Romances, and that is not complete.

sR. Heinzel, Vber

die franzdsischen Gralromane,

MSS

4 The authors here distinguished may possibly be one and the same person. I expect to discuss this question in a forthcoming article on the composition of the prose

Lancelot. 5

Zs.

f. frz.

Spr. u.

Litt.,

XL,

48, note.

116

PELLES, PELLINOB, AND PELLEAN

5

Perlesvaus which figures in his theory of the evolution of the prose

But, in questions like this, one cannot be expected to to indefinite hypothetical redactions, especially as appeals accept in the above-mentioned article I have endeavored to refute the

romances.

contention which seems to be the main reason for Brugger's hypothesis of an earlier form of the Perlesvaus namely, that a Perceval Queste once held the place in the Vulgate cycle which the Galahad Queste does in all the extant MSS. The only Perlesvaus we know

that which

romance.

preserved in the MSS is, in my judgment, a very late Birch-Hirschfeld gave substantial reasons for this conis

1 clusion forty years ago in his Sage vom Oral, pp. 135 ff., and one 1 His views were on the the Legend of Holy Grail, accepted by Alfred Nutt, Studies p. 64; by A. Jeanroy, in his review of Nitze's Perlesvaus in the Revue Critique, Oct. 10, name from the Perlesvaus, see Kris1904; by W. Foerster, who added a new argument

tian von Troyes: Worterbuch zu seinen samtlichen Werken, Introduction, p. 186 (1914); and by others. See W. A. Nitze's dissertation, The Old French Grail Romance Perlesvaus, Nitze does pp. 20 ff., for a summary of opinions pro and con on the subject up to 1902. not indicate, however, that Heinzel was inclined to accept even Gerbert (who wrote probably about 1220) as a source of the Perlesvaus. But cf. Heinzel's Uber die framosischen Gralromane, p. 172. Nitze, himself, puts it between 1200 and 1212, which, in He has returned to the subject in his article, " Glastonbury and the opinion, is too early. Holy Grail." Modern Philology, I (1903), 247 ff., but his conclusions depend on an accept-

my

among other things, of the genuineness of early Arthurian traditions at Glastonbury, " which, in my judgment, has been disproved by W. W. Newell, William of Malmesbury on the Antiquity of Glastonbury," Publications of the Modern Language of America, XVIII (1903), 459 ff. The passage from Johannes Glastoniensis (fifteenth century), communicated by Baist and quoted by Nitze, note 2, seems to me a mere compilation of details from the romances and from chronicles that have no necessary connection with the supposed early Arthurian traditions at Glastonbury, which at that time Nitze accepted. Moreover, in this article, pp. 252 f., Nitze has discussed Pelles briefly, but Sommer's recent Vulgate Version of the Arthurian Romances, seven vols. (Washington, D.C., 1908-13), which makes the Lancelot accessible for the first time and which gives for the Grand St. Graal (Estoire del Saint Graal) and Queste a fuller record of readings than had been previously available, puts new materials at our disposal for the study of these questions, and if my solution of them on the basis of such materials is correct, it will be a sufficient answer to Nitze's interpretation of Pelles' origin and development in the Grail romances. I will only add that when the Welsh version of the Queste makes Pelles' daughter marry Lancelot, this change from the story as told in the MSS of the Vulgate cycle is, in my I see no opinion, introduced by the author merely in the interests of a higher morality. reason either to believe that the Perlesvaus ever existed in a (lost) Latin form. The only Latin Arthurian romances we know of, the Historia Meriadoci and De Ortu Waluuanii (see my edition of these romances, Halle, 1913), besides being relatively short, are late, and based on earlier French romances. Arthur and Gorlagon, edited by G. L. Kittredge (Boston, 1903) is merely a Welsh folktale in Latin dress. Even that, however, exists only in a late fourteenth century MS. As against the remarks which I have just made, it should be said that Nitze expects soon to publish some new external evidence in support of his dating of the Perlesvaus, which, for the rest, was accepted by W. Golther in his review of the above-mentioned dissertation, Zs. f. frz. Spr. u. Litt., (1903), 12 ff., and apparently by G. Paris, ance,

MS

,

XXVP

Litterature franc.aise au moyen dge (Bibliography, 60), as confirming his own well-known views on the place of the Perlesvaus among the Grail romances. Quite recently, in Studies

in Philology, XV, 7 ff. (University of North Carolina, 1918), Nitze has again endeavored to establish an intimate connection between the Perlesvaus and Glastonbury. The

117

J.

6

DOUGLAS BRUCE

as, for example, its dependence and to Lancelot's relations Claudas to reference with on the Lancelot as the absurdity of Percedetails such with Guinevere. Note, too, 1 val's alighting under an olive tree in Great Britain^) (Potvin, I, 198),

may add other evidence to that effect,

imitated from Wauchier,

11.

17595, 18247, 18562, 18609, 18670,

Castle of Copper episode in the Perlesvaus, which

is

2

the

derived from the

3 episode of Dolerouse Garde in the Lancelot, III, 144, 151, 191, the scar on Lohot's forehead (Potvin, I, 222), imitated from Gerbert

(Potvin, VI, 200, scar on Perceval's forehead).

In his review (Revue

evidence which he has adduced proves, I think, that the author of the Perlesvaus was trying to identify Avalon with Glastonbury but his knowledge is too inexact for a resident For example, if we accept with of the place, or, indeed, for any one who had visited it. Nitze the mountain of the romance, p. 261, as meant for the Tor (the hill which rises up and this seems to me, too, so abruptly from the surrounding country at Glastonbury) most probable the placing of the Lady Chapel on it, as Nitze, himself, has pointed out, the Perlesvaus tells be incorrect. Moreover, us, p. 261 that there were houses p. 12, would with vergiers and clos on this mountain. But on the steep cone of the Tor there is no room for these things. Accepting the identification of Avalon and Glastonbury in the Perlesvaus, we have, as Nitze says, a terminus a quo for the dating of that romance, viz., 1191 (the year of the pretended exhumation' of Arthur and Guinevere at Glastonbury), but nothing more, as far as I can see. I had already pointed out the '

,

,

same thing (Revue Celtique, XXXIII, 432, note, and The Romanic Review, IV, 454, including note 76) with reference to the Vulgate Mort Artu, in which the author awkwardly combines the old Celtic tradition concerning Arthur's translation to Avalon with the new idea, started in 1191 by the monks of Glastonbury, that he was buried at the abbey there. The only difference here between the Mort Artu and Perlesvaus, in my opinion, is that the author of the latter tried to introduce some local details into his description, and blundered in doing so. Since this note was put in type, 1 have observed that the description, Perlesvaus, p. 261, corresponds strikingly, in many essential details, to that of the visit of Gawain and Hector, first to the chapel on the mountain and then to the hermitage, similarly situated in Queste VI, 106-11. So, after all, instead of being local, the details in Perlesvaus are probably borrowed from the Queste. 1 The description of Perceval (Potvin, I, 37), "II a chief d'or et regart de lion, et nombril de virge pucele, et cuer d'acier, et cors d'olifant, et tesches sanz vileinnie," is virtually identical with the description of Galahad, Lancelot, IV, 27, but this description of Galahad, like all the materials relating to that character in the Lancelot, could not have belonged to the romance in its original form, and is, of course, interpolated. The interwas no polation drawn, doubt, from the Perlesvaus, like other references and interpolations in our Lancelot MSS. See my remarks in The Romanic Review, IV, 469 f and in my article "The Composition of the Old French prose Lancelot," which is soon to appear in the same review. We find the above description (applied to Perceval) again in the Livre d'Artus of MS. 337, VII. 52. .

Paris, Romans de la Table Ronde, II, 306, note, states that " Olivier" in the romances written in Northern France always means "willow," but this seems very questionable. Wauchier, doubtless, took this feature over mechanically from Chansons de geste that dealt with Southern France. The idea of "li Chevaliers au Cercle d'Or" in the Perlesvaus, Potvin, I, 281 flf. and haVe been suggested fe y Patrides au Cercle d'Or of the Lancelot, IV, 266, 1?" ght of the same name (neP new of Baudemagus), and, in reality, probably identical with this Patrides, is given, Lancelot, V, 337, a crown of laurel as a reward V> 38? fl he is freed from captivity by Perceval. In Chretien's Erec, ^f^' have, already, it is true, a "a Vallez au cercle d'or," but he is a mere name. I have already dealt with this matter in Modem Philology, X, 10 ff. 2

-

P.

.

,

.

'

118

PELLES, PELLINOR, AND PELLEAN

7

Critique for Oct. 10, 1904) of Nitze's Perlesvaus dissertation, A. Jeanroy has also pointed out the indebtedness of that romance to the Vengeance de Raguidel. 1

Assuming then that the Perlesvaus I will

is

of comparatively late date,

say that the circumstances under which the character of Pelles it seems to me, were as follows: In Chretien's Perceval,

was created,

3471 ff., 4633 ff., we have the unnamed Fisher King, who is at the same time the Maimed King. But we are left to infer that the Fisher King's father (unnamed) is also maimed, for it is said (11. 6391 ff.) that he had not quitted the mysterious Grail chamber for

11.

fifteen years.

of the Queste and of the passages involved in III Part (to use, for convenience' sake, Sommer's division Lancelot, of the Lancelot), were contented with one Maimed King as well as

Now, the authors

with one Fisher King, and they kept as the Maimed King the strange character who had not left his room for fifteen years, while they rationalized to some degree the real Lord of the Grail Castle, the Fisher King, whose rather active participation in the story hardly admitted of disability through lameness, 2 and conferred on him a definite

name,

Pelles.

They did

King, Pelles, the son of their

not, however,

Maimed

make

the

new

Fisher

King, probably owing to Pelles'

somewhat rationalized character. They left the relationship undefined. The conflict thus brought about between Chretien's conceptions of the functions and relationship of the two characters and those of the Queste and Lancelot, Part III, is the source of constant confusion for scribes and redactors, as we shall soon see, and possibly even for the authors themselves. Furthermore, it is only by bringing together passages widely separated in Chretien (3471 ff., on the one hand, and 6378 ff. on the

we can Maimed King.

other) that

the

establish the identity of the Fisher

No

King with

doubt, in imitation of Chretien and to

As regards the

relations of the Perlesvaus and the Vulgate Merlin, we have in our of the latter, II, 316, an undoubted allusion to the Perlesvaus (Kai's killing of Arthur's son, Lohot). Cf. Brugger, Zs. f. frz. Spr. u. Lift., XXXIII, 192 (1908), and discussion, The Romanic Review, III (1912), 183 f. 1

MSS my

2 In Wauchier, too (cf. 11. 20100 ff.), the Lord of the Grail Castle is not lame, and Wauchier's influence may possibly be responsible, in part, for this feature of the passages under discussion.

119

J.

g

DOUGLAS BRUCE

authors of the prose romances maintain the impression of mystery, the was Chretien with probably not intentional) adopt this device (which as the Fisher King. words so Pelles in many

and rarely identify to would-be There resulted an obscurity which proved a trap

scribal

editors.

There are three passages which seem to conflict with this interin regard to Pelles' origin pretation of the evidence

(Vol.

his function

above-mentioned romances.

in the

As

1.

and

V

just stated, in the Queste

of

in all episodes of Part III

and

Sommer's Vulgate Version of

the Lancelot that involve Grail matters,

the 1

Arthurian Romances) of

Pelles is the

more or

less

In V, 303, visiting the Grail

rationalized reproduction of Chretien's Fisher King.

to our surprise, however, Castle, Pelles,

who

when Bohort

(Bors)

is

plays throughout this third division of the Lance-

2 the part of Fisher King and Lord of the Grail Castle and who had asks him actually been referred to as le roy pescheour at p. 191, on Bohort's and (Bohort) whether he has seen his (Pelles') father,

lot

know him,

"cest li roys mahaignies hardi cheualier & le plus plus roy Bohort next inquires When son a fust tamps." preudomme qui how Pelles' father became thus maimed, Pelles replies: "Sire, ce

replying that he does not

que on apele

le

says:

pesc(h)eor, le

quant il traist lespee du fuerre qui ne deuoit deuant que cils le trairoit qui les auentures del saint graal doit achieuer & pour chou fu [il] ferus parmi lez .ij. cuisses de lespee

fu par

le forfait quil fist

estre traite

et

naura

And it by a

ia garison

deuant chou que

li

boins cheualiers uendra."

appears from the next paragraph that the

wound was

inflicted

lance.

Sommer cites five MSS here that agree with the text just quoted, but does not say whether this agreement runs through all the MSS. In any event, the whole passage, whether it is an interpolation or not, 1

romances of the Vulgate cycle are to Sommer' s merely by volume, omitting Sommer's name and

All references in this article to the

edition.

Prom

this point the title of his edition.

on

I will cite

2 On the other hand, the term Fisher King is only once actually applied to him in Part III of the Lancelot, namely, at V, 191, when Lancelot is telling his adventures at Arthur's court, in order that they might be written down. The term is applied also, p. 192, to the King of the Grail Castle in the narrative of Ga wain's adventures; but it is to be recalled that in the original narrative of these adventures, prose Lancelot, IV, 343 flf., Pelles did not appear, nor was there anything said about a roi pescheor.

120

PELLES, PELLINOR, AND PELLEAN

9

beyond dispute, to the passage in the Queste, VI, 150, where it This passage related how the Maimed King became maimed.

refers, is

with V, 303, in all but three particulars: (1) The Maimed King (as nowhere else in theQueste) bears here a definite name, which varies with the different MSS. (2) It offers no identification of Maimed King and Fisher King. (3) The Maimed King is not said

in the Queste agrees

to be Pelles' father.

The author Queste in

had then

of the passage V, 503,

mind, but in using

he confounds

it

those of Chretien's Perceval, in which a

this passage of the

its

maimed

conceptions with king, as will be

remembered, is the Fisher King (cf. 11. 3471 ff., 4633 ff.), who bears throughout no definite name, and in which the father of the Fisher

King (the

which Pelles himself really plays

latter role being that

in the Lancelot) is also

maimed

(cf.

11.

6391

ff.).

This introduces

into the narrative a confusion which an interpolator,

it

would seem,

would be more likely to be guilty of than the writer of the romance, but, in any event, the contamination just spoken of is manifestly the source of the confusion.

The author

of the passage was,

no doubt,

trying to harmonize the narrative of Gawain's visit to the Grail

Castle (Corbenic) in the Lancelot, IV, 343 visit to

the same place, V, 107

Grail Castle

who

no mention of Pelles; in the here Pelles

is

ff.,

with that of Lancelot's

In the former, the Lord of the receives Gawain is the Maimed King, and there is

the host,

ff.

latter, conditions are just reversed, for

and there

no mention

is

of the

Maimed

1 In neither account of the visit is the term, "Fisher King" King. used of the Lord of the Grail Castle, and this is only applied to that personage (who is Pelles throughout the Lancelot and Queste, except

in the narrative of

Gawain's

recites at court his adventures.

visit)

at V,

In his

effort,

these narratives he also endeavored to explain

191

f.,

where Lancelot

however, to harmonize who the Maimed King

was, drawing on the Queste, VI, 150, for this purpose, but confounding, as we have seen, the conceptions of this passage of the Queste with those of Chretien's Perceval. Pelles, then, is the Fisher King of Lancelot, Part III, although only distinctly so called at V, 191. In the Queste the identification is plainer, for in that branch, wherever the term roi pescheor 2.

he

is

1

shall

In the forthcoming article on the composition of the Lancelot, referred to above, I attempt to explain the difference between the narratives of these two visits. 121

J.

10 is

used, Pelles

best

MSS),

98,

DOUGLAS BRUCE

named or implied. The passages are VI, 5 (so the But there is one exception to the rule, viz., VI, 8, 114.

is

where Galahad speaks of "mon oncle le roy Pelles et mon aiol le This is, perhaps, the worst crux in the whole riche roi pescheor." of the prose romances, and certainly involves some blunder on

range It seems to me most probable that the the part of scribe or redactor. our into introduced who manuscript tradition this impossible person reading had before

him simply "mon oncle

le

roy Pelles," where

"oncle," as occasionally elsewhere in Old French, meant "grand1 This person, misunderstanding "oncle" as meaning father."

"uncle," and remembering, nevertheless, that Galahad was always him send represented as the grandson of the Fisher King, made greetings, too, to this grandfather (aiol).

As a matter

of fact, Pelles

2 and the Fisher King were, of course, one and the same person. 3 3. Pelles, is, as we have seen above, the Fisher King, but not the

King, in the Lancelot and the Queste. In one passage, however, Queste, VI, 150, he is identified with the Maimed King in a In this passage the writer is explaining considerable number of MSS.

Maimed

how

Maimed King became maimed viz., by a mysterious lance, was drawing the espee as estranges renges from its scabbard.

the

as he

"In the majority the

MSS," says Sommer (loc. tit., note), and R, Pellinor; here called Pelles; in MSS

of the existing

Maimed King

is

M

1 R. Heinzel, Vber die franzdsischen Gralromane, p. 66, note, who gives examples from other Arthurian texts, so interprets the word in this passage; so also does E. Brugger in the above-cited article, p. 47, note. "Oncle" acquired, doubtless, this additional signification, because of the double meaning of the word for "nephew," nies, neueu, which, like its Latin etymon, nepos, nepotem, could mean "grandson" as well as "nephew." As Heinzel and Brugger remark, when Pelles in the Queste, VI, 187, calls Galahad his neueu, this certainly means "grandson"; for Pelles, wherever he appears in the Arthurian romances, is always the father of Galahad's mother. Of. for the Queste alone, VI, 5, 9, 16, 98, 99, 182. Sommer, VI, 187, having himself only recently discovered the varying meanings of Old French nies, neueu, imagines that no Grail student had ever observed this before him. But his discovery has done him little good, for he still prefers the rendering,

"nephew." 2

MS

The passage reads

as I have given it according to Sommer in the on which his based (British Museum, Additional, 10294), as also in MSS. A (B. M. Additional 17443), C (B. M. Royal 20, C. VI), G (B. M. Royal 14, E. Ill) and R (B. M. Royal 19, C. XIII). (Biblioth&que Nationale, 342) has "monsignor le roi pelles & mon aiol le riche roi pescheor." The variant of would leave the main difficulty untouched. These are the only MSS of which Sommer gives any record.

edition

is

M

M

It is true that MS C in Queste, VI, 13, identifies the Maimed King with the Fisher King, who in this romance is Pelles, and ibid., p. 186, identifies Pelles with the Maimed King, but these are isolated variants which arose, no doubt, through Chretien's influence. MS R possibly supports C in regard to the first of these passages.

122

PELLES, PELLINOB, AND PELLEAN A, Parian

(

= Pellehan ?)

;

11

= Urlains of Queste, VI, 156, Maimed King's father, but

in C, Urbains

enemy doubt, who a fate like that of the Maimed King himself, owing to which rcumstance the scribe of C confounded the two. But everywhere was the

of the

iffered

from the Maimed King, "Pelles" the here is, without reading suggests, To be sure, as the Maimed King nowhere else in

in the Queste, Pelles is entirely distinct

Sommer

as

id,

doubt, incorrect. the Queste

is

names given

given a specific name, it is equally safe to assert that the to that personage in the other MSS in this passage are

unauthorized.

likewise

I

have

The reading

(Urbains) of C.

already

(Parian) of

explained

A is

due most

scribe's recollection of the Estoire del Saint Graal,

MSS

M

variant

likely to the

290,

where the

some MSS called Pelleam (Pellehan). Pellinor, and R, was suggested most probably by the Merlin con-

Maimed King in

I,

the

is

in

tinuation of the Vulgate cycle or of

MS 337 (Lime d'Artus), for outside

of the late pseudo-Robert de Borron cycle and prose Tristan and the reading of these two MSS in the present passage the name is only known to the two Merlin continuations in each as the name of a

maimed

king.

The passages

in the

mind

of the scribe or redactor

were most probably Vulgate Merlin, II, 125, 159, or Livre d'Artus of MS 337, VII, 146, 243 passages which we shall have to return to in another connection.

But how did

one passage of the Queste all should concur in giving the Maimed King a definite name ? This was probably due to a blunder in the archetype of the extant

the

it

happen that in

this

MSS

MSS. The scribe of the archetype either from sheer confusion of mind or laboring under the influence of Chretien, who, as we have seen, identified Fisher King and Maimed King, for the moment 1

With regard

to my assumption of a blunder in the archetype, this is not so hazardous might seem at first blush, for, indisputably, the slaying of Baudemagus by Gawain was wanting in this archetype. The incident of the slaying is essential to the narrative and must originally have been a part of the Vulgate Queste, but it is not found in any extant MS of the Vulgate cycle, although, as I pointed out in my edition of the Vulgate Mort Artu, p. 266, it is preserved in MS 112 of the BibliothSque Nationale. In any case, we face here a blunder of scribe or redactor, for nowhere else in the Queste or Lancelot is the Maimed King named. In the manuscript tradition of Chretien's Yvain, 11. 907 ff., we have an exact parallel to the corruption which I here surmise for the Queste blunder in the archetype with attempts to emend on the part of later redactors (or translators), which increase the 1

a conjecture as

it

Cf. W. Foerster's note to these lines in his small Yvain, 4th edition (Halle, Foerster cites there also other instances in the manuscript tradition of Chretien's Erec and Cliges.

confusion. 1912).

123

J.

12

accepted the

DOUGLAS BRUCE

Maimed King

as identical with the Fisher King,

him

who

in

Later scribes,

the Queste was Pelles, and so called the general conception of observing that this was inconsistent with Pelles.

the Queste, substituted, as stated above, names given the Maimed King in other branches of the cycle: Pellinor, drawn from a Merlin

MS

337 (see pages cited continuation, either that of the Vulgate or of at the end of the last paragraph), or Pelleam, Estoire del Saint Graal, I,

290, or, in the case of

MS C, from the Queste itself, Urbain

(Urlain),

VI, 146, owing to the blunder which I have already explained. As regards the origin of the name, Pelles, I have no doubt that,

a very large percentage of the names in the prose romances,

like

it

was fabricated by the author of the romance which first introduced him into literature. 1 This author made the name of his new Grail 2 King alliterate with that of Chretien's Grail Knight, Perceval, as was Perhaps, Perlesvaus, Pellesvaus, had already arisen as an occasional variant of Perceval's name. Or, possibly, Pelles

often done in such cases.

may be an approximation to Peleus (Pelleus), name of the father of the Some of the most great Greek hero, Achilles, in the Roman de Troie. 1 This is Of. Brugger's explanation of Pellean and Pellinor (as modeled on Pelles). above-mentioned article, p. 48, note. His explanation is evidently correct, but I have no doubt that the same explanation applies to Pelles, too. W. Poerster maintained that even the name, Perceval, was Chretien's invention. See his Chretien Wdrterbuch,

his

Introduction, p. 165.

The

late Sir John Rhys, Studies in the Arthurian Legend, pp. 273 ff. (Oxford, 1891), on the other hand, to derive Pelles from Pwyll, name of the Welsh Otherworld prince, but the argument to me as to Heinzel (see his Grail treatise, p. 66, note), is not convincing. Nitze, however, accepts and adds to it in his above-quoted article, p. 254, and again, PMLA, XXIV, 379, note 2.

tried,

2 Brugger, in the note just quoted, gives examples of this practice of the Old French romances from other texts. It makes no difference that in the Vulgate cycle, except in one corrupt passage of the Lancelot, III, 29, where Perceval is said to be Pelles' son, the blood relationship of the two characters is of the most shadowy kind. They were both intimately connected with the Grail, and that was enough. On the subject of this blood relationship it is to be observed that the author of the Queste of the Vulgate cycle, having displaced Chretien's Perceval by Galahad as the Grail Knight, was disposed to obscure altogether Perceval's connection with the Grail King. (In Chretien, 6377 ff. Perceval was nephew of the mysterious person who was served by the Grail, father of the Fisher King.) Consequently, the only direct recognition of the original connection between Perceval and the Fisher King or his father is to be found in two passages of the Queste, (a) VI, 53, where Perceval's aunt speaks of herself as once queen of the terre gastee, in which, of course, the Grail Castle (Corbenic) was situated; (6) VI, 59, where this aunt speaks to Perceval of Pelles as "uostre parent." Even when, VI, 187, Galahad, Perceval, and Bohort come to Corbenic, Pelles recognizes Galahad as his neueu, but no intimation is given that he (Pelles) was related to Perceval. Sommer suggests, VI, 188, note 3, that Pelles' saintly niece there mentioned is "Perceval's sister come to life again." But this cannot be, for the death of Perceval's sister had been fully related, p. 171. Consequently, this passage furnishes no indication

of Pelles' relationship to Perceval.

124

PELLES, PELLINOR, AND PELLEAN )minent names in the Arthurian prose romances, 1 *alamades, are taken from this source.

13

e.g.,

Hector,

Having determined now, as I hope, the origin and position of Mies in Lancelot, Part III, and the Queste, I need not dwell at length this character as he is

found in the other

In the whole of Lancelot, Part

Part

I

but twice,

II, his

viz., Ill, 29, 117.

texts.

name

It is to

parts embrace 792 large octavo pages in

fo

does not occur at

all,

be remembered that the

Sommer's edition and

that even the second of these mere allusions

for they are nothing from the passage in octavo 782 such pages separated by Part III where the name next occurs. Under these circumstances, I have, for my own part, no doubt that Pelles was unknown to the

more

is

authors of the earlier portions of the Lancelot and that the incidental him there are really interpolated under the influence of the

allusions to

Vulgate Merlin continuation in which his name occurs so frequently definitely, under the influence of the passage, II, 159, which I shall have to discuss more fully in a moment in connection with the name Pellinor.

In III, 29, we have the same comparison of Guinevere's and Galahad's mother, which occurs

beauty to that of Elaine sans per

Cf. V, 107, 122. Pelles is called Pelles de la terre Foraine in the Lancelot, Part III. is he called king of the Terre Poraine, but his daughter (Galahad's to, p. 106, as "fille le roy de la terre foraine," so he is king of that country. As remarked above, this trick of leaving scattered in different parts of the i

In neither passage mother) is referred

text the various elements that are necessary to establish the identity of a character is habitual with the authors of the Gran romances. Similarly Corbenic is in the Terre is not expressly stated anywhere. Apart from the three passages just cited, there is only one other mention of the Terre Foraine in Lancelot, Part III, viz., V, 246, where it is said that Lancelot's grand-

Foraine, but this

Cffather (Lancelot) was king of "la blanche terre qui marchist a la terre foraine." also the variant in R at p. 243. In the rest of the Lancelot we have only one occurrence of a Terre Foraine, viz., IV, 163. But here the name is applied to the kingdom of Baudemagus Gorre, as Chretien calls it. I believe that at least the passages of Lancelot, Part III, in which Pelles figures are by a different hand from the earlier parts of the Lancelot, and am inclined to think that the author of these Pelles episodes derived the name from IV, 163. There is no allusion to the Terre Foraine anywhere in the Queste. In the Mori Artu, it is mentioned three times as one of Lancelot's dominions, VI, 292, 304, 316, and unconnected with Pelles. In the Estoire del Saint Graal the name is found once, I, 286, as the land which was settled by Alain and his brothers and in which the Grail Castle (Corbenic) was built. In the Vulgate Merlin continuation it also occurs once, II, 384, in connection with the " Maimed

MS

Helain de la Terre Foraine." King, Alain In the opening pages of the Queste, VI, 3, 5, we have Pelles de Listenois. This appelais found in the Vulgate Merlin continuation, II, 125, 159, 221, 352, 359, 384, 388 (implied), 395, 422, and nowhere else in the Vulgate cycle, save III, 117 (Lancelot, Part I), where interpolation from the Vulgate Merlin is manifest, since Alain li Gros is his brother. " " I suspect that the de Listenois of VI, 3, 5, is due also to influence of the Vulgate Merlin tion

continuation.

125

J.

14

nowhere

else

save in

DOUGLAS BRUCE Similarly, in III, 117,

II, 159.

the case in

de Listenois and Alain as brothers, as elsewhere in the Vulgate Merlin continuation. is

In the Mart Artu, Pelles

is

we have

Pelles

II, 159, 221,

and

mentioned only twice, VI, 219, 303,

as father of Galahad's mother and

The two

Eliezer, respectively.

romance, VI, 297, 319, relate ff. (Lancelot, Part II), to Gawain's visit to the Grail Castle, IV, 343 where we have a Maimed King who is neither named nor called roi references to the roy pescheor in this

We

pescheor.

have here, then, the customary confusion of the two

characters.

He

290.

occurs only once in the Estoire del Saint Graal, I, there the descendant of the Maimed King, but he is not

name

Pelles'

is

himself called either roi mahaignie or roi pescheor.

The branch

in

which we find

Pelles'

name most

frequently,

although his r61e is not so important here as in the Lancelot, Part III, In this branch he is or Queste, is the Vulgate Merlin continuation.

always called Pelles de Listenois. See the examples given in note In this text, II, 125, he guards his brother, of the preceding page. Pellinor; p. 159, he is brother riche roi pecheor,

Eliezer, Pelles'

so here Pelles Queste.

We

and

son

(cf.,

too, 221, 346, 359) to Alain,

Pellinor, the roi mahaignie.

(cf.

388, 389),

is

1

At p.

who

is

352, however,

called son of the riche roy peschor

again the Fisher King as in the Lancelot, Part III, and have, then, evidently in the Vulgate Merlin continuais

tion a duplication of the Fisher King,

owing to circumstances which

take up more fully in discussing Pellinor. Leaving now the Vulgate cycle and turning to the Merlin con-

I shall

tinuation (Lime d' Artus) of

MS

337, the author of this

romance 2

The passage, II, 159, as reproduced from the British Museum MS Add. 10292 by Sommer in his edition is so corrupt as to >e in part unintelligible. In Modern Philology, 1

MS

V, 305, however, he gives us the correct text from 747 of the Bibliotheque Nationale. 2 In his article, "Zum Livre d' Artus," Zs. f. romanische Philologie, XVI, 90 ff., E. Preymond has shown that this romance presupposes all the romances of the Vulgate cycle and hence is of later date. E. Brugger, Zs. f. frz. Spr. u. Litt., XXVIII, 57 f., insists, too, on its relative lateness. In his brochure, The Structure of Le Livre d' Artus and its Function in the Evolution of the Arthurian Prose Romances (London and Paris, 1914), Sommer argues that the Livre d' Artus of 337 is derived from a romance which is also the source of the Vulgate Merlin and which even antedates the Lancelot. The argument is largely based on differences between the Vulgate Merlin text printed by Sommer in his Vulgate Version of the Arthurian Romances on the one hand and the Livre d' Artus of 337 on the other, in passages that are obviously closely related. These differences, however, are mainly due to the fact that the author of the latter romance had a better of the Vulgate Merlin than the British Museum MS. Add. 10292 which

MS

MS

MS

126

PELLINOR, AND PELLEAN

15

dependent on the Vulgate Merlin continuation he says of him. The following

virtually altogether

tpELLES,

specially II, 159) for the little that

are the passages concerned: VII, 15 (Pelles

du roiaume de

Listenois),

(Pelles), 146 (where he is one of the kings that sit at the Grail table), 243 (roi Pelles du chastel de Corbenic), 272 (roi Pelles du

37

chastel de Corbenic deuers la Terre Foraine).

except p. 146, he

barely named.

is

In

these passages,

all

I shall return to p.

146 in the

discussion of Pellinor.

There

is

no need

of giving the results of

an examination

individual passages in the prose Tristan relating to Pelles.

of the

They

are

based on the Queste and Lancelot, Part III, and the author, of course, permits himself to embroider on the materials which he all

borrows.

The most important

alteration

we find

397 of Loseth's

is p.

Le Roman en prose de Tristan (Paris, 1890) in one of the later redactions, where Pelles is identified with the Maimed King and Galahad cures him with the bleeding lance. 1 Contrast with this, Queste, VI, 191, where Galahad cures the Maimed King with the lance, after Pelles,

be

it

observed, has been required to leave the

Grail Castle (p. 189).

The name

of Pellet does not occur in the

Didot Perceval nor

in the

Merlin continuation of the pesudo-Robert de Borron cycle 2 (best represented by the Huth Merlin), but in the Queste (represented by the Portuguese and Spanish Demandas) of this cycle

we

find

him

3 again in passages that are based on the Lancelot, Part III, and the

Sommer has

The Estoire del Saint Graal, Mort Artu and latter part of the printed. Lancelot are all frequently abbreviated in this series (MSS Add. 10292-10294), and, no doubt, the same is true of the Merlin. Moreover, Sommer demands such a close as between branches the romance-writers never concerned themselves about. conformity I discuss this Livre d' Artus before the Perlesvaus, etc., not because I suppose it of earlier date, but because it stands closest to the Vulgate cycle in its relationships. 1

MS

Compare

Pelles as the

also,

Loseth, Le roman en prose de Tristan, pp. 278 Bang.

ff.

(Paris, 1890), for

Maimed

An additional fragment of the Merlin continuation of this cycle has been printed hi Die Abenteuer Gawains, Y wains und Le Morholts mit den drei Jungfrauen 112 of the Bibliotheque Nationale, but this has no importance for (Halle, 1913), from our inquiry, since only Pellinor, of the three characters with we are dealing, appears in it, and of nun nothing distinctive is told. I will say, by way of anticipation, however, that the Pellias of this text (well-known through Malory and Tennyson) derived his name, 2

by Sommer

MS

whom

no doubt, from our Pellean(s), the stroke ( =n) over the a being omitted. s Spanish Demanda, pp. 238 ft., 280ft., 305 ft., in the edition of A. Bonilla y San Martin (Madrid, 1907), Nueva Biblioteca de Autores Espafloles. The last of these passages (which is not in the Portuguese; see Sommer, Romania, XXXVI, 584), is based directly on the Queste, VI, 189 ff. In the others we have Pelles as the father of Galahad's mother and lord of the Adventurous Palace (Grail Castle) but the author has attached to these conceptions new inventions of his own. ,

127

DOUGLAS BRUCE

J.

16

He is not Maimed King. Queste.

called

here,

however, either Fisher King or

which romance Perceval, of course, of Pelles' grandson Galahad, instead is again the Grail Knight, Pelles plays a subordinate part as the Hermit King and one of The Fisher King and the wicked Perceval's three maternal uncles. Lastly, in the Perlesvaus, in

King of the Chastel Mortel were his brothers. The author of this romance returns to Chretien's conception and makes the Fisher King also the Maimed King. Now, in Chretien, 11. 6376 ff ., the father of the Fisher King had a brother who was a hermit. The author of the Perlesvaus shifts this brother from the father,

who was

also

maimed,

to the son, and identifies him with King Pelles hence we have in his romance, Pelles, the Hermit King. He next took Alain as the name of the father of his hero.

It

had been the name of the second and he retained very naturally as

Grail Keeper in Robert's Joseph

name

the

of the father of his Grail

hallowed by

It is useless to speculate

for this

new

Knight a name that had been

earlier Grail associations.

on hypothetical lost sources as responsible No writer of Arthurian

distribution of the Grail roles.

romance felt himself bound by his predecessors least of all, the author of the Perlesvaus, who did not hesitate to set aside the best established of all Arthurian traditions, viz., that Guinevere's adultery brought about the destruction of Arthur

and

J.

his knights. 1

DOUGLAS BRUCE

UNIVERSITY OF TENNESSEE [To be continued] 1

For

fuller

observations on this subject,

Mort Arthur Theme

in

cf.

my

article,

"The Development

Mediaeval Romance," Romanic Review, IV, 450, note 66.

128

of the

DON GARCIE AND LE MISANTHROPE The personal element in Moliere's works has been the object of so much investigation that a new article on the subject seems presumptuous, especially considering the array of critics who would be summoned as witnesses if the anonymous author of La Fameuse Comedienne could ever be haled into court to answer for

libel

upon

Moliere's wife, and should undertake to substantiate his (or her) charges by proving that they were based upon information furnished

by the poet himself

in his various plays.

commentators are convinced of the truth of " II s'est jou6 le premier the statement of his early biographers, that: de sa famille des affaires et qui regardaient sur endroits en plusieurs

The majority

of the

ce qui se passait dans sa domestique.

C'est ce que ses plus particuamis ont remarque bien des fois." 1 And, indeed, the writer of those lines should have known whereof he spoke, for it was none liers

La Grange,

leading actor and recorder of the troupe for so many years, evidently a man in intimate contact with Moliere and enjoying his confidence and esteem.

other than

With this as their charter, many have labored with indefatigable show the intimate connection between the incidents of the poet's own family life and the plays written at the corresponding zeal to

period, particularly as they express the resultant

and

his attitude

toward

his wife,

and

have collected a formidable mass of

mood

of the author

must be admitted that they evidence. To them Le Misanit

hardly more than a thinly veiled picture of Moli&re's jealousy, and Celimene a direct presentation of his wife in her thrope

is

own own

person.

To They,

other admirers of the poet, this whole attitude like Elise of

La

is

obnoxious.

Critique de I'Ecole des Femmes, "regardent les

choses du cote qu'on les leur montre, et ne les tournent point pour y chercher ce qu'il ne faut pas voir." They feel that it would have

been a base act, unworthy of their favorite, to bring himself and his 1

Quoted from Rigal, Moli&re,

conferences,

XVI.

I,

12.

See also A. Lefranc, Revue des cours

et

dea

105.

17

129] \

[

MODERN PHILOLOGY,

July, 1918

CASIMIR DOUGLASS ZDANOWICZ

18

private

life

and, worse

still,

his wife before the public gaze,

and they

to all the similarities which one can offer resolutely close their eyes the disguise which the author has been in excuse no them, and find careful to provide.

A third class believes that it was entirely natural for

Moliere, the

his family, just as he studied

himself and great observer, to study it is impossible for us to distinguish the real from the that but others,

own experience from those gained invented, or facts taken from his differed in their idenby observation, since even his contemporaries and since we know from such characters as tification of originals,

Trissotin, of Les

Femmes

made

Savantes, that the poet deliberately

over his models.

A few

of opinion regardquotations will illustrate the differences

ing this point in general,

The poems

of Moliere

and Le Misanthrope

show us not only

in particular:

,

in uninterrupted succession the

continual progress and development of the writer, they are also an exact mirror of the mental state of the man at the time of their production. In the works of no other author is the connection between the creator and his works so unmistakable as in the comedies of Moliere. [Paul Lindau, aus seinen Werken Moliere, Eine Ergdnzung der Biographic des Dichters (1877), p. 3.]

For Moliere to choose a lovers' quarrel so nearly resembling his own, a hero so like himself in many essentials, and a heroine who might readily pass as a portrait of his wife, and then fail to express his own wounded feelings in the lines spoken by Alceste, would be impossible if he be granted a heart. [Chatfield-Taylor, Moliere, p. 277.] That he put something of himself into the protesting Alceste is likely enough, just as he certainly put something of himself into Philinte, the Epicurean temporizer, content to move through life along the line of least

Every artist must paint himself; and he knows others and is them into independent life only because he knows himself. .... Nothing in Moliere's career leads us to suppose that he would laybare his own life on the stage and invite the sympathy of the public for his private misfortunes. Indeed, we have every reason to believe that this is what he would never dream of doing, since it would be an act absolutely

resistance.

able to project

abhorrent to a man of his temperament. Self-revelation of this kind belongs to the lyric, not to the drama; and Moliere had little in common with Rather is he like Lucretius, who kept out of his lofty and austere Shelley.

poem every fact of his own biography.

[Brander Matthews, Moliere, pp

.

1 10,

218, 220.]

Despois and Mesnard take a similar view regarding the imposthe author either with Alceste or Philinte,

sibility of identification of

130

"DON GARCIE" AND and

insist

"L/E

MISANTHROPE"

19

that he was pre-eminently a painter, giving us a faithful

picture of the society of the time.

They admit the

possibility of

others finding a personal explanation for the picture here presented, though they refuse to accept the testimony of the famous libel, La

Fameuse Comedienne, of doubtful authenticity. "En 1664, dit M. Aime-Martin, e*poque a laquelle Moliere travaillait au Misanthrope, il se se*para de sa femme, comme Alceste de Ce*limene, aprs lui avoir offert son pardon. Prenons garde toutefois que quelques vers tres passionnes du role d'Alceste, ou 1'expression de sa jalousie est si penetrante, se trouvaient deja, comme nous Favons rappele plus haut, dans une piece repre*sentee en fevrier 1661, un an avant le mariage de Molidre, ajoutons composed depuis longtemps." This warning is qualified by the admission that many of these fine verses are not in Don Garde and that Alceste is unhappy in a different

only too le

poete

way from Don Garcie and suffers from a coquetry which is " They continue Pourquoi done ne pas admettre que a e*te inspire* par ses propres chagrins? La conjecture, en

real.

effet, n'est

Rigal

is

:

pas a repousser,

more

lines occurring in

si

Ton n'y depasse pas

la juste

mesure." 1

positive as to the importance to be attached to the

Don

Garcie:

En somme,

de tant de suppositions e"chafaude"es sur la carriere the*atrale d'Armande, il ne reste guere debout que celle qui concerne les roles d'Alceste et de Celimene dans Le Misanthrope, et celle-ci meme, helas! est d'une solidite* fort douteuse. Parmi les vers les plus caracte*ristiques de 1'atrabilaire amoureux et de la coquette, beaucoup, en 1666, ont e"te* repris par Moliere dans son Don Garcie de Navarre de 1661, ante"rieur de plus d'un an a son mariage. Vous avez cru tout a Pheure que je citais quatre vers du Misan2 thrope; j'ai cite* quatre vers de Don Garcie.

Other quotations might be given, principally from those who find agreement between the facts of the author's life and the inci-

close

and meaning of his plays. They would, so seems to me, at least, prove that this relation does exist, and that it is not merely a pleasant, though futile, exercise of wit to seek it 3 out; rather that it throws new light on many points. dents, characterization,

it

1

Despois and Mesnard, Grands Ecrivains edition of Moligre, V, 385-86.

*

Rigal, Moliere,

3

Among the noteworthy studies of this kind, in addition to the works already quoted,

I,

26.

are those of Schneegans, Moliere (Berlin, 1902), which offers invaluable information and all the plays, and to which is to be added his previous articld on Molilres Subjektivismus, Zeitschrift fiir Vergleichende Literaturgeschichte, XV, 407; and his reply to criticism, in Liter aturblatt fiir germanische und romanische Philologie, XXVII, 275 ff. the

comment on

;

131

CASIMIR DOUGLASS ZDANOWICZ

20

the two would seem, for instance, that the relation between been not had Garde Don sufficiently and plays of Le Misanthrope above quoted, is advanced long after studied, since Rigal's argument, It

admitted that many of the fine verses of Despois and Mesnard had and that Le Misanthrope are not to be found in the previous play, is unhappy too is that real, a from only who suffers coquetry Alceste,

in a different

way from Don

Garcie.

1

The purpose of this paper, then, has been to compare the plays more closely, to study the lines which are identical, and to see what Inasas a whole. bearing they have on the play of Le Misanthrope as there appeared to be a decided change in the author's attitude in at least one aspect, it became of importance to examine the of this change, and intervening plays for any evidence as to the time

much

to see whether or not a gradual development could be noted. It will hardly fall within the bounds of this study, therefore, to

take up the arguments advanced by the dissenters to the theory that Moliere should have put himself, and his wife, and his own deep emotions into his plays. For him the dramatic form was the medium of self-expression, just as for another it is the lyric.

Even a

critic, in

his interpretations, must be influenced to some extent by his personal these experience and by the analysis of his own sentiments, and put

into his studies. 2

It is well

allude to himself, his

some plays;

this

own

known that Moliere did not

peculiarities

and those

was a recognized procedure 3

hesitate to

of his comrades, in

in the old farces

which

should he not have

were the foundation of his dramatic system; why taken the characters and incidents which were about him as the material with which to guised,

combining

work ?

real traits

The material thus obtained he

dis-

from one person with those from

reviews by Ph. Aug. Becker, in Zeitschrift fiir Vergleichende Literaturgeschichte, XVI, 194-221, and Vossler, Archiv fur das Studium der neu. Spr. u. Lit., CVIII, 461, in which they protest against the emphasis on the subjective element in Moliere, as does Rigal in the introduction to his volume already referred to. The prefaces to the various plays in the Grands Ecrivains edition should be consulted in each case. Of prime importance, also, are the compte-rendus of the course of Professor Abel Lefranc, given at the College de Prance, published in La Revue des cours et des conferences (Paris, 1906-10), especially XIV, 19 ff., and XVI, 104 ff.' 161 ff. J. Loiseleur, Les Points obscurs de la vie de Moliere (Paris, 1877), is one of the well-known exponents of the subjective point of view. 1 One should compare, however, the statement in the introduction to the consideration of Le Misanthrope (Rigal, Moliere, II, 45): "II est natural qu'elle se ressentit des dispositions de Moliere a cette date, d'autant que Celimene, la coquette qui, dans la com6die, faisait souffrir Alceste, devait 6tre jouee par Armande, et que le jaloux grondeur, Alceste, devait 6tre joue par MoliSre lui-m&ne." 2 Anatole Prance, La Vie litteraire, I, preface, p. iv.

Lanson, "Moliere et

la

Farce," Revue de Paris, VIII, 3, p. 129.

132

"DON GARCIE" AND another, and with

"L/E

MISANTHROPE"

some which he found

in

21

books or invented.

No

one was exempt, yet he might always deny complete identity. And we will assume that in Le Misanthrope, as in other plays, he might have introduced, either consciously or without deliberate intention,

some elements

of his

own recent experiences with society,

particularly

with the passions of love and jealousy. What, then, is to be done with the portion of the play taken from Don Garde f Did the author take over lines which he felt were par-

and make a place for them in Le Misanthrope, they might not be lost in a play which had proved an ? utter failure Shall we not rather say that he was merely following In his well-known custom of taking his "bien" where he found it? 1

ticularly well turned, in order that

some cases the wording has been changed a little, a thing any author in revising, and in most, if not all, these verbal differences one discerns an improvement. Does it follow, then, from the use of this material, amounting to some one hundred and fifteen lines, taken almost verbatim from

would do

comedy to make up half the verses in two scenes (IV, 2 and 3) of Le Misanthrope? that, if the true sentiments of the poet have been expressed in one of the plays, the same must be true of the other, and that, if the former cannot be a reflection of Moliere's actual feelings toward Armande, since it was written before his marriage, then the second passage cannot be, either ? Such a conclusion would be unfounded. For one thing, the passion of Professor Lefranc has jealousy was a favorite one with the poet. 3 very clearly shown how it permeates all his plays, and this is natural, since it was a popular theme among the old writers of farces and several passages in the earlier

fabliaux.

Moreover, Moliere may well have experienced it at the Don Garde. It would have been the same

time of the writing of

Armande or another, and our playwright was not above suspicion as regards intrigues with the actresses of his This supposition, however, is unnecessary, and the jealousy troupe. passion whether felt for

1 Despois and Mesnard in a note to Don Garde (II, 300, note) quote the four lines from Belisaire introduced there by the poet, and remark: "ces reminiscences assez insigniflantes d'ailleurs, devaient gtre toutes naturelles et presque toujours involontaires chez un comMien dont le memoire etait remplie de souvenirs de ce genre." May not this explanation be applicable also to the lines, more numerous, it is true, which Moligre has taken from his own previous play to use in Le Misanthrope f Grands Ecrivains, V, 518-28; II, Don Garde, passim.

3

Revue des cours

et

des conferences,

XVI,

97.

133

CASIMIR DOUGLASS ZDANOWICZ

22

produced in 1661, though the lines were of Somaize, 1 may really written before, according to the statement at that time. It was refer to the author's sentiments toward Armande of the play

which was

in 1661 that

of his

first

he obtained the grant of an additional share in the profits The for himself, or for his wife if he should marry.

company,

show that his interest in investigations of Professor Lefranc would Armande can be traced back as early as 1659, if she is the one referred some deny. 2 Is it not natural to character as it was later suppose, with our knowledge of Armande's lover her this at even may have felt the pangs time, disclosed, that,

to in the letter of Chapelle, which

of jealousy ?

The general tone of the first play is in accord with this hypothesis. more romantic. Our dramatist is making an excursion into the field of heroic comedy, and deals with Spanish princes and infantas, who speak in a precieux style, and have Cornelian ideas This characteristic is in marked contrast with of duty and honor. the play of Sganarelle, or Le Cocu imaginaire, which preceded Don Garde, the theme of which is jealousy, but in low station. It is noteworthy that here, as in Don Garde, we have jealousy based upon It is decidedly

unfounded suspicions due to deceptive appearances. In the heroic comedy the action turns upon a series of passionate outbursts on the part of the suspicious Prince of Navarre. He thinks continually he has cause to suspect the fidelity of his lady love, Dona Elvire, who is really most devoted to him and resents, with all the violence of outraged innocence, the insult of his doubting her after she has condescended to let him see that she cares for him. Appear-

ances are always against the lady; first, it is the torn half of a letter, really intended for Don Garcie, but supposed by him to have been addressed to a rival, which occasions his reproaches next, the sudden ;

discovery of this rival with Dona Elvire; then, a glimpse of the latter in the arms of a man who turns out to be a distressed damsel in

The spectator has been shown each time the occasion for disguise. the suspicions of the lover, and sees that they are not unnatural, but he knows at the same time that the sweetheart is innocent. The play ends with a marriage, the lady yielding to the conviction that 1

Quoted in Introduction, Grands Ecrivains,

2

Revue des cours

et

des conferences,

XVI, 134

II,

161.

220-21.

"DON GARCIE" AND "LE MISANTHROPE" her lover

is

from a malady which

suffering

overcome, and

is

it is

23

not in his power to

therefore not to be blamed.

Moliere were wooing Armande at this period, the idea presented was well calculated to excuse him for any jealous suspicions he might have shown, and win her consent to follow the example of if

Surely,

the heroine and forgive. Throughout the play the man is admittedly wrong, and on the defensive, while the woman, we are made to see,

may

be innocent, no matter how strong the circumstantial evidence

against her.

The tone

woman who

is

entirely different in

is

on the defensive.

Le Misanthrope.

Here,

it is

the

She uses exactly the same argu-

ments as Elvira

namely, the indignation of offended innocence; insistence that any doubt on the part of her lover, after her intimation that she loves him,

is

an

insult;

the declaration that she repu-

done to encourage him yet, in spite of these pleas, she is proved guilty of falsehood and insincerity. May not the poet's choice of identical arguments be significant ? We may sympathize to some extent with Ce*limene's resentment at the irridiates all she has ever said or

manner

table, overbearing

him.

His love

His

her.

is

sincere,

is a fault of

Even the context

of her lover, but

and we

we

see that he

also sympathize with

is

right in distrusting

hers a vice of character.

manner, which the identical passages are placed, and

in

the verbal changes in the verses themselves, lend a note of greater I should be sincerity to the rather artificial speeches of the hero.

tempted to distrust my own judgment as to this, but a note of Despois and Mesnard, who set down all resemblances and identical passages in the two plays with scrupulous accuracy, bears 1

Note to

line

573 of Don Garde,

I cite first

me

out. 1

the passage to which the note refers

for purposes of comparison:

Don Garde:

Encore est-ce beaucoup que, de franchise pure, Vous demeuriez d'accord que c'est -wotre ecriture.

Mais ce

sera, sans doute, et j'en serois garant,

Un billet qu'on envoie a quelque indifferent; Ou du moins, ce qu'il a de tendresse eVidente, Sera pour une amie, ou pour quelque parente.

Dona

Non, c'est pour un amant que ma main 1'a forme", Et j'ajoute de plus, pour un amant aim6. Ce qui est ici une ironic amre devient dans Le Misanthrope un mouvement

Elvire:

Note.-

de sensibilite touchante:

"De

grace, montrez-moi, je serai satisfait,

Qu'on peut pour une femme expliquer ce billet." Et Celimene rgpond avec le sentiment de flertfi blessg, mais avec beaucoup moins

mme

de sincerite qu'Elvire:

"Non,

il

est

pour Oronte et

je

135

veux qu'on

le croie."

CASIMIB DOUGLASS ZDANOWICZ

24

Of course

this increased naturalness is

due

in part to the fact that

the master's dramatic technique has improved in the meantime, and must be given this point. I need not dwell on the many due

weight

superiorities of

Le Misanthrope over Don Garde:

the advantage

in contact with the world, and presenting gained by showing Alceste other phases of his character; the heightening of the impression by

the introduction of contrasting characters, such as Philinte, and Because of them, Alceste's blunt and dictaEliante, and Arsinoe*.

manner is brought into greater relief, and Ce*limene also appears in clearer light, for she is more sympathetic than the mischief -making and scandal-seeking prude who criticizes her, and less admirable, by less dashing and popular cousin, far, than her more reasonable, but torial

emphasizing thus the poet's doctrine, that "la raison n'est pas ce qui regie 1'amour."

theme would tend to obscure the other question I have in mind, whether the intervening plays, which show the author's growing aesthetic power, offer also any indication of a change in his attitude toward life which would explain this deeper personal

To

elaborate this

note and keener understanding of the passion he depicts. To my mind, there is ample justification for the conclusions of the many critics

who

find clear evidence of continual allusions to the

drama-

emotional experiences at this eventful time. 1 But it does not seem to me that direct reference to events of the poet's real life must

tist's

be established for validity of It will

my

all of his

productions in order to maintain the

argument.

be sufficient to summarize briefly

my

conclusions with

regard to each play, without attempting to burden the discussion with long quotations, inasmuch as the force of the argument lies in the general point of view of the author, in each play, rather than in

detached scenes and speeches. Moreover, it hardly appears necessary to take up the plays which precede Don Garde, unless perhaps it be Les Predeuses ridicules, since, in L'Etourdi and in Le Depit amoureux, Molire was following very closely the tradition of the Italian comedy of intrigue. There is a vividness and a naturalness Compare the works already cited, especially Schneegans, Rigal, Chatfield-Taylor, The latter says (Revue des cours et des conferences, XVI, 105): "Ainsi le rapport entre les sentiments du poete et ses pieces est incontestable; jamais d'ailleurs, i

and Lefranc.

line fut aussi saisissant

que dans

les

annees qui nous occupent en ce

136

moment

(1660-64)."

GARCIE" AND "LE MISANTHROPE"

25

about the episode of the lover's tiff which bespeak keen observation but not necessarily personal experience, and I see no definite connection with the specific point under discussion.

In the Precieuses,

Moliere has utilized the procedure of the old farce in retaining the names of his actors for his personnages. 1 Is it possible to add that

been satirizing the efforts of his two leading ladies, from the provinces, to ape the fine manners of Paris returned newly ? This would be tempting, but only a conjecture. The most society we can say is that it indicates a willingness on the part of the poet he

to

may have

make

company and surroundings to furnish a means which he continued to employ. In L'Ecole des Maris, 1661, which followed Don Garde after only use of his immediate

realistic detail,

a few months' interval, and preceded the marriage of Moliere by a short time, there appears to be a direct plea to Armande, in the favorable presentation of the

young ward, who formed an attachment

for

her old guardian, because of his kind treatment and his sympathetic understanding of a young girl's interests and her natural fondness for dress

and

Similarly, our

society.

sympathy is won

for her sister,

who deceived

her exacting, ill-tempered guardian, whose faith was in and bars and severe repression, and ran off with a young bolts only would lover. One say that this implies, on Moliere's part, a recognition of the kind of treatment

expect,

make

and

which

his bride

would have a right to and not

also his intention to act the generous guardian

himself ridiculous.

next in order, offers no more than a passing there is, perhaps, a trace of the poet's own

Les Fdcheux, which allusion to jealousy;

is

vexation with the bores L'Ecole des

who

interfered with his courtship. 2

Femmes has occasioned almost as much controversy as

Le Misanthrope over the matter of the author's self-revelation. Note that in this play again we sympathize with the girl, and that the

man is made ridiculous, though, here and one seems to catch a note of underlying sympathy with his

brusk, overbearing, jealous there,

'

1

See Lanson, "Moliere et la Farce," Revue de Paris, VIII,

3, p. 129.

Of. N. M. Bernardin, Les Chefs du Chaeur (Paris, 1914), p. 110: "Et elle m'interesse encore, cette jolie scene (Acte II, les deux fScheuses), parceque MoliSre, le jaloux Moliere, a 6crit Don Garde de Navarre et qui 6crira Le Misanthrope, y addresse, pardessus la qui tte des deux marquises, a la jeune fllle, qui dans quelques mois sera sa femme, cet 2

hemistiche plein de passion; 'Le jaloux aime plus.'"

137

CASIMIR DOUGLASS ZDANOWICZ

26

the preoccupation of the author regarding to my mind, his fate as husband, as most critics appear to admit; but, the tone of the play is not that of the disappointed, jealous husband, sufferings.

.

It

may mark

and jesting, as though Moliere were forebut, rather, one of security the inequality in age by being the first to allusions stalling taunting

upon the old fellow who either believes that he can win the affection of a young girl against her will, or trusts to ignorance or force to guarantee a woman's virtue. Arnolphe, in his passionate outbursts, may betray the capacity of emotion of his creator, but the figure lacks the bitterness of later plays. Arnolphe is a more to heap ridicule

ridiculous figure than Alceste, and, as I have said, we justify Agnes in her action, and so does Moliere in this play, as he did the similar

VEcole des Maris. We may say that Moli&re feels that not the "sotte" Agnes, and he does not intend to be the domineering, exacting Sganarelle, nor Arnolphe, though he might be

situation in his wife is

somewhat impatient at times. 1 The little play of La Critique de VEcole des Femmes Moli&re's wife in the r61e of a sarcastic,

young woman

offers us

of society, clever

and

whose tone reminds one decidedly of Celim&ue in the scene

with the prude.

The same year, in L'Impromptu de Versailles (III, 392) we see Armande intrusted again with a similar role by her husband-director, and actually brought on the stage in her own name, in company with the other actors, in dress rehearsal. There, too, we have the famous tiff between her and Moliere which merits citation here. Armande has interrupted the rehearsal, and Moliere says :

"Taisez-vous, ma femme, vous etes une bete." Mile de Moliere: "Grand merci, monsieur mon mari. c'est!

ya

Le mariage change bien

les gens, et

Voila ce que vous ne m'auriez pas dit cela il

dix-huit mois."

*Cf. Bernardin, Les Chefs du Chaeur, p. 143: "Non, Moliere n'a pas voulu faire plaindre Arnolphe, ce qui irait contre la these qu'il soutient; settlement il 6tait lui-mme porte a la jalousie; il en avait souffert; il se rappelait des heures cruelles encore au souvenir. II a done mis quelquechose de son propre coaur dans la douleur de son per-

sonnage; une goutte du sang de Moliere est tombee dans 1'encre avec laquelle il a ecrit si profonde'ment humaine, mais elle n'en est pas moins, dans son ensemble, une pure scene de comgdie." Cf. Schneegans, op. tit., pp. 89, 93; Chatfleld-Taylor, tit., 163-65 op. pp. (as usual, the latter finds more direct allusion to the author); Rigal, op. tit., 1, 157-83, gives a reasonable explanation, without this subjective element. See also Lefranc, op. tit.

cette scfcne

138

"DON GARCIE" AND "LE MISANTHROPE" Moliere:

"

27

Taisez-vous, je vous prie." "C'est une chose Strange qu'une petite ce*re*monie soit

Mile de Moli&re:

capable de nous oter toutes nos belles quality's, et qu'un mari et un galant meme personne avec des yeux si differents."

regardent la Moliere:

"Que de

discours!"

"Ma

Mile de Moliere:

foi, si je faisais

une come*die,

je la ferais sur ce

Je justifierais les femmes de bien des choses dont on les accuse; et sujet. je ferais craindre aux maris la difference qu'il y a de leurs manieres brusques,

aux

civilite*s

des galants."

Note that the

lines indicate in

Armande a type

of character very

similar to that of Celimene, fully capable of bringing

husband

home

to her

manner since the days In Moliere, a sharpness and impatience is

her disapproval of the change in his

when he was a lover. shown which resembles that of In Le Manage Force (scene

Alceste. ii)

there

is

a cynical attitude toward

the coming relations between the elderly husband, who is made ridiculous, and the notorious young flirt, who gives him plainly to

understand that she sees in marriage an opportunity of gratifying her fondness for "gambling, visiting, assemblies, entertainments, promenades, in fact all kinds of pleasures/' and that she knows he will not

be so foolish as to be jealous.

and

its

The note

in this play is very bitter,

date, just before the first three acts of Tartuffe, in 1664, cor-

responds with the period at which, according to Brossette, the dramatist was at work on the first act of Le Misanthrope.

The

Princesse

a" Elide,

which immediately precedes

Tartuffe, offers

no apparent relation to contemporary incident or to Armande. In the Tartuffe, Elmire appears as one of Molire's most estimable

How

female characters.

In the

can this be reconciled with our theory?

we do not contend, as I have Armande are to be found in all of the

first place,

allusions to

may have desired woman existed, as

to

show that he

said before, that

The poet plays. realized that the other type of

he does in Eliante of Le Misanthrope. But there on the other side. Elmira

are certain points deserving of attention

by some commentators, and, though I do not agree with them (it would be better for my argument if I did), she is evidently fond of dress and society, and justifies to some extent is

called a coquette

their

accusation.

Grimarest reports a rebuke administered to of her elaborate costumes in this

Armande by her husband because

139

CASIMIR DOUGLASS ZDANOWICZ

28

Furthermore,

play.

may

not Elmire's speech, which sets forth the husband with any of the silly actions

inadvisability of troubling a

Armande's own views, and the whole episode indicate a willingness on the part of the author to accept his wife's admit again her possible innoexplanations, to reject slander and to 1

of a lover, present

of the cence, just as Alceste offers to accept Celimene's explanation letter ?

It

was

just after this period that

Armande's indiscretions were

most talked about, and her name coupled with those of various young Did this have anything to do with choice of the playwright's nobles.

Don Juan, the seducer ? Possibly not; this choice may be perfectly well explained on other grounds, but it is at least sugThe play contains, you will recall, another of Moliere's gestive. next theme,

women characters, perhaps the most idealistic of them Dona Elvire. Probably it was not her role which was played by Moliere's wife, but that of Charlotte, the peasant girl, who is willing sympathetic all,

humble lover for the bold betrayer. Amour Medecin also intervenes before the completed Misanthrope, which was not presented until 1666, although it may have

to desert her

U

been begun in 1664.

This

physicians, affords us

no new arguments.

who

girl,

but

it is

little

comedy-ballet, satirizing the court We sympathize with the

deceives her father in order to

wed the man

of her choice,

her father's gullibility in matters of medicine which

is

most

with the charlatanry of the doctors of that day. This brings us to Le Misanthrope, in which, as in the preceding

stressed, together

plays, the reproachful, intemperate, jealous lover, is lous.

But

in Alceste the ridicule is

made

ridicu-

on the surface; one cannot

fail

to recognize the noble qualities and suffering heart beneath. Less attention was paid by the author before to developing this feature,

though glimpses of a tragic undercurrent are to be caught in Arnolphe of L'Ecole des Femmes, and in the bitter deception of the weak and burlesque Sganarelle of Le Manage Force; and there is a brief, but 1

Le Tartuffe, acte

II,

scene 5:

Oui, je tiens que jamais de tous ces vains propos, doit d'un mari traverser le repos, Oue ce n'est point de la que 1'honneur peut dependre, fct qu il suffit pour nous de savoir nous defendre: Ce sont mes sentiments; et vous n'auriez rien dit, JJamis, si j avois eu sur vous quelque credit."

On ne

140

"DON GARCIE" AND "LE MISANTHROPE "

29

manly protest against his calumniators, voiced by the poet own name, in L'Impromptu de Versailles. The spectator's sympathy has heretofore been drawn to the

vigorous,

speaking in his

heroine in her contest with her uncompromising or distrustful lover

Le Misanthrope (save in Le Manage Force, where her role is but a small one). Some resemblance to Celimene is to be found in the sarcastic marquise of the Critique de I'Ecole des Femmes, in Armande's own part in L'Impromptu de Versailles, and, possibly, in Elmire of Tartuffe, and in Dorimene of Le Manage Force. On the whole, the tone is more or less sympaor guardian in almost every case except in

and diversions, Le Misanthrope. May this not mean that here, also, we are to sympathize with Celimene against Alceste, in the superficial things, thetic with the fondness of the girl for dress, society, until

we condemn

her heart ? May it not mean, furthermore, that the poet, after sympathizing with Armande and trying to justify her, saw, at last, her insincerity and fickleness, and allowed his resentment while

to appear in this form ?

been established, or so it seems to me, for us to conclude that the lines taken over from Don Garde to make one of the episodes of Le Misanthrope not only do not prove that the Sufficient probability has

is not that of the poet, since he might have experienced the passion even at the time of Don Garde, but, on the other

jealousy of Alceste

hand, they suggest more forcibly the change in domestic conditions, inasmuch as in this play the suspicions of the lover are justified.

This change of viewpoint seems to be contemporaneous with the poet's marital infelicity, and would plainly seem to be an outcome of

it.

Hints of

it,

and

allusions to characteristics of

Armande, which

are similar to those of Celimene, appear in some of the comedies before Le Misanthrope, and make it more probable that she was really in the poet's

mind

as he wrote.

Is this too subjective ?

assumption, and that Rigal, Brander Matthews in the

Or may one say that in

mere the passage previously quoted, and

lines

given below,

1

it is

not

all

attach too

much

Brander Matthews, Moli&re, p. 219: "One reason why so many of his critics and commentators have insisted upon identifying him more often with Alceste than with any other of his creatures is their belief that the relations of Moligre to his wife at the time when this comedy was composed are reflected in the play. Their contention is that they overhear an echo of Moliere's appeal to Armande B6jart, in the reproaches Alceste (which he acted) addresses to Celimene (which she acted). But this is sheer assumption, 1

141

CASIMIR DOUGLASS ZDANOWICZ

30

from Don Garde, and try importance to the verses which were taken 1 to dimmish too severely Moliere's tendency to self -revelation 7 This self-revelation, under the disguise in which it appears, need have nothing abhorrent or displeasing. Its effect, it seems to me, should be to make Le Misanthrope more profound, more significant, because of its background of real emotional experience. To be complete,

a similar study should be

made

of the plays

from Le Misan-

Le Malade Imaginaire. I hope shortly to publish the results of an investigation which appears to confirm the theory that the changes in the author's home life found their echo also in these plays. thrope to

CASIMIR DOUGLASS ZDANOWICZ UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN it is significant that certain of the speeches in which Alceste voices his despairing jealousy and which sound as if they had been wrung from Moligre's own heart at this moment of anguish when he and his wife were living apart, were not written originally for the Misanthrope but for Don Garde, produced long before his marriage. This unsuccessful play had never been published, and its author held himself at liberty to use its fragments again not only in the Misanthrope but in others of

unsupported by the facts; and

his later plays." i

The claim

of Boileau that Moliere

admitted that Alceste was modeled after him

of a similar identification with Montausier, do not preclude the interpretation here suggested. It was MoliSre's custom, when he took characters from real life, to disguise them, to combine in one person qualities or traits in

some

particulars,

and the story

taken from several, thereby throwing off the track those who were continually seeking to identify the originals, and preserving an alibi for himself, and, at the same time, offering more complete patterns, or types, of the vice he was satirizing, or presenting such inconsistencies as made the personage more human. One may even think of him as setting himself the problem of indicating how a Boileau or a Montausier would feel and act in situations analagous to those in which he found himself, or how Armande would have acted in certain conditions. But this is going far afield into the realms of subjective revery, from which it has been the endeavor to keep the argument free.

142

THE FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES OF LAMARTINE The

object of this article

is

to gather together scattered data in

regard to the financial record of Larnartine,

and to use these

facts as

a basis for a brief discussion of the causes which led up to the unfortunate financial condition of the poet in his old age. The following

unpublished letter, in the handwriting of Mile Valentine de Cessia de Lamartine, the niece of the poet, may serve as a starting-point for this discussion. This letter was written when Lamartine was seventy-four years of age, and

is

typical of the other letters of this

period.

PARIS, 5 de"cembre, 1864

M. de

Lamartine, dSpouille* cette anne'e par la partialite" de FAngleterre, de la fortune de sa femme, qui devait 1'aider & d6sinte"resser ses creanciers,

que jamais de recourir aux deux honorables ressources qui ont jamais manque": son travail et votre amitie*. vous prie en consequence de lui renvoyer le plus promptement possible,

est oblige" plus

ne

lui II

le

mandat d'abonnement

ci joint

sign

de vous.

ALPH. DE LAMARTINE 43,

RUE DE LA VlLLE I/EVEQUE 1

The finances of Lamartine were in a deplorable condition at the time the above letter was written; a condition which was not the result of a few years of misfortune but was the culmination of years of ill-regulated expenditure.

It is necessary, in order to

have a

clear

understanding of the situation in which we find Lamartine at this advanced age, to study the entire history of his finances, a study which can be best

made through

his correspondence.

The most

of the

important letters from 1807 to 1852 are of easy access in the collection published by his niece, Mile Valentine de Cessia, under the title,

2 Correspondence de Lamartine;

but those

letters

which deal

The above

letter was attached to the back of the title-page of an edition of the GSuvres completes of Lamartine, purchased by the University of Illinois Library in 1915. first volume of this edition contains the autograph of the author Memoire et 1

The

reconnaissance, Lamartine written on the fly-leaf. No evidence of the previous publication of this letter has been found in the individual letters or in the various collections of letters that have been consulted. 2

Paris,

143]

Correspondence de Lamartine, publie'e par 1881-82 (second edition).

31

Mme

Valentine de Lamartine,' 4 vols.,

[MODERN PHILOLOGY,

July, 1918

D. H. CARNAHAN

32

with the last seventeen years of the poet's

life

are less easily avail-

in different collections. able, as they are scattered Three words from the foregoing letter desinteresser ses creanciers

might

well serve as a key to the financial record of his life, since no time does Lamartine seem to be completely free from debt. As a youth, he received frequent aid from the private purse of his find him complaining mother, and as a young man of twenty-nine we in a letter to a youthful friend, Mile Eleonore de Canonge, of his at

with the prophetic harassing debts, a complaint which he terminates statement so applicable to his later life: "Quand on a mis, en commengant sa route, le pied dans cette maudite boue, on ne s'en retire 1 He was relieved of the debts in question jamais totalement." through the indulgence of an uncle and two aunts de mon pere, he adds.

The

gifts

made him by

his father,

and

his uncles

a Vinsu meme

and aunts, at

the time of his marriage in 1820, together with the available portion of the

dowry

of his bride, 2 furnished

him with a comfortable income,

which, however, was insufficient to meet his expenditures, especially during his diplomatic career in Italy. The famous Oriental trip in 1832-33, which lasted sixteen months,

was the cause

of

an addi-

burden on his budget. The expensive nature of this undermay be judged from the fact that he chartered for this voyage an entire boat at a rate of approximately three thousand francs a

tional

taking

month.

upon

It

must be confessed that

description

of

this

transaction

weighed but lightly comte de Virieu, he ends the

this expense

him, for in writing to his friend the

with the nonchalant statement:

"C'est prodigieusement peu pour un beau navire." 3 Three months later it is a caravan of sixty to one hundred men, with the necessary of horses, mules, etc., which he acquires for his service, with the modest statement: "Get immense attirail de choses again

complement .

.

.

n'est pas

enorme"ment cher." 4

are in proportion.

Letter of October 2

See article of

M.

The

other expenses of the trip on the other hand, that

It is only just to state,

8,

1819, Correspondence, II, 77.

Rene" Douxnic (Revue des

Deux Mondes, September-October,

P. 171). 3

4

Letter of June 25, 1832, Correspondance, III, 281. Letter of September 6, 1832, Correspondance, III, 292.

144

1905,

FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES OF LAMARTINE :he cost of this trip

was made up, three years

the Voyage en Orient. strain imposed upon his finances

later,

33

by the publication

id sale of

The

by

this

voyage was increased

a succession of financial misfortunes which caused him to write, iree years later: "J'ai perdu tous mes capitaux disponibles dans

>y

ies banqueroutes, des entreprises mal exe*cute"es, en Ame*rique, et dans une grele qui vient de ravager entierement mes proprietes ou

j'avais

mis des avances e"normes;

rendre." 1

The same

je dois

beaucoup

iking, in that year, a loan of 200,000 francs

valued at 1,400,000 francs, >5,000 francs.

The reasons

et je

state of affairs exists in 1841, for

we

on two of

ne puis find

him

his estates

and which are already mortgaged

for

2

for this indebtedness, as well as that of later years, are

In the first place, Lamartine, with the few years, always lived the life of a rich nobletan, surrounding himself with beautiful things: horses, dogs, books, autre benediction de la vie, qui me )rks of art. "Les chevaux

lot difficult to discover.

[ception of his last

!

mlage un peu. J'en ai de charmants et en bon nombre," he writes a friend in 1837, in the same letter in which he acknowledges: "J'ai cinq

ou

six

ans tres-etroits a traverser, plus d'argent et des

The expenses of this luxurious life met by the income from his books, if he had been

3 charges viageres enormes!"

could have been

willing to devote himself to literature alone. lesire for

a more active

life

him

carried

Unfortunately, the

into other fields, in which

affairs he was possessed with an innate fondness for taking chances, although he writes emphatically a propos of his real estate transactions in Asia: "Je ne fais pas de le

was

In business

less successful.

speculations, je Ies ai

en horreur." 4

One form

of

speculation in

which he indulged was that of purchasing the growing crops of neighboring vine-growers, in order to use them as security for loans, transactions in which he lost large sums by the depreciation in price of the crops or their destruction by storms or plant diseases. A good description of one of these dealings

is

given in his Memoires politiques,

1

Correspondence, III, 367.

^

Ibid., IV, 104.

3

Letter of September 29, 1837, Correspondence, III, 433. Letter of April 14, 1850, Correspondence, IV, 312.

145

D. H. CARNAHAN

34

when

in 1849 the vine-growers of his

crops on avec attendrissement.

credit to help

ment aussi; mes propres

him meet Je

fixai

je les revendis

neighborhood offered him their

his debts.

moi-meme

le

He

says:

"J'acceptai

prix de ces vins large-

a perte aux marchands qui prenaient sur un fonds de roulement

re"coltes, et je ve*cus ainsi

emprunte* et commode, dont je

me

rendais

un compte approximatif

1

et inexact."

Other financial burdens which Lamartine imposed upon himself originated from a desire to keep the ancestral estates together, and

become a great land-owner. With these objects in view, he purchased the shares of his sisters in the family lands, and spent large sums of money for their improvement, and in the purchase of nearby to

land, only to find that the revenues

meet the

sufficient to

Year

from the properties were

in-

costs.

A

after year the struggle continues.

sale of personal prop-

erty horses, books, pictures and unencumbered lands, in 1844, together with 250,000 francs obtained the following year from the

twelve years of Les Girondins, 2 gave him hope of complete liquidation within three years. This hope was deceived, for in 1849, when he retired from active political life, after sale of the copyright for

passing rapidly from the greatest public favor to the greatest degree

he found himself hopelessly involved. 3 His popularity during the troublous times of the revolution of 1848, in which he played so important a role, was costly; M. Edouard Grenier in his of unpopularity,

Souvenirs litteraires informs us that

him one day that their year had exceeded 100,000 to

Mme

charities for

de Lamartine admitted

a few months alone in this

francs. 4

Lamartine's acts of charity were many, for one of the most attracwas his kindness of heart and open-handed

tive qualities of the poet

generosity. Frequent accounts occur of the ready help which he extended to colleagues and friends, even in his later years of mis-

fortune. 5

On

the other hand, some of his gifts

(Euvres complies de Lamartine (Paris, 1860-63), 2

XL,

may

be regarded as a

64.

Correspondence, IV, 208.

See article Souvenirs

See article Romantiques,

by M. Leon Seche in the Revue des Fransais, April, 1911, p. 273. par Edouard Grenier (Paris, 1894), p. 27. entitled "Lamartine et l'6cole romantique," by M. Leon S6ch6 (Annales

litteraires,

II, 312).

146

FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES OF LAMARTINE mixture of charity and

politics,

35

such as the donations of his earlier

years described by him in a letter to his intimate friend, the comte de Virieu, in which he announces his defeat in an election at Macon :

"Or

je ne crois pas mienne a Macon

une condition plus populaire que la qu'il y fait .j'ai pour 40,000 francs de routes a mes donne 2,000 francs au cholera; j'ai donne cette anne"e .

frais,

j'ai

ait

.

25,000 francs de livres a la Bibliotheque de la

marche a

j'ai

la tete

de

la

etc., etc., etc."

garde nationale,

announced

result of all these efforts he

ville, etc., etc., etc.;

earlier in the letter:

1

The "J'ai

un serrurier tapageur, et le serrurier a e"te nomme!" In the Correspondence for 1848, we find, similarly, a letter to the ballotte avec

e*t6

mayor

of

Macon

in

which Lamartine promises a subscription of

thousand francs toward the establishment in that city of a comptoir d'escompte, and also sends two thousand francs to be five

distributed for charitable purposes

among

the workingmen of the

these gifts are accompanied by the request that the announce the fact in the newspaper of Macon. 2 city;

At the end

of his political career, Lamartine, in order to recoup

his losses, turns to his Asiatic estate

Abdul Medjid, had given him. of his

many

mayor

fortune

We

near Smyrna, which the sultan, find

him

still

optimistic in spite

After just a step ahead of him. this he writes to one of his friends: "C'est visiting great estate, ve*ritablement la Limagne d'Asie, il y a la fortune sous quarante ou failures

cinquante formes," friend

is

3

and a

is still

letter of the following

equally enthusiastic:

"Je

suis

ebloui.

day to another y a la fortune

II

de cent spe*culateurs et de mille agriculteurs." Unfortunately, men with capital did not share his enthusiasm. He returned emptyhanded from a trip to London in search of capital, although he writes with some gratification: "La cite a voulu me recevoir en banquet a 4

Covent-Garden," and adds the somewhat surprising detail: "Les chemins de fer et les paquebots et les hotels sur la route n'ont pas voulu recevoir un shelling de moi, disant que j'etais 1'hote de PAngleterre pacifique." 5 1

2

Letter of June 22, 1837, Correspondence, III, 427. Letter of March, 1848, Correspondence, IV, 277.

3

Letter of July 16, 1850, Correspondence, IV, 320. Letter of July 17, 1850, Correspondence, IV, 321.

5

Correspondence, IV, 334-35.

147

D. H. CARNAHAN

3(5

which placed Napoleon III on the throne in 1852 was an additional blow to Lamartine, particularly because a ban was of his popular political paper, Le Conseiller placed on the publication du peuple, which had a subscription list of eighty thousand names.

The coup

d'etat

obliged to leave his beautiful apartmake his home at the address ment, 82 rue de 1'Universite, in order to indicated in the letter printed above, in a gloomy rez-de-chaussee, Three rooms were retained for houseat the rear of the courtyard. It

was at

this

time that he

felt

was turned into a combined keeping while the rest of the apartment bookstore and printing establishment, where our author edited and edition himself, various works, including the forty-volume published,

of his (Euvres completes,

1

which bears as evidence on

its title-page

"2 the words: "Chez 1'auteur, rue de la Ville L'Eveque, 43. Misfortunes continue steadily during the next decade, and in

1860 the beloved family estate of Milly

is sold.

seventy years of age, yet in spite of illness ously for several years, but with

little

3

Lamartine

is

now

he struggles on courage-

hope of

relief.

The twenty-

fourth of November, 1864, just eleven days before the date of our letter, the fact that he appreciates the hopelessness of his condition is

indicated

by the following words

de Chamborant: "L'heure de

in a letter to his friend, the

mon

baron

depouillement absolu approche:

a peine ai-je le temps de reflechir au coup qui nous menace. J'ai eu cependant des creanciers obligeants et de tres belles re*coltes. Mais la destinee est plus forte

this time

was

in a great

que

la

number

Providence." 4

His main hope at

of subscriptions to the edition of his

(Euvres completes, in behalf of which the letter at the beginning of this article writer,

was written, but the public was no longer interested

and the edition did not find

The part which

many

in the

subscribers.

Mme

de Lamartine took, as proofreader, in the publication of this described in an interesting manner by M. Charles Alexandre in an article in Le Correspondant, September 10, 1884. 1

edition

is

This apartment, with its contents, was disposed of by public sale in 1867, two years before the death of its owner, to meet a mortgage held by the Credit Poncier. Lamartine at that time was lodged in a villa, avenue de 1'Empereur (now number 109, avenue Henri-Martin), a lodging granted to him in 1860 by the city of Paris and occupied by him until his death. " 3 In his article entitled Sur un Manuscrit de Lamartine" (Les Annales Romantiques, IX [1912], 152), M. Louis Barthou publishes a list of debts drawn up by Lamartine, which February 19, 1859, shows a deficit of over two million francs. 2

Lamartine inconnu, par A. de Chamborant de Perissat (Paris, 1891), p. 268.

148

FINANCIAL DIFFICULTIES OF LAMARTINE

The

37

from which quotations may be made to complete the financial history was written at Paris, August 1,

last letter

this portion of

1866, not long before the illness which deprived the poet, for the

xnainder of his

life,

of the free use of his faculties.

furnishes a grand total for the earnings of Lamartine,

This letter

and at the same

time shows the feeling of legitimate pride which the writer took in "J'afficherai quajid on his brave though unsuccessful struggle: voudra, sur tous les murs de Paris, que j'ai effectivement paye plus de six millions en quatorze ans d'efforts surhumains, sans avoir rec.u un sou du gouvernement, excepte 1'autorisation accordee a tout le

monde d'une

loterie qui n'a

pas coute" un sou ni aux contribuables

ni a PEtat." 1

The use

of the

words

"

quatorze ans d'efforts surhumains/' in

the above letter, are amply justified, for poet though he was, none of his misfortunes can be ascribed to a want of capacity for hard work.

An

examination of his early letters shows that he was a hard worker

even before he was forced to be so by financial necessities. His early poems were the result of much thought, and his success later

Chambre

des Deputes was largely due, according "Je travaille, travaille, to his own confession, to incessant labor. travaille comme au college" he writes in 1838 while a member of this as an orator in the

2 body, and in a letter of the preceding year he had made the following hazardous admission: "Je fais en secret des vers par milliers depuis six semaines, entre quatre heures du matin et le jour. Si les electeurs

le

savaient!" 3

He was

a tremendous worker in his later years.

A

from the year 1852 furnishes evidence that, at the age of sixty4 he finished a volume of four hundred pages in twenty-four days, two, while five years later, when sixty-seven years old, five hundred pages

letter

Grand were completed in thirty days. 5 His literary reputation suffered greatly from this method of work, but the energy and determination of the aged writer in his efforts to meet thus his financial obligations call for admiration.

of his Vie d'Alexandre

1

Lamartine inconnu,

2

Correspondence, III, 452.

le

p. 272.

Ibid., Ill, 441. 4

Lamartine inconnu,

6

Letter of Mile Valentine de Cessia (October 31, 1857), Lamartine inconnu, p. 157.

p. 106.

149

D. H. CAKNAHAN

38

Lamartine was not understood in his day, and during the last years of his life it was the fashion to deride his weaknesses and to belittle his greatness.

He was

culed in the music-halls; the impecuniosity of the poet to scorn,

all

and ridiwas held up

caricatured in the papers

on the bitter jest that in his and similar unkind witticisms.

possible changes being rung

case the lyre

had become a

tirelire,

In these present days, when the lapse of fifty years since the death Lamartine makes a proper perspective of his works possible, his In a like manner his life, literary achievements take a high rank. of

viewed through his letters, contains many praiseworthy features. The few weaknesses which have been touched upon in this article

by admirable traits of character, not the least that sense of personal honor which forced him to such arduous toil in order to meet his financial obligations. are counterbalanced of

which

is

D. H. CARNAHAN UNIVERSITY OP ILLINOIS

150

BERTRAND DE BAR-SUR-AUBE AND AYMERI DE NARBONNE In 1903 (Romania, stica, daughter of

laume

V

of Vienne,

XXXII, II of

353-56) Suchier showed that SchoChampagne, having married Guil-

Henry Count of Macon,

it is

more than probable that

Bertrand de Bar-sur-Aube wrote the chanson Girart de Vienne for

Guillaume and Scholastica, in view of the fact that the counts of Vienne boasted of having the epic hero for their ancestor. The marriage is supposed to have been concluded about 1190;. Guillaume laving died in 1224,

it

follows that Girart de Vienne

was composed

during the period 1190 to 1224. As for the chanson Aymeri de Narbonne, Louis Demaison, in the introduction to his critical edition of the poem, shows that it was

composed between 1205 and 1225

Demaison and (pp. 81, 89-91). Suchier are both of the opinion that Girart de Vienne is anterior to Aymeri de Narbonne (Demaison, pp. 73-77; Suchier, introduction to Les Narbonnais, 1898, p. 54). Demaison thinks that neither of the two poems can lay claim to originality, but that Bertrand has used two older poems, enriching their action by numerous episodes drawn from his own imagination; that, in other words, both the extant

poems are only

rifacimenti

of

lost

originals

(pp.

92-97).

The

messengers sent to Pavia, their adventures during their stay in the the Germans, the taking of Narbonne by conquest by the French, all this seems to have been brought in by Bertrand. It will be seen very soon that the Savari episode, in which a hatecapital, their fight against

the Saracens and

its final

given the Germans and which has repeatedly attracted the attention of the critics, allows a greater precision in dating the chanson.

ful role is

Some

details of the episode in question are necessary;

from the edition ies

of

Aymeri

de Narbonne

by Louis Demaison

I

quote

(Socie*te*

anciens textes frangais, Paris, 1887). On their trip to Italy, to the court of the

Lombard King Boniface, the ambassadors of Aymeri, among whom knights like Girart de Roussillon, Hugo and Gui are especially to be noted, soon after L]

39

[MoDEEN PHILOLOGY,

July, 1918

ALEXANDER HAGGERTY KRAPPE

40

meet with a squadron of three hundred German passing the Alps band in the Their leader, Savari, addresses the French knights. of their the expedition purpose insolent manner, asking them most (vss.

1609-46):

Vont s'en li mes sanz nule demerge Chevauchant vont a grant esperonnSe, Tant qu'il costoient .1. brueil, lez une pre*e .

.

.

.

.

.

A tant encontrent a senestre, a Pentr6e, I. Alemant de molt grant renomme'e, Viellarz estoit, s'ot la barbe melle*e; C'ert Savaris qui grant gent a mene"e: III C estoient, chascuns la teste armSe,

Des Alemanz des mieuz de sa

contre"e.

Vestu estoient comme gent mal sene"e: Chascuns avoit une gonele le*e Et une jupe de gros agniax forre"e, Solers a ganches et chauces havete"es, Aumuce el chief et par devant ortee. Si ot chascuns ceinte

Une

molt longue

espe*e,

toise ot, s'ele fust mesure"e,

Et targe avoit roonde au col pose*e. Et si chevauchent comme gent forseneV. i ot ive a qeue recope"e haut cheval a grant teste leve"e. Et qant il ont nostre gent avisee, En haut s'escrient comme gent desfae*e "Godehelspe!" a molt grant alene"e. Mes Savaris qui ot la barbe le"e,

Tel

Ou

Parla romanz, que la terre ot use"e; Contre noz contes s'en vet de randone"e; Qant pres d'eus f u, s'a sa voiz escriee :

"Ou "Qui

iroiz vos, fole

gent esgare"e? de quele contre*e

est vos sire et

"Normanz

?

senblez, c'est verite" provee,

"Qui tel orgueil menez et tel pone"e. "Ainz que voiez de Pavie Tentr^e, "Sera molt chier cele robe achete"e; "N'en enmenroiz vaillant une denre"e!" Girart de Roussillon informs Savari of the object of their expedition. Savari maintains, in the same arrogant tone, that he has been

promised the hand of Hermengart and that he will never allow the 152

"AYMERI DE NARBONNE" French to proceed on their journey. insolence, tells his

countrymen

41

Count Gui, angry at this Germans

to get ready for battle; the

prepare on their part and attack the French in a vigorous assault, " shouting their battle cry Godeherre." Savari does not show himself especially eager for the honor of fighting in the first rank. his

own person

Only once he wounding him

in the

background,

He

keeps

leaving his people to fight for him.

enough courage to attack Hugo from behind, slightly with his spear; but when Hugo turns his

feels

opponent can attack him. The battle goes kills Aymeri de Losengne, but is Goniot, on, de wounded Girart mortally Roussillon, whereupon the latter by A second assault of the Germans, kills another German, called Hugo. horse, he flees before his

Savari's nephew,

who

are

still

German,

by

far superior in

called Gracien,

numbers,

equally unsuccessful.

is

A

wounds Girart de Roussillon from behind,

throwing him from his horse. For this treachery he is justly punished by Gui, who kills him. Savari flees with the few knights who survive, hoping to have his revenge later and trusting in the assistance of his brother, Bishop Morant of Verciaus (Verceil, Piedmont) (vss. 1666I quote the passage showing Savari's cowardice (vss. 1932-40) 1940) .

:

Qant Savaris voit

A Peinz

eel

encombrement,

qu'il pot, s'en est tornez fuiant.

Dist a ses homes: "N'alez plus atendant! sont deable, par le mien escient!

"Ce

"Se a Verciaus estions c.a devant, "Lors avrions et secors et garant:

"Mes

freres est li evesques Morant; "Vengera nos de ceste male gent, " Qui Qa derrier nos chacent .

The poet

asserts that Savari was the first to and so precipitately that there was no hope

men

to reach him.

He

.

.

flee,

."

far

ahead of

his

men

for the pursuing French-

continues his flight to Verciaus, yet the him they even throw stones

townspeople refuse to open the gate to

;

on the heads of his knights. Nay, he has to undergo a still greater humiliation: a Lombard (that is, a coward, the Lombards being generally considered as cowards during the middle ages) wounds him and throws him from his horse (vss. 1941-75). The French ambassadors continue their journey to Pavia. 153

ALEXANDER HAGGERTY KRAPPE

42

his shameful defeat. Savari, however, does not forget to French the pass by on their trip waiting in ambush for

Hugo, foreseeing the danger, persuades their mules and to mount their steeds.

his

He

is

home.

comrades to descend from

Savari incites his vassals to

upon them, while Hugo cheers on Savari (vss. 1952-2792). The coward the squadron against

take revenge for the defeat inflicted his little latter

summons the French Randez vos

to surrender (vss. 2798-2803)

tost, fiz

:

a putain, gloton!

Ne vos vadroit la desfanse .1. bouton. En Alemengne vos menrai en prison; A mon talant en prendrai venjoison, Et si me plest, s'en avrai raengon!

A

hundred new men come to help Savari, shouting "Godehelpe" in a loud voice, and kill Hugo's horse. The little band of French knights is suffering greatly from the superiority

The

battle begins.

enemy. They take refuge in a nearby tower. out for Narbonne to inform Aymeri of what has happened, the knights in the tower are well received by the owner, a "vavassal." The Germans lay siege to the tower. Hugo brings in

numbers

While Hugo

of the sets

who heads a

the news to Aymeri

rescue.

Noticing the approach of

Aymeri's army, Savari's cowardice reveals itself again in a decision to

But Hugo,

flee.

Savari

is

foreseeing this, prevents the flight of the enemy.

terror-stricken; he drops

to spare his

life,

and

flee in all directions;

delivers Savari

is

from

his horse, imploring his

taken prisoner.

The

rest of the

enemy Germans

some of them are killed, some escape. Hugo owner of the tower, that he might get a large

to the

up ransom and thus be rewarded for his good services, (vss. 2802-3236.) As can be seen from the re'sume' given and the passages quoted, Savari and his German knights are depicted in the worst light: their arrogance toward people whom they suppose to be weaker than themselves, their cowardice and their having resort to treachery was surely meant by the poet to have some effect on his hearers or readers. This role given to the Germans is the more since it is

unique For Gui d'Allemagne, in more than a figure-head; the striking

in the literature of the

Chansons de Geste.

the Couronnement de Louis, is little same can be said of the emperor in Boeve de Hamstone. 154

The

role of

"AYMERI DE NARBONNE"

43

the Saxons cannot be considered, because the religious motif comes into play, the Saxons being pagans like the Saracens.

did Bertrand de Bar ascribe this role to the

Germans ?

Why

then

It is likely

that a satisfactory solution of the problem can be found in the political circumstances of the poet's time.

Thibaut

III,

Count

of

Champagne, died

May

24, 1201, in the

midst of active preparations for his participation in the Fourth Crusade, leaving his wife, Blanche of Navarre, regent for his posthumous son, Thibaut IV, later the famous Thibaut le Chansonnier.

From

the

first

day

of her

widowhood Blanche had to defend

against the attacks and intrigues of numerous enemies,

who

herself

tried to

The most dangerous of them fief. was no doubt Erard de Brienne, husband of Philippina, daughter of Henry II, Count of Champagne. Philippina was a pretender to the dignity of countess of that fief, while Henry II was a most powerdeprive her and her child of their

all

ful

of his connections with several grandees of

enemy because

gundy and, above

German

vassals.

all,

with Thibaut

I,

Duke

of Lorraine,

Bur-

and

his

Blanche succeeded in holding her own, thanks to

her wise policy of securing the aid of Philip Augustus, King of France, which she obtained, not without making numerous concessions and In doing so, she had acted very wisely, foreseeing perhaps sacrifices. the great development which royalty was to take in the course of the

So she took without hesitation the part of the French with the German Emperor Otto IV. The

13th century.

King

in

his struggle

decisive part taken of

Bouvines

is

well

by the

nobility of

known.

Champagne on

the battlefield

They formed the right wing of the

French position, and the destruction of the host of the Count of Flanders was due to their vigorous assault under the leadership of men like Hugues de Mareuil, who took prisoner Ferrand of Flanders, the Count of Saint-Pol, and Count Henry of Bar-le-Duc. With so much at stake in this struggle and with the actual spectacle of a German invading army before the people, it would be but natural that feeling in Champagne should run very high and that sentiments of hatred and antipathy against the Germans should be uttered. However we are not left to rely on this supposition alone. D'Arbois

de Jubainville, in his Histoire des Dues et Comtes de Champagne, II, pp. 17-18, mentions two registers of the chancery of Champagne, 155

ALEXANDER HAGGERTY KRAPPE

44

testifying the joy of

Blanche when she heard of the defeat suffered

by Otto IV: she gave a

fief

as a reward to the messenger

D'Arbois de Jubainville gives the text of one of them

the good news.

Manesiers de Cosances, escuier mi contesse de sa li

sires

que

rois,

sires

li

rois,

horn liges a

Madame

:

la

meson fort o tot le porpris et de L arpanz de terre que Madame donna a essarter, quant il aporta les lettres de la victoire mi

la contesse li

who brought

les

contes de Flandres, de Bouloigne et de Salebere estoient

pris.

The most

bitter

fought at Bouvines

enemy of Blanche, Thibaut I of Lorraine, had among the troops of Otto IV. Having escaped

he continued to help Erard de Brienne in a sort of a war guerilla warfare which the latter adopted against Blanche, which was brought to an end by the interference of Pope Honorius

from the

III, II,

disaster,

who excommunicated Erard and his adherents, and of Frederick who took prisoner the Duke of Lorraine in 1218. It is very

nothing to increase the little esteem in which the Germans were held by the inhabitants of Champagne

likely that those events did

since the

day

of Bouvines.

We

have a document dated August 14, 1217, in which Blanche invites Manasses de Rosson and all the inhabitants

One

last point.

of Aubepierre to take the oath of fidelity before the bishop of Langres.

The

place of the meeting

was to be Bar-sur-Aube.

The

last visit

paid by Blanche to Bar had been made in 1205, and we possess no document showing that she had taken up her residence in the castle of

Bar during the

of

documents for that particular period.

interval, although

we cannot complain If

of a lack

she had not set foot in the

is nothing more natural than that her and the whole meeting should have assumed the character of a festival. It is quite probable that on this occasion Bertrand composed the song on the defeats of Savari and his followers, the

old castle since 1205, there arrival

days of Bouvines and the German invasion of the country serving as a background in the minds of his hearers, many of whom no doubt

had seen with of

their

own

eyes the clumsy apparel and heard the cry

of the hosts of

Otto IV. "Godechelespe" To summarize what has been said: the chanson Aymeri de Narbonne, in its extant form, seems to have been composed under the

influence of the battle of Bouvines, 156

won by

Philip Augustus

and the

AYMERI DE NARBONNE" knights of

Champagne on the 27th

the

in its structure, its spirit,

poem

episodes,

we

find that

sons de Geste.

it differs

Its

make-up is poem, with a goodly number insolent messages.

45

of July, 1214.

When

considering

and the large majority of its but little from the rest of the Chanthat of the average Old French epic of battle scenes, duels, sieges,

and

Its spirit breathes the religious fervor of the

crusades, which in a general

way

considers the European world as

one great nation, the people of God, who are fighting against His

The

great majority of the episodes are more or less commonplaces with well-known motifs, such as that of the cowardly Lombards, the princess giving way to her passion, etc.

enemies, the Saracens.

But the Savari

episode, which occupies altogether a space of 918

is, about one-fifth of the whole poem, indicates a new It is for the first time that representatives of two Christian

verses, that spirit.

nations are seen to fight a regular longer do the

Chanson de Geste

battle.

No

German

knights gather around the banner of Charleof as auxiliaries the French, to attack the common enemy of magne, no Christendom; longer do they form an integral part of the great

embodiment of the mediaeval ideal The Savari episode reveals the existence of

Christian and French army, the of a world-theocracy.

two

different nations with

an independent national

characteristics as they appeared to the biassed

minstrel, but

none the

The French national

less

spirit,

mind

with their

of the

French

pronounced and based upon actual facts. has been aroused, certainly under the

spirit

influence of the victory of Bouvines.

And

it is

significant that at

the same period Walther

von der Vogelweide on the other side of the Rhine expressed the same feelings of national pride. But still a certain local patriotism alism,

deeply stirred

seems to be a great deal stronger than nation-

France at large the victory does not seem to have the people, in a corner of Champagne a minstrel puts

and while

in

into the frame of a

Chanson de Geste

antipathy against the invaders. It was in all probability the hatred of the population of Champagne for Thibaut I of Lorraine and his German vassals, the all his

enemies of the regent Blanche of Navarre, which inspired the poet. Consequently, Aymeri de Narbonne was possibly composed after the

between July 1214 and 1218, year of the Lorraine, and more precisely, about 1217,

battle of Bouvines, probably final

defeat of Thibaut I of

157

ALEXANDER HAGGERTY KRAPPE

46

date of the arrival of Blanche at Bar-sur-Aube, at the time of the

impending defeat of her enemies. Girart de Vienne being anterior to Aymeri de Narbonne, it would follow that the former of the two poems was composed between 1190

and 1214 (1217).

ALEXANDER HAGGERTY KRAPPE CHICAGO

158

THE TECHNIQUE OF SCRIBE'S COMEDIES-VAUDEVILLES The two men who,

before 1850, did the

most to improve and

perfect the technique and mechanical construction of the French drama were Beaumarchais and Scribe. Before the time of Le Barbier

de Seville, plot and action had made very little progress, at least in the comedy; and if all the tragedies of Racine and some of those of Corneille are models of theatrical carpentry, this fact results more

from the strength of passion and the truth of the characterizations than from any ingenious combinations in the plot. Moliere, Regnard,

and Marivaux

offer

very

little

The most

improvement.

constructed of Moliere's plays, Les

Femmes

most elementary way, by means of a

fictitious letter.

there

is

scarcely

any plot. comedy

de Figaro bring the

The Barbier

savantes,

carefully

ends in the In Marivaux

de Seville and the

Manage

of intrigue for the first time to a high

point of development, both of

them

skilful

pieces of theatrical

sleight-of-hand, attacked and developed with a sureness of touch for which one will find no precedent in French dramatic literature, going

back even to Le Menteur. These two plays lead directly, with such intermediaries as Les Etourdis of Andrieux, La Jeunesse de Henri V of Duval, and Les Marionnettes of Picard, to whom belongs the most important place in the history of the comedy between Beaumarchais and Scribe, to the school of the piece bien faite, with Scribe at its head.

commonplace that Scribe was the greatest technician in drama and that all the dramatists of the nineteenth century who aimed at constructive excellence profit, consciously or unconsciously, from the new models which he gave to dramatic art, and show his influence as an inventor and manager of It is a

the history of the French

plots.

It is

perhaps not so clearly realized that he

and exercised vaudeville, for

his technical skill in

an

first

displayed

inferior genre, the comedie-

which he practically invented a new form, raising

it

to

a height never before reached, and making of it a vehicle for light sketching of manners. Scribe's best five-act comedies are, as far as 159]

47

[MoDBEN PHILOLOGY,

July, 1918

NEIL C. ABVIN

48

concerned, merely highly developed comedies-vaudevilles. comedy of manners of Augier, the piece a these of Dumas fils, and is

technique

The all

the plays of Sardou, derive their form and construction from the

comedies and comedies-vaudevilles of Scribe. The comedie-vaudeville of the eighteenth

by

acterized

courses, tending to

be either

or incident, or a satirical criticism

In either case action,

and vuland Panard, it had followed the rehandling of some anecdote of the vices and follies of the day.

Since the days of Lesage, Favart,

garity.

two

century was char-

technical inferiority, literary worthlessness,

and

its

in the

greatest

more

remained faithful to

charm lay

its origins,

and general

satire.

It

always smacking of the fair, and essential elements of the farce:

two

possessed to a high degree the actuality

in its gaiety, its rapidity of

or less farcical handling of the situations.

During and

after the Revolution of

1789 the comedie-vaudeville flourished as never before, and, in the

hands of Bouilly, Radet,

show evidences

make

Piis,

Desfontaines, and Barre, began to

of greater literary worth, although it

remained for

a real literary genre. Scribe desired, above all, to attract and amuse large audiences, and he realized that he could best do this by giving them light pieces Scribe to

of

it

full of complications and quidproquos, by witty dialogue and graceful verses. A public worn out emotionally by the horrors of the Revolution and by the disasters of the Empire could best be entertained if its curiosity were aroused by a skilfully prepared plot, if its interest were held by a brilliant development of this plot, and if its expectations were satisfied by a

with brilliantly developed plots, enlivened

logical,

constantly foreseen denoument.

Clearness and logic being

two

qualities which Scribe possessed to the highest degree, he employed them with the realization that to hold his public he must be clear, and that if he were to be clear, he must so order his action and plot that the spectator could follow easily and with pleasure the different courses of the action.

Among the gifts with which Scribe was more

highly endowed than any other dramatist of the nineteenth century was that theatrical instinct which enabled him to see at a glance the essentially dramatic

elements of a situation. theatrical;

He lived, moved, and had

the incidents of everyday 160

life

his being in things

were to him so

many

TECHNIQUE OF possibilities

"

COMEDIES- VAUDEVILLES

and he saw

The most ordinary

naterial.

"

49

in everything a source of stage

situation,

most unpromising

the

mecdote, the scene least likely to suggest theatrical possibilities gifted with this sense of the theater, gave him ideas which

Ilramatic to one less

Perhaps no one has ever had more then he the ability to see instantly which side of a situation would be most interesting when set before the public; no he would translate into dramatic action.

dramatic author has excelled him in the power to discover at each theatrical combinations of new and striking effect. He

moment

was able not only to discover these dramatic translate

them

instantly into stage pictures;

develop and perfect them slowly.

This

situations,

but to

he did not have to

fertility of

dramatic inven-

tion explains in part his extraordinary popularity during the twentyfive

years in which he reigned supreme in the four or five best theaters

of Paris.

For many years, ever since Theophile Gautier began

his merciless

attacks upon his popular contemporary, and ever since Theodore de

Banville called

him "Mossou

Scribe,"

it

has been customary to

dismiss Scribe with a word, as being simply a dramatic carpenter, as one devoid of those higher qualities of the dramatic author, and as a

mere mechanician.

Yet the

fact remains that

writer for the stage that has that genius for

it is

making people

not every see things

way, not necessarily the true way, but which seems momentarily the only way, to those whom the author wishes to persuade that they have seen what he sees. To be able to do this,

in a certain

one must be gifted with an inborn sense of perspective, of dramatic values, which enables one to sketch a character or a passion in a word.

Scribe's originality

and

invention are conspicuous To a certain extent the plot

fertility of

in his handling of stage conventions.

of a comedie-vaudeville is necessarily conventional. father, the sentimental heroine, the interested

The obdurate

and the disinterested

the scheming valet or soubrette, love quarrels, jealousies, mistakes, and disguises all those things by which the machinery of a

lover,

is kept in motion, remain in substance the same. Scribe shows the greatest ingenuity in varying these combinations, when possible; when not, he presents them under an aspect which gives a new direction to our sympathies, boldly siding with the parent against

plot

161

NEIL C. ARVIN

50

with prudence and calculation against rashness and successful when he goes against extravagance. Indeed, he is most the lover,

the established current of theatrical sympathies; his championship of reason against romance, his defense of common sense as opposed to sentiment

and passion, are resources by recurring to which he new aspects to hackneyed and conventional

endeavors to impart

stage themes. No less noticeable

many

There are

his dexterity in handling a complicated plot.

is

of his plays

whose plots involve some absurdity on the brink of melo-

or improbability, in which certain scenes hover dramatic exaggeration, yet by his discretion,

and by

his constant

command of effective dialogue, he winds himself out of all his entanglements just as the spectator is beginning to think his case

No

matter what the inherent weakness of a plot, he always manages to impart to it at least a temporary and artificial hopeless.

vraisemblance.

indeed he had so clearly formulated his ideas and methods as to make of them a theory, was that one event may, by its influence, produce others, acting upon each other Scribe's dramatic theory,

if

and mingling their effects until the impetus of the original event has been spent. For him the dramatic interest and value of a situation lay, not in the clash of characters and will that it may produce, nor in the study of the passions causing it or arising

from

it,

combination of circumstances and complexity of interests about.

He

selects

some incident

of ordinary life

it

but in the

may bring

which to him seems

This fact is put in action; in its course it with various obstacles placed artfully in its way,

curious or interesting.

comes into

collision

from which springs,

it

it

rebounds

until, after

tion of dramatic art bility of taking

by

its

a certain

number

of recoils

and

action having been spent.

This concepnature relieves the author of the responsi-

stops, its force of

account of characters, sentiment, or passion.

Fertility of invention, dexterity in selecting the proper elements

of a situation,

and ingenuity

in arranging these elements did not

go

them he added that without which these gifts would have been of little avail: careful and effective planning of the various scenes of the play. He was not satisfied to present his alone in Scribe;

to

scenes in a haphazard fashion;

he trusted neither to luck nor to 162

TECHNIQUE OF

"

COMEDIES- VAUDEVILLES "

51

So important to him was I have finished my plan, I have said: "When he often the plan that nothing more to do." He insisted that every entrance and exit wit to redeem a badly constructed plot.

its proper place and that the scenes should follow each other in the clearest and most logical order. Scribe's chief desire

should be in

jing to entertain,

he realized that to do this he must

first of all

be

clear, so that nothing might be unexplained or misunderstood. To accomplish this, his first concern was to see that in the open-

ing scenes the subject should be well exposed

and the audience sure

what the action was to concern. The expositions in his plays are nearly always clear and firmly handled. The different threads of the iction are skilfully stretched and the entire exposition is so enlivened ith bright dialogue and pretty couplets that the machinery is cleverly disguised and the audience listens patiently. But to be clear would not have been enough had the action loved fitfully, rapid here and lagging there; to hold the interest of the spectator, whose interest has been aroused by a dexterous as to

exposition,

it is

essential that everything tend, directly or indirectly,

to hasten the solution of the difficulties encountered in the course of

the action.

If certain characters are superfluous, if

are digressive

and retard the march

one or two scenes

of events, interfering with the

play of the various forces upon each other, the spectator grows restless and the spell is broken. This constant, logical progression of events is a characteristic of nearly all of Scribe's vaudevilles.

Knowing that nothing is so apt to annoy an audience as to have some incident occur without warning, Scribe was always careful to scatter here and there in the early parts of the play words which at the time seemed of no consequence but which prepared the mind of the listener for the great event in the later scenes.

Nothing

is left

on faith by the audience; all that happens is the logical what has happened earlier, or what has been hinted at. No less responsible for his hold upon the public was his practice of taking the spectator into his confidence, of letting him know the things which were withheld from some of the characters in the play. In this way he succeeded in establishing some kind of a tacit understanding between himself and his audience that certain situations, which, if to be taken lit

of

examined too

closely,

were improbable or 163

farcical,

were temporarily

NEIL C. ARVIN

52 to be accepted.

More than

this,

he realized that

it is

human

nature

to enjoy being in a secret, and that the pleasure derived from watcha certain difficulty, but ing the efforts of a character to overcome

constantly baffled

by ignorance

of

some condition which the onlooker

knows well, is greater than that of being kept in the dark and being made to wonder just what is wrong. The comic element in his in which plays is nearly always the result of the situations themselves, some

of the characters are talking or acting

with one object in view,

In such scenes the while the others have something else in mind. and the actions are always at cross-purposes spectator is the only

one who knows the secret of the situation.

Having thus clearly exposed the subject, arranged each incident and scene in its proper place, so ordered the action that it is rapid and constant, and always sufficiently explained, he brings it to a logical,

He

even inevitable, conclusion.

probably did not, however,

the de*noument being the most vital part of a play, he always had it clearly in mind before the plot was fully developed. He was aware that a hastily accomplished de*noument, convenient, but not logical, would spoil the best play

work

in the order just described;

and disgruntle the most indulgent audience.

That the de*noument

should be the only real consequence of the combinations of characters and events was a fundamental law with him, and in his most com-

what is to be the outcome of all with which he complicates the

plicated pieces he never loses sight of

the peripeties and coups de theatre action. Everything tends toward one end, which every element of the play announces and prepares for, and each scene makes the spectator

more anxious to know the outcome.

Thus, starting with the conventional vaudeville farce, vaudeville and vaudeville satirique, Scribe, by early applying the

anecdotique

formula of the intensive plot, of the plot built upon a dovetailing of quidproquos, had before long developed the genre into a vaudeville

Having thus made of the vaudeville a more pretentious form by grafting it on to the comedie d'intrigue, he gradually enlarged the new vaudeville, by weaving into it a sketch of manners, until he intrigue.

reached the comedy of manners. In the transformation of the vaudeville into the comedie-vaudeville de mceurs, three stages may be noticed:

first,

there

is

a modification in the structure of the play, 164

TECHNIQUE OF more

"

COMEDIES- VAUDEVILLES"

53

careful combination of the various elements, greater dexterity

building the framework and

more and

iccession of scenes, in the action le role

logical

arrangement in the

in the de*noument.

of the couplet is gradually reduced until finally

ipletely.

it

Second,

disappears

Third, the later plays, while keeping their humorous become somewhat more sentimental in tone,

id sparkling quality, >re

reserved and

more restrained than the

lighter vay,deville-farce.

NEIL C. ARVIN RICE INSTITUTE HOUSTON, TEX.

165

REVIEWS AND NOTICES 7osos Cervantinos que

CORTES.

Madrid:

Tocan a Valladolid. Junta

para

By NARCISO ALONSO

Ampliaci6n

de

Estudios

e

Investigaciones Cientificas, 1916.

The

third centennial of Cervantes' death has produced something better Many new facts have

the florid oratory common on such occasions. discovered throwing light upon the author of

Don Quijote, his family the publication of Fitzmaurice-Kelly's admirable biography (Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. A Memoir), one can no longer trust that work alone for a complete knowledge of the facts of Cervantes' and

friends.

Recent as

is

A new edition is already desirable. Rodriguez Marln, Amezua, Gonzalez Auricles, Ortega, and Alonso Cortes have all contributed new information. If most of it is of slight importance, the sum total is very

life.

respectable.

In the present book Alonso Corte*s deals mainly with the Cervantes family as related to Valladolid. Rodriguez Marin had shown that Cordoba real home of the family and that the connection with Alcala de Henares, the novelist's birthplace, was only temporary. The present author He shows that tries to trace back the family history farther, to Talavera. numerous members of the clan Cervantes inhabited that town, but he is

was the

unsuccessful in connecting the southern branch of the family with that of the north. True, Cervantes terms Talavera la mejor tierra de Castilla, but this

encomium hardly proves that he regarded the town as the family solar. Alonso Corte*s is on firmer ground when he begins to consider the history of the Licenciate Juan de Cervantes, Miguel's grandfather. Rodriguez Marin has shown that the latter settled in Alcala de Henares in 1505, where his son Rodrigo was born, and that he resided there six years. In 1516 we find him back in C6rdoba and in 1523 holding the post of teniente de corregidor in Cuenca. Every lover of Cervantes would like to believe with Rodriguez Marin that in sketching the portrait of the poor ,and upright teniente de cor-

La Gitanilla the author took his own grandfather as a model. Unfortunately it is difficult to reconcile the ideal portrait with the facts concerning the Licenciado Juan now brought to light. In 1528 he held the post of oidor del Consejo del duque del Infantado in Guadalajara. Alonso Cortes

regidor in

has unearthed the documents of a most unsavory suit between Juan's daughter Maria and the Archdeacon Martin de Mendoza. It would appear that the father not only winked at the illicit relations of his daughter with 167]

55

REVIEWS AND NOTICES

56

but also abetted her in a blackwhich she brought against him. It has long been known that two of Miguel's sisters and his daughter Isabel were adventuresses constantly this dissolute prelate of influential family,

mailing suit

seeking to involve

unwary

lovers in the toils of the law.

We now know that

this unpleasant family tradition which persisted for three generations started with the novelist's aunt, Maria. Such unpleasant discoveries illustrate

the dangers of genealogical research. Poverty could not be pleaded in Witnesses depose that Juan de Cervantes maintained gran

extenuation.

They associated with nobles, participated in tilts and had slaves, servants, pages, and outriders, wore silks and other costly How different from the household which could not produce a fineries. with which to cross the gypsy's palm! silver of piece Such prosperity did not long accompany Rodrigo de Cervantes, the surgeon, and his family. Rodrigo seems to have left Alcald for Valladolid about 1551, when Miguel was only four years old. The father soon became a victim of extortion on the part of a certain Gregorio Romano. He was imprisoned for debt, and to secure release instituted a pleito de hidalguia. He had no difficulty in establishing his noble rank, but to regain solvency was a different matter. Plainly Rodrigo de Cervantes was a ne'er-do-well. The documents in the Romano trial enable us to follow the dismal fortunes

fausto de casa. tournies,

Alonso Corte"s plausibly conjecof the family in Valladolid through 1553. tures that they continued to reside in that city until 1561, when they appear in Madrid. Much interesting material is given concerning the Trinitarian

Juan Gil, whose biography Sefior Ortega is now writing, about the Valladolid poets mentioned in the Canto de Caliope, and concerning the family of the novelist's wife, Catalina de Salazar. The final chapter, devoted to

father,

Cervantes' last stay in Valladolid, contains little new material. Suffice it to say that no documentary evidence has been found proving his presence there previous to 1605. Sefior Alonso Cortes is to be congratulated on the acquisition of important new material and his honesty in not attempting to gloss over unpleasantnesses. Many interesting details are here passed over in silence. In interpreting his documents he occasionally indulges in too much speculation.

GEORGE T. NORTHUP UNIVERSITY OP CHICAGO

168

Modern Philology VOLUME XVI

NUMBER 4

August 1918

THE INFERNAL COUNCIL The purpose

of this study

to trace the development of the

is

"Infernal Council" from Claudian and the Gospel of Nicodemus, through Robert de Boron, Boccaccio, Sannazaro, Vida, and Tasso, to Milton. 1 I

At the end of the fourth century of our era, Claudian composed two Latin poems, In Rufinum and De Raptu Proserpinae, which had a very great influence upon later writers, especially because of the The In descriptions of councils in Hell with which they begin.

Rufinum was intended both as an invective against Rufinus, the ambitious minister of Arcadius, Emperor of the East, and as a bit of flattery for the Western Emperor and for his general Stilicho. Rufinus is represented as an envoy of Hell, the monsters of which have sat in solemn conclave and determined that the world happy.

As war on Heaven seems

too

is

likely to prove disastrous,

it is

resolved to accept the suggestion of Megaera, to send her foster-child 2

Rufinus to wreak ruin

among men. The opening scene in De Raptu Proserpinae is likewise an infernal council, called this time by Pluto, who is enraged because he is Professor E. H. Wilkins, now of the University of Chicago, suggested this subject years ago, when I was under his instruction at Harvard University. While Professor Wilkins has been helpful in many ways in the assembling of the materials for this article, he is in no sense responsible for the conclusions reached. 2 See T. R. Glover, Life and Letters in the Fourth Century, Cambridge, 1901, p. 220. 1

to

me some

169]

1

[MODERN PHILOLOGY, August,

1918

OLIN H. MOORE

2

of the argument is that Ceres, scenting As soon as child Proserpine in Sicily. beautiful disaster, hides her him not to run the risk Pluto voices his complaint, Lachesis begs " Ask Jupiter, and a wife will be given," of waging war on Heaven.

unmarried. 1

The upshot

she pleads. Then Maia brings her son Mercury before him. Pluto, seated on his horrible but majestic throne, speaks to his winged

messenger, railing against his brother Jupiter, who, he declares, not satisfied with excluding him from the light of day, has hindered him

from procuring a spouse. There were numerous models for Claudian's infernal councils in earlier poetry, such as the council of the gods in the Aeneid x. Nevertheless,

much

as Claudian

owed

to Virgil, 2 in the

De Raptu

Proserpinae he appears to have imitated especially the beautiful Homeric hymn to Demeter. 3 The council of the gods summoned

by

Jupiter, described in the

Greek poem, became the infernal council

in the Latin imitation, a change which had 4 later history of the subject.

many

parallels in the

Attention is called to the following passages from the In Rufinum and the De Raptu Proserpinae which were imitated, as we shall see, by later writers: Invidiae

quondam

stimulis incanduit atrox

Alecto, placidas late cum cerneret urbes. Protinus infernas ad limina taetra sorores, Concilium deforme, vocat. Glomerantur in

Innumerae pestes Erebi, quascumque

Nox

genuit fetu: Nutrix Discordia

unum

sinistro

belli,

Imperiosa Fames, leto vicina Senectus Impatiensque sui Morbus Livorque secundis Anxius et scisso maerens velamine Luctus

Et Timor et caeco praeceps Audacia vultu Et Luxus populator opum, quern semper adhaerens Infelix humili gressu comitatur Egestas,

Foedaque Avaritiae complexae pectora matris Insomnes longo veniunt examine Curae. Complentur vario ferrata sedilia coetu Torvaque collectis stipatur curia monstris. 1

See T. R. Glover, Life and Letters in the Fourth Century, Cambridge, 1901, p. 244.

*

Ibid., p. 233.

Vss. 313

ff.

See L. Cerrato, " De Claudii Claudiani fontibus in poemate de Raptu Proserpinae," in Rivista di Filologia, Turin, IX (1881), 278.

170

THE INFERNAL COUNCIL Alecto stetit in mediis vulgusque tacere lussit et obstantes in tergum reppulit angues 1 Perque umeros errare dedit.

At nos indecores longo torpebimus aevo Omnibus eiectae regnis ? 2

lam quaecumque

latent ferali monstra barathro

In turmas aciemque ruunt, contraque Tonantem Coniurant Furiae, crinitaque sontibus hydris Tisiphone quatiens infausto lumine pinum

Armatos ad castra vocat

3 pallentia manes.

.... Tune

talia celso

Ore tonat

tremefacta silent dicente tyranno Atria, latratum triplicem compescuit ingens lanitor et presso lacrimarum fonte resedit

Cocytos tacitisque Acheron obmutuit undis

Et Phlegethonteae requierunt murmura

.... Tantumne In

me

Cum

caelo Fortuna tulit ? si

saevissime frater

Sic nobis noxia vires

iuris erit ?

Perdidimus,

tibi

4

ripae.

rapta dies ?

Num robur et arma An

forte iacentes

Ignavosque putas, quod non Cyclopia tela Stringimus aut vacuas tonitru deludimus auras ? Nonne satis visum, quod grati luminis expers Tertia supremae patior dispendia sortis Informesque plagas, cum te laetissimus ornet 5 Signifer et vario cingant splendore Triones ?

II

We may consider Claudian, despite his possible familiarity with the Scriptures, 6 as the chief source of a pagan tradition in descriptions of infernal councils.

For a Christian

tradition, let us

examine

the so-called gospel of Nicodemus, which, according to Gaston Paris and Alphonse Bos, is really based on two Greek manuscripts, united 1

In Rufinum,

2

Ibid., 58, 59.

I,

25-43.

3

De Raptu Proserpinae,

*

Ibid.,

83-88.

5

Ibid.,

93-102.

I

I,

quote from

C. Claudiani

37-41.

See Glover, p. 242.

171

Carmina, ed. Jeep, Leipzig, 1876.

OLIN H. MOORE

4

by a

certain Ananias or

which

scripts,

is

Aeneas

in 425. l

The

first

the Gospel of Nicodemus proper,

is

of these

manu-

of little interest

to us, being intended merely to give information on the passion of It Christ supplementary to what is found in the New Testament. is

the second manuscript which contains an infernal council.

manuscript

itself

goes back

Greek form of which

half of the third century, the

first

This

to a manuscript of gnostic origin of the is

anterior

It relates the descent of Christ

to the middle of the fourth century.

Hades and Satan, and the baptism of At considerable length an infernal council held over Christ's

into Hell, his victories over sinners.

prospective entrance into the lower world

Hades

of the miracles accomplished

by

is

described.

Christ,

Satan

who comes

tells

as an

all-

powerful invader to take back the captives. Probably about the end of the fifth century, the manuscript of Ananias or Aeneas was translated into Latin. The Latin translation

was

in turn rendered into

teenth century (first

by

French about the beginning of the thirby a so-called Chretien

Andre* de Coutances; also

half of the thirteenth century)

in the fourteenth century

(MS C

;

and by an anonymous author

in the Paris-Bos edition).

The

account of the infernal council, in the French version, continues

through several hundred

lines.

Ill

At the beginning of his Merlin, Robert de Boron inserted an As a result of this council, Merlin is brought into

infernal council.

the world, born of a virgin, but, unfortunately for the devils, so innocent that he turns all his power for harm to a good purpose. In the Merlin, however, the time of the council is set later than in the Nicodeme. Christ has already entered and the Hell;

other captives have been released;

Adam, Eve,

and humanity has been

safe-

guarded through baptism from the deceits of the evil one. The devils rehearse their grievances, such as their exclusion from Heaven,

and the diminishing number of their victims, and determine to obtain their revenge by an anti-Christ to combat the saving doccreating trines of Christianity. Robert de Boron reduces the entire description of the council to three pages. de Nicodtme, ed. Paris Francais, 1885, pp. ii and iii.

Yet, despite so

much abridgement,

and Bos, Paris: SocietS des Anciens Textes 172

THE INFERNAL COUNCIL there

is

5

often a pretty close textual resemblance between the Merlin

and the Nicodeme. 1 Note in particular the following passages

in the Merlin,

which

were imitated by later writers: Qui est chis horn qui nous a enforchies et nos ferm(et)e"s brisies si que nule chose que nous eussiens reposte ne pot estre celee encontre lui (et) que 2 il n'ait fait trestout chou que il lui plaist ?

Et nous alames,

si

presimes ichiaus qui che disoient que cil qui lors ... Si nous a tolu

verroit en terre les deliverroit des painnes d'infer.

chou que nous avons perdu et chou que nous aviens 3 poo(n)s riens prendre centre lui.

Ore

les

avons tous perdus par

nul pooir sour iaus dessi que

il

le

lavement que

il

font,

saisi,

si

que nous

n'i

que nous n'avons

revignent (a nous) par oevres que

il

font. 4

Et plus encore, que il (a) laissie" menistres en terre qui les sauveront, ja n'averont tant fait de nos oevres, se il s'en voelent repentir et nos oevres 5 guerpir et faire chou que li menistre lour diront. Cil qui plus

nous ont neut, che sont

cil

qui (plus) di(s)ent de sa venue en

terre. 6

II i a tel de nous qui bien puet prendre samblance d'omme et conchevoir en feme. 7

IV Boccaccio, in his Filocolo, follows on the whole the narrative of the Cantare di Fiorio e di Biancifiore* which is probably itself derived from a French source. Nevertheless, not satisfied with what he 9 contemptuously calls the "fabulosi parlari degli ignoranti," he undertakes to lend to the simple tale of Fleur et Blanchefleur a grandiose

To

that end, he borrows heavily from classical mythology and from the Scriptures, and even attempts to impose an epic

significance.

1 Paris and Ulrich, Paris, SociSte des Anciens Textes Francais, 1886, Merlin, ed. Introduction. Cf. Nicodeme, ed. cit., loc. cit.

2

Merlin, p.

3

Ibid., p. 2.

s

Ed. Crescini, Bologna, 1889-99, Vol.

1.

Filocolo, Vol. I

(

<

Ibid.

s

Ibid.

= BoccacciO, Opere

I,

Ibid., p. 3.

Ibid. p. 462.

volgari, Vol. VII), Florence, 1829, p. 7.

173

OLIN H. MOORE

6 his narrative.

form upon

1

For such an ambitious project, what

better material could he find than the Biblical story of the tragic fall of overweening Satan, and of the creation and temptation of

man?

Boccaccio's predilection for scriptural matter leads

him

to

introduce this epic narrative at least three times into the Filocolo. 2 Let us call these three accounts, for convenience, A, B, and C.

In A, after promising to tell the story of Florio and Biancofiore, Boccaccio suddenly relates the conflict between -Jupiter and Pluto. Jupiter drove Pluto out of Heaven for his ambition, and assigned to him and to his followers the dismal kingdom of Dis. The empty seats of the fallen angels were filled with a

Adam and Eve

new

whom tempting man

generation, of

were the parents. Pluto succeeded in him out of Eden "alle sue case."

Jupiter then

to sin, thus driving

sent his son to liberate the

men who were imprisoned

in Dis,

and

also

them with arms

so that they might defend themselves

against the snares of Pluto.

So effective were these weapons, that

to provide

it

was impossible for Pluto's forces to resist them. At this point, the mission of St. James to Spain

is suddenly few Boccaccio Then, pages, practically follows the Cantare. However, when he comes to describe Lelio's preparations for an expedition to the shrine of St. James in fulfillment of a

for a

introduced.

vow, Boccaccio returns to his epic theme. He depicts Pluto as being so greatly agitated over the expedition of Lelio that he holds an infernal council over the matter. It is there decided that Pluto, disguising himself as the governor of

expedition

In B, which

A

Marmorina,

is

to prevent the

by "la paura." is

the infernal council proper, the events related in

are recited as grievances

in

somewhat more summary style. A and B is recited by

There remains C, where much of the matter in Ilario, as

the preface to the scriptural lessons which he imparts to

Florio.

Boccaccio, in narrating briefly the conspiracy of devils enraged at the victories of Christ, naturally owes little to classical sources. may even suspect that some of his paraphernalia of names

We

was taken not from Latin authors but from Dante,

proper he follows

whom

i

See Crescini, Contribute agli studi sul Boccaccio, Turin, 1887, p. 200, n.

*

Filocolo, Vol. I, pp. 10, 11; 18, 19; Vol. II

174

(

= Opere

3.

volgari, Vol. VIII), pp.

309

flf.

THE INFERNAL COUNCIL for

in using the word Dis to refer to a city instead of to a Boccaccio seems to have followed pretty closely the Merlin

example

god. of

7

1

Robert de Boron, or one of the Italian versions

of

it,

such as the

Vita di Merlino or the Storia di Merlino of Paolino Fieri, the former 2 having a longer account of the conclave in Hell than the latter.

However,

if

Robert de Boron welds

his epic

matter

fairly well

with

the story of a marvelous magician, Boccaccio is less successful in thrusting the same story into the history of a simple pilgrimage into Spain.

Boccaccio follows Robert de Boron in putting the infernal council and the liberation of the sin-

after the descent of Christ into Hell ners.

3

Both versions are characterized by a

against the Almighty, as follows

recital of grievances

:

The descent of Christ into Hell, and the rescue of the captives. The safeguarding of the captives against further deceits and

a) 6)

assaults of the

enemy.

Robert de Boron, following the Svangile de

Nicodeme, represents the captives as protected through baptism. Boccaccio, on the other hand, is anxious to give a more warlike tone to his romance.

He

therefore represents St.

knights,

James as a knight

speaks of the converts to Christianity as

battling for Christianity;

and consistently calls their religious doctrines "armi." Of was plenty of scriptural authority for these figures of

course, there

speech.

In the Merlin, one of the grievances is the sending of ministers to warn men against Satan and his wiles. This feature does not occur c)

but in

in B,

A Boccaccio speaks of the mission of St. James to convert

the Occident. d)

In the Merlin, the

enemy

decides to

work against Christ

for

In the Filocolo, Pluto decides to

revenge, operating through fear.

wreak

his revenge by frightening Lelio and his party. In the Merlin, the devil takes the "samblance d'homme." 4 In the Filocolo, Pluto takes the appearance of the governor of Mare)

morina.

It is thus

not necessary to appeal to general mediaeval

Grandgent, Boston, 1909, Canto VIII,

1

Cf. Inferno, ed.

2

Storia di Merlino, ed. Sanesi,

3

See Crescini, Fiorio

4

Merlin, p. 3.

Bergamo, 1898,

e Biancifiore,

Vol.

I,

175

p. Ixxiii.

p. 151.

vs. 68, note.

MOORE

OLIN H.

8

of Pluto's tradition, as Crescini does, for the explanation

supposed of a man. 1 the assume shape power The principal contribution of Robert de Boron to the story of a to

conclave in Hell was,

than

later

it will

be recalled, to relate events happening

The

in the Svangile de Nicodeme.

principal contribution

back than either on the other hand, was the Merlin or the 6vangile. To Robert de Boron's list of grievances he adds, (a) The expulsion of Pluto and his demons from Heaven to go farther

of Boccaccio,

by

Jupiter; (6)

creation of

and he boasts

angels;

Now

The

of,

(c)

man, to occupy the seats

Tempting man

of the fallen

to disobey his maker.

in almost identical language in a fact which confirms our observation regarding

these items are found

all

C

A, B, and

or supposedly scriptural

Boccaccio's predilection for scriptural

matter.

The

following extracts from

B

are quoted for purposes of refer-

ence: II miserabile re .... pensd di volergli ritrarre da si fatte imprese con paura; e convocati nel suo cospetto gl' infernali ministri, disse: compagni, voi sapete che Giove non dovutamente degli alti regni i quali possede ci privd,

e diecci questa strema parte sopra

nuova progenia,

e in dispetto di noi cred

il

centre dell' universe a possedere;

quale i nostri luoghi riempiesse noi ingegnosamaute gli sottraemmo, sicche noi volgemmo i loro passi alle nostrecase: e egli ancora, non parendogli averci tanto oltraggiato, mandd il suo figliuolo a spogliarcene, al quale non possendo noi resistere e

ci spoglid;

la

:

dopo tutto questo fece aweduti don6 loro armi colle quali

nostri lacciuoli, e

abitanti della terra de'

gli

leggiermente le nostre spezzano; e che noi di questi oltraggi ci abbiamo a vendicare sopra di lui. II salire in su c'& vietato, ed egli piu possente di noi, perd ci conviene, pure con ingegno, il nostro regno aumentare, e fare di riavere cid che peraddietro

abbiamo perduto. 2 Ond' io ho proposto di volergli almeno templi visitando con paura. 3 .

sedie

.

.

.

e

prowide

di

essi

ritrargli dell'

andare

gli strani

nuova generazione volere riempiere Pabbandonate

4

V De Partu Virginis (1526) is connected with the subof the infernal council because of two passages, (a) David's long ject Sannazaro's

prophecy concerning the i

*

Crescini, op.

cit.,

Vol.

I,

life

pp. 152

Filocolo, Vol. I, pp. 18, 19.

of the Messiah, including his descent flf.

s

ib id

.

176

t

p. 19>

4

ibid., p. 10.

THE INFERNAL COUNCIL

9

Hell and his liberation of the captives; (6) the address of the blessed in Heaven, at the beginning of Book III.

ito

God The

>phecy of David comes after the angel Gabriel has returned to The speech of the Father follows javen after the Annunciation.

account of the joyful behavior of Joseph and Mary at the birth Jesus, and is followed by a scene in which the shepherds hear the In his speech, God igel chorus proclaiming that a son is given.

who

^counts the triumphs of the divine will over Satan,

tempted to usurp the throne of Heaven,

and exhorts

has at-

his angels to

rejoice over the birth of Christ.

In the

first

two books

of the

indebted to classical sources for

De Partu

little

Virginia Sannazaro was more than a few passages such

as the description of the monsters in Hell, found at the close of

Book

On

the other hand, he was inspired to a great extent by the Scriptures, and somewhat by the Filocolo, which he had already I.

1

imitated in his Arcadia. 2 life

of the

Messiah

is

The long prophecy of David regarding the no doubt modeled on the similar long medley

of Biblical history recited

Father in

Book

III

is

by

Ilario to Florio.

an imitation

The address

of the

of the address of Pluto to his

minions in the Filocolo, the rdles of the speakers being inverted, the Father reciting as triumphs what Pluto had rehearsed as grievances: Aetherei Proceres (neque enim ignoratis et ausus Infandos, dirumque acies super astra frementes) Si mecum iuvat antiques ab origine motus

veterum pariter meminisse laborum: peperit victoria laudem Hue animos, hue pacatas advertite mentes. Vos, quum omne arderet caelum servilibus armis, Arctorumque furor pertenderet impius axem Inspicere, et

Quandoquidem haec vobis

Scandere, et in gelidos regnum transferre Triones Fida manus mecum mansistis: et ultima tandem

:

:

3 Experti, caelo victricia signa tulistis.

The following passage from the prophecy collection of scriptural passages,

of David is based on a on the plan of the long speech of

Ilario in the Filocolo:

Ipse catenato fessus per tartara collo Ducetur Pluton: tristi quern murmure circum 1

2 '

See F. Flamini, II Cinquecento, Milan, p. 106. See Arcadia, ed. Scherillo, Turin, 1888, pp. li-lvii.

Book

III, p. 76.

I

quote from the edition of Rome, 1877.

177

OLIN H.

10

Inferni fractis

At nos

MOORE

moerebunt cornibus amnes.

virgines praecincti

tempora lauru,

Signa per extentos caeli victricia carapos Tollemus, laetoque Ducem clamore sequemur. Victor io, bellator io, tu regna profunda, Tu Manes, Erebumque, Potestatesque coerces

Letumque tu sub Numine

Aerias,

torques.

temone sedens, levibusque quadrigis

Ille alto

Lora dabit, volucresque reget placido ore iugales, Non iam cornipedum ductos de semine equorum. 1

For

his descriptions of scenes in Hell in

zaro imitated Claudian and

The

Book

I,

however, Sanna-

Virgil.

following description of the

commotion produced among the

of Christ powers of the deep by the triumphant approach De the from Proserpinae: Raptu freely

is

imitated

Intremuere Erebi sedes, obscuraque Ditis Limina: suspirans imo de corde Megaera

Dat geminum, et torvas spectat sine mente Sorores. Turn caudam exululans sub ventre recondidit atram Cerberus, et sontes latratu terruit umbras: Commotisque niger Cocytus inhorruit antris: Et vagas Sisyphiis haeserunt saxa lacertis. 2

The

description of the monsters of the deep,

which slink into

of Christ, is imitated closely

their holes at the

approach account of the monsters seen by Aeneas in Hades

.... Eumenidum

from

Virgil's

:

diffungiant immisso lumine dirae

facies iactis in terga colubris.

Quas atro vix in limo Phlegethontis adustum Accipiat nemus, et fremanti condat in ulva. Turn variae pestes, et monstra horrentia Ditis

Ima

3 petant: Trepident Briare'ia turba, Cerastae,

Semiferumque genus Centauri,

et

Gorgones atrae,

Scyllaeque, Sphingesque, ardentisque ore Chimaerae,

Atque Hydrae, atque Canes Book

I,

p.

34.

et terribiles Harpyiae.

Of. Psalms, 68:18; II Colossians, 5:15; I

4

Colossians,

15:26;

Revelation, 20:2 and 14. 2

De Partu

Virginia,

I,

30.

Cf.

De Raptu Proserpinae,

I,

vss. 83-88, cited above,

p. 171.

Briareia turba, from De Raptu Proserpinae, III, vs. 188. Cerastae, from De Raptu See Lewis and Short's Latin Dictionary, Oxford, 1896. Proserpinae, II, vs. 346. *

De Partu

Virginis,

I,

33.

Cf. Aeneid vi. 275

178

flf.

THE INFERNAL COUNCIL The lall

11

De Partu Virginis, as we and Milton. The following line

description of the monsters in the

influenced Vida, Tasso,

see,

)bably also

was imitated by Tasso

....

liceat

:

cernere portas

rumpentem

l

Aeratas

VI The

action of the Christiad (1535) of Vida begins with the journey

Jesus to Jerusalem, in the last year of his ministry. Stopping at e house of Zaccheus, the Savior is informed by a messenger of the

He

departs to restore Lazarus to life, and Satan a council of his demons, who, alarmed by the success of Christ's

leath of Lazarus. calls

combat God by persuading the Rabbis In his impassioned harangue, Satan recounts the past victories of God, who, not content with driving the rebellious angels out of Heaven, is preparing to send his son into Hell itself, to mission on earth, determine to to persecute his son.

rescue the captives.

For

Vida borrowed from and the De Partu Virginis. Vida and Boccaccio represent the chief demon's harangue as beginning with a stirring appeal to the memory of an unjust expulsion from Heaven, and of a valorous his description of the conclave in Hell,

the Filocolo

struggle against the Almighty.

ances

may

The

following statements of griev-

be compared with the passages from the Filocolo quoted

above. In partemque homini nostri data regia caeli est 2 Nee satis: arma iterum molitur Id propter juvenem aetherea demisit ab arce .... .

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

aderit, fretusque armis caelestibus ille Sedibus exitium vehit his, et regna recludet Infera, concessasque animas nostra eximet orbe

lamque

Irrita

It will

tentamenta, dolos et vim

exiit

....

omnem. 3

be noted that Vida follows Boccaccio even in the use of the

word "arms," which Boccaccio had substituted "baptism" which he had found in the Merlin.

rather characteristic for the

1

De Partu

Virginia, I, 31.

2

Here, as elsewhere, Vida seems to have been influenced by the style of Claudian. Cf. the lines Nonne satis visum, etc., quoted above, p. 171. Christiad,

I,

182-202.

I

quote from the edition of London, 1732.

179

OLIN H.

12

MOORE

speech of Satan to his followers in the imitated directly from a passage Christiad, on the other hand, were 1 in the De Partu Virginis, which was itself modeled, as we have

The opening

lines of the

The things which Filocolo. observed, on a speech of Pluto in the recounts in approvingly Heaven, God, in addressing the blessed as triumphs in the

poem

of Sannazaro, are included in the list of

Thus Vida in Vida's poem. grievances found in Satan's harangue had transas Claudian his of the verses remodeled predecessor, just formed the divine council of Zeus to a conclave of demons in Hades.

A

comparison will readily show to what an extent the speech in The is a counterpart of that in the De Partu Virginis. Satan "Aetherei words the with Father begins says proceres";

the Christiad

"Tartarei

Then

proceres."

follow

parentheses,

in

which Vida

paraphrases Sannazaro: Tartarei proceres, caelo gens orta sereno, (Quos olim hue superi mecum inclementia regis

Aethere dejectos flagranti fulmine adegit, Dum regno cavet, ac sceptris multa invidus

ille

Permetuit, refugitque parem), quae praelia toto

Egerimus caelo, quibus olim denique utrimque certatum odiis, no turn et meminisse necesse

Sit

est.

parte et plus occupat aequa ac Aetheris, poenas inimica e gente recepit Crudeles: pro sideribus, pro luce serena Ille astris potitur,

Nobis senta situ Reddidit.

loca, sole carentia tecta 2

.

.

1 The influence of Sannazaro upon Vida has been a matter of controversy. G. Moroncini (Sulla " Cristiade" di M. G. Vida, Trani, 1896, p. 45) is inclined to deny such an influence. Cotronei, in the Giornale storico della letteratura italiana, XXI, 364, reviewing Moroncini's book, emphasizes three resemblances between the Christiad and the De Partu Virginis: (1) The scene of the Virgin weeping at the cross; (2) The description of the Limbus; (3) The enumeration of the people who came to be recorded in the census taken under Augustus. G. Morpurgo, in a volume inaccessible to me entitled La poesia religiosa di lacopo Sannazaro, Ancona, 1909, maintains that there is indisputable evidence of the imitation of Sannazaro in the Christiad. (See Romanic Review, I [1910],

450.)

E. Yardley (Notes and Queries, 10th series, I [1914], 249) observes that in the Christiad, V, there is the episode of "Fear" called forth by Satan to frighten Pilate.

Have we not

here the "paura" on which Pluto laid so

Filocolo f 2

Christiad, I, 167

ff.

180

much

stress in his speech in the

THE The

INFERNAL. COUNCIL

following lines in of

prophecy

David

in the

13

the Christiad are imitated from the

De Partu

Virginis:

Fors quoque nos, nisi non segnes occurrimus ipsos Arcta in vincla dabit, vinctosque inducet Olympo 1 Victor, ovans; superi illudent to to aethere captis.

For

his description of the

Claudian, Sannazaro, and

monsters of the deep, Vida has imitated

especially Virgil:

ad portas gens omnis, et adsunt Continue varia atque bicorpora monstra, coetus Lucifugi ruit

Pube tenus hominum

facies, verum hispida in Desinit ingenti sinuata volumine cauda.

anguem

Sphyngasque obscoeno corpore reddunt; Centaurosque, Hydrasque illi, ignivomasque Chimaeras;

Gorgonas

Centum

hi,

alii

Scyllas, ac foedificas Harpyias,

Et quae multa homines simulacra horrentia fingunt. At centum-geminus flammanti vertice supra est Arbiter ipse Erebi, centenaque brachia jactat Centimanus, totidemque eructat faucibus aestus

Omnes

luctificum fumumque, atrosque procaci 2 Ore, oculisque ignes, et vastis naribus efflant.

passage are imitated from the De Raptu of the monsters are nearly all taken from and names the Proserpinae,* Virgil; but the passage was probably inspired in the first place by

The

first lines in this

Sannazaro, who adds "Sphinges" to the a change which Vida adopts.

list

found in the Aeneid,

VII

The

infernal council in the

Gerusalemme

Liberate, is

found in the

The military operations of the Christians Pluto, alarmed at their progress, calls a council

fourth Canto of that epic.

have been going well.

war in Hell, at which it is decided to send the fair Armida to work havoc among the Christians. In his harangue, Pluto relates how he and his followers have been expelled from Heaven, and how man made of vile clay has been put in their places. Nor was this of

sufficient

:

God

back with him Ibid., I,

De Partu

190

sent his son,

many

ff.

the gates of Hell, and took

and following lines in the second passage from the above on pp. 177 f, and the last line of the first passage.

Of. the fifth

Virginis quoted

139

who broke

souls.

2

Christiad, I,

8

See the third passage quoted above, p. 171.

ff.

181

OLIN H.

14

MOORE

Tasso drew upon Virgil, 1 Vida. and Claudian, Boccaccio, Sannazaro, In the following passage, Tasso seems to be indebted not only to

For

his description of the infernal council,

Vida, but also to Boccaccio

:

x

E

in vece del di sereno e puro,

De

P aureo

N'ha qui

sol,

de

gli stellati giri,

rinchiusi in questo abisso oscuro;

primo onor per noi s'aspiri: poscia (ahi quanto a ricordarlo e diiro! quel, che phi inaspra i miei martiri) Quest' NC* vuol ch'al

E

Ne' bei seggi

L'uom

ha Puomo chiamato, fango in terra nato.

celesti

vile e di vil

xi

NC* ci6 gli parve assai;

Sol per

Ei venne, e ruppe

E E Ne' sedie;*

ma in

fame piu danno,

preda a morte,

il figlio

diede.

tartaree porte, porre osd ne' regni nostri il piede, 2 trarne Palme a noi dovute in sorte.

bei seggi is here

very

le

much

like Boccaccio's

abbandonate

and

N6

ci6 gli

"Sol per

parve assai;

ma

fame piu danno,

il

in

preda a morte,

figlio

diede

The influence of Vida upon Tasso has been a subject of remark for the last three centuries (see Solerti, in a review of V. Vivaldi's Sulle fonti della Gerusalemme Liberata, Giornale storico della letteratura italiana, Solerti quotes here from [1894], 257). Magliabechiano II. IV. 192, cc. 305-306, where the note is made: "Nel IV, conciglio Solerti tratta gran parte dell' orazione." (sic) del diavolo, dal Vida, Cristiade, I, donde observes that G. B. Olivi, in his Concilium Inferorum, is indebted to Vida and to Tasso. Rosini, in his edition of the Gerusalemme Liberata, has worked out in great detail the indebtedness of Tasso to Vida and to Claudian in stanzas iv-xi. Vivaldi, in La Gerusalemme Liberata studiata nelle sue fonti, Trani, 1907, p. 25, gives some additional resemblances between Tasso and Vida. i

MS

XXIV

2 1 quote from the edition by Ferrari, Florence, 1907. Rosini bints at the indebtedness of Tasso to Boccaccio: "Questa orazione di Pluto da conferirsi con quella del medesimo attribuitogli dal Boccaccio nel primo libro del Fifocopo, ivi: Compagni, voi ec ...."' sapete similar assertion is made by F. de Sanctis, (Canto IV, ix, note). '

A

Storia della letteratura italiana, Bari, 1912, Vol. I, p. 285. S. Multineddu, in his Fonti Gerusalemme Liberata, Turin, 1895, pp. 52 ff., denies this connection between the Gerusalemme and the Filocolo, and associates Tasso's infernal council with that in Robert de Boron's Merlin. Flamini, in his Cinquecento, p. 516, apparently accepts Multineddu's conclusions. On the other hand, Multineddu (p. 22) agrees with Guastavini, D'Ancona, della

and others in associating the episode of Olindo and Sofronia with the burning at the stake of Florio and Biancoflore related in Book VI of the Filocolo. Cf. Solerti, op. cit., p. 264. Vivaldi (op. cit., pp. 32, 33) denies the connection between the Gerusalemme and the Merlin on the one hand and the Filocolo on the other. Cf review by Proto in Ras.

segna critica della letteratura italiana, 3 Filocolo, Vol. I, p. 10.

I,

67.

182

THE INFERNAL COUNCIL

15

jrtainly recalls .

.

.

.

e egli ancora,

non parendogli averci tanto

oltraggiato,

mandd

il

figliuolo.

Furthermore, the enumeration of grievances is made more formally by Tasso than by Vida, after the style of the Filocolo, thus

:

(1)

N'ha qui rinchiusi; (2) E poscia; (3) Ne do gli parve assai. Both and Boccaccio have little parentheses denoting exasperation:

"Quest'

quel che

piii

inaspra" and "non parendogli averci tanto

Itraggiato."

For the opening

lines of Pluto's speech,

Tasso follows Vida very lines with

appear on comparison of the following in Vida beginning "Tartarei proceres":

losely, as will

ix

Tartarei numi, di seder phi degni La sovra il sole, ond' e Porigin vostra,

Che meco

gia da i piu felici regni Spinse il gran caso in questa orribil chiostra; Gli antichi altrui sospetti e i fieri sdegni

Noti son troppo, e Talta impresa nostra.

Or Colui regge a suo

E

voler le stelle,

noi siam giudicati alme rubelle.

x

Ed De

in vece del df sereno e puro, 1'

aureo

N'ha qui

The imitation to a translation. to

de

sol,

gli stellati giri,

rinchiusi in questo abisso oscuro. 1

Vida by Tasso amounts in some places almost At the end of stanza xi, however, Tasso appears

of

have gone directly to Sannazaro for

his inspiration :

Vincitor trionfando, e in nostro scherno L'insegne ivi spiegar del vinto Inferno.

For

this

Sannazaro has: .

.

.

.

et ultima

tandem

Experti, caelo victricia signa tulistis

and Signa per extentos caeli victricia campos Tollemus, laetoque Ducem clamore sequemur. 2 Victor io, bellator io 1

2

The passage from Vida

is

quoted above,

See above, pp. 177 f.

183

p. 180.

MOORE

OLIN H.

16

Vida has Arcta in vincla dabit, vinctosque Olympo 1 Victor, ovans.

to the captivity of Satan Only Vida and Sannazaro here refer the of captured trophies of Hell, and his demons. The display and Tasso. however, is mentioned solely by Sannazaro For his description of the monsters of the deep, Tasso imitated Virgil,

Sannazaro, and Claudian: IV

Tosto

gli

dei d'Abisso in varie torme

Concorron d'ogn' intorno a 1' alte porte. Oh come strane, oh come orribil forme! Quant' e ne gli occhi lor terrore e morte!

Stampano alcuni

E E

'n fronte

suol di ferine orme,

il

umana han chiome

Che, quasi sferza,

si

d'angui attorte;

immensa coda,

lor s'aggira dietro

ripiega e snoda.

Qui mille immonde Arpie vedresti e mille Centauri e Sfingi e pallide Gorgoni; Molte e molte latrar voraci Scille,

E fischiar Idre, e sibilar Pitoni, E vomitar Chimere atre faville, E Polifemi orrendi e Gerioni; E in nuovi mostri, e non piu intesi o Diversi aspetti in

The

first line of

stanza iv

un

is

visti,

confusi e misti.

apparently imitated from the

De

Raptu Proserpinae:

lam quaecumque

latent ferali

monstra barathro

In turmas aciemque ruunt. 2 "

Sphinges" to the list found in the Aeneid is adopted by both Vida and Tasso. Sannazaro also has "Canes," in addition to "Scyllae." Tasso mentions "Cerbero" farther on, Sannazaro' s addition of

Jie is probably imitating another passage from Claudian. the other hand, in the Gerusalemme Conquistata, Tasso copies

but there

On 1

See above, p. 181.

2

See above, p. 171.

184

THE INFERNAL COUNCIL this

detail

from Sannazaro:

latrar

cani

indicates clearly that the author

in Tasso,

ij

"E

17

mostruosi." 1

was

directly

imitating Virgil's "forma tricorporis umbrae."

In the Christiad, Briareus

Tasso follows Sannazaro and

m is

is

depicted as the master of the deep. putting Polifemi (for Briareus ?)

Virgil,

a plane with the other monsters, but in his description of Pluto by the picture of Briareus in the Christiad.

influenced

The

description of the council of the Furies in the In

may have had some

influence on Vida

Rufinum

and Tasso.

Tasso probably went directly to Claudian for the following lines, although there are also close verbal resemblances with Sannazaro: iii

Treman

E

le spazi'ose

1'aer cieco

atre caverne,

a quel romor rimbomba. viii

Mentre

parlava, Cerbero i latrati Ripresse, e 1'Idra si fe' muta al suono; Restd Cocito, e ne tremar gli abissi;

E

ei

in questi detti

il

2 gran rimbombo udissi.

In the following lines, Tasso was doubtless imitating the Proserpinae and the In Rufini(,m:

De Raptu

xiii

Noi trarrem neghittosi i giorni e Tore, N6 degna cura fia che '1 cor n'accenda ? 1

V,

3. For the influence of Sannazaro upon Tasso, see Scherillo, Arcadia, ed. cit., where the author states his belief in the connection between the De Partu and the Gerusalemme Liberata, and promises to study the matter in detail else-

p. ccxxxvi,

Virginis

Vivaldi (op. cit., p. 26), attempts to disprove all connection between the Gerusalemme and the De Partu Virginis, at least so far as the descriptions of the monsters of He even denies that Tasso borrowed directly from Virgil, though the deep is concerned. the contrary is shown by Gerioni in Tasso. He says Virgil has 'angue di Lerna' while Tasso has Idre,' a distinction which I fail to grasp. Also, he calls attention to the fact that Tasso and Vida have 'Sflngi,' not found in Virgil. However, it is Sannazaro who introduces "Sphinges," a proof that Vida and Tasso imitated him as well as Virgil. If 'Idre' be really different from 'angue di Lerna,' there is one more proof of the influence of Sannazaro, who also has Hydrae. Furthermore, while it is true that Tasso does not, like Virgil, have 'Briareo,' that monster figures not only in Sannazaro's list, but is the most important of all the monsters in the Christiad, which, according to Vivaldi, Tasso imitated, to the exclusion of Virgil. Vivaldi himself confesses that "cani," which is suspiciously like Sannazaro's "Canes," is found in the Gerusalemme Conquistata. Morpurgo, who lays great emphasis upon the influence of Sannazaro on Tasso, says that Tasso owed to him 'tutta la mossa iniziale della Gerusalemme' (Romanic Review, I, 450). For the tremendous influence of Sannazaro upon his epoch, see Torraca, Scritti critici, 1907, Cf. also A. Sainati, lacopo Sannazaro e Joachim du Bellay, Pisa, 1915. pp. 65-69. where.

'

2 See De Raptu Proserpinae, I, 83-88, quoted above on p. 171, and the passage from the De Partu Virginis, I, 30, quoted above on p. 178. Rimbomba (iii) and rimbombo are doubtless imitated from Vida's "antra intonuere profunda" (op. cit., I, vs. 137). (viii)

185

OLIN H.

18

MOORE

The De Raptu Proserpinae has: .... An

forte iacentes l

Ignavosque putas, quod non.

The In Rufinum

.

.

.

.

has:

At nos indecores longo torpebimus aevo Omnibus 'eiectae regnis? 2

For purposes of reference, stanzas

xi

and xv

of

Canto IV are

quoted here: xi

ma in

Ne* cid glu parve assai;

Sol per

fame phi danno,

Ei venne, e ruppe

E E E

il

preda a morte,

figlio diede.

le tartaree porte,

porre osd ne' regni nostri il piede, trarne Palme a noi dovute in sorte,

riportarne al ciel sf ricche prede, Vincitor trionfando, e in nostro scherno L'insegne ivi spiegar del vinto Inferno.

xv ver; che* non sono anco estinti Gli spirti in voi di quel valor primiero, Quando di ferro e d'alte fiamme cinti

Ah! non

fia

Pugnammo gia contra il celeste impero. Fummo, io no '1 niego, in quel conflitto vinti Pur non mancd virtute

al

:

gran pensiero.

Diede, che che si fosse, allor vittoria: Rimase a noi d'invitto ardir la gloria.

VIII Milton seems to have relished the idea of an infernal council. In Paradise Lost, we have the harangue of Satan to his followers in Book I; the great debate in Pandemonium, in Book II; the chorus of hisses

Book X.

which greeted Satan on his return to Pandemonium, in In the first book of Paradise Regained3 there is also an

infernal council,

on much the same model as the others.

Further-

had already described an assembling of the wicked angels by Satan, preparatory to an attack upon Britain, which alone resisted successfully the plots of the Pope. 4 more, at the age of seventeen, Milton

*

See above, p. 171. See above, p. 171. Vs. 40 ft.

4

In Quintum Novembris.

186

THE INFERNAL COUNCIL The opening scene

19

of Paradise Lost is in Hell,

where Satan

attempts to rouse his comrades with the hope of regaining Heaven. In order to discuss ways and means of waging war against the Almighty, a council is held in the palace of Pandemonium. The debate which ensues occupies most of Book II. After the opening address

by Satan, Moloch, Belial, and Mammon offer their opinions. harangue in Book I, had suggested an attack on the new

Satan, in his

world, with its newly-created inhabitants.

ing Satan, also advises an attack.

Beelzebub,

now

support-

Apparently no one of the angels

hardy enough to venture upon the difficult quest of the new Satan finally volunteers to go himself. In Book Satan, after finding the new world, and tempting man from Eden, returns

is

X

world.

to relate his triumph. as before,

but with

He

hisses,

finds that he

is greeted not with applause, because he and his followers are changed

to serpents.

As a counterpart Heaven, in Book III.

to the councils in Hell, there

is

a council in

The Almighty, aware of the mission of Satan, determines to frustrate him, and tells his son of the manner in which the world is to be redeemed, through the atonement. The son of

God

voluntarily accepts the great destiny which

upon him. For his infernal councils, as well as for the council in Heaven, Milton imitated Tasso, Vida, Sannazaro, Boccaccio, and Claudian, is

laid

Dante, and Marino, the author of the His indebtedness to Tasso was so striking

in addition to Aeschylus,

Strage degli innocenti.

that

it

claimed attention at an early date, Addison in England and among those to remark upon it. The

Voltaire in France being

Vida upon Milton was largely exerted indirectly, through 1 Little has been and has Tasso, usually been studied in this manner. 2 said, however, about a direct influence of Sannazaro upon Milton, and, so far as I am aware, nothing at all about a direct influence of

influence of

Boccaccio on the great Puritan poet.

Furthermore, there are one

1

Of. Flamini, op.

2

Marianna Woodhull, in The Epic of Paradise Lost, London, 1907, p. 142, declares: influence of the De Partu Virginis can be traced also only in such minor details

"The

cit.,

p. 107.

as the descriptive passage of the flowers that lift their heads to greet the Virgin, as they also in Paradise Lost welcome the coming of Eve; the larger problem of the two works is not only different, but the method is in strong contrast." Morpurgo (op. cit.) associates the speech of God to the blessed in Heaven, which has been quoted in part from the De Partu Virginis, with the harangue delivered by Satan to his demons in Paradise Lost, I. Also, the long prophecy of David concerning Christ, he thinks, influenced Milton's

187

OLIN H. MOORE

20 or two

little 1

on Tasso's influence on gaps in the published material though this question has been debated.

Milton, long

For example, Pommrich, following the commentators, rightly associates the description of the opening of Satan's address,

He

called so loud that all the hollow

deep

Of Hell resounded! 2 with the passages in the Gerusalemme which we have already noted, imitated from Vida, and Claudian, passages which are themselves a first inspiration. However, he as very likely with Sannazaro of his speech. might have said something about the remainder

.... Princes, Potentates, Warriors, the flower of Heaven, once yours, is

now

lost,

doubtless a direct imitation of Vida's 3 Tartarei proceres, caelo gens orta sereno.

The next

lines are

:

such astonishment as this can seize Eternal spirits: or have ye chosen this place If

After the toil of battle to repose Your wearied virtue, for the ease

To slumber For

these,

you find Heaven ?

here, or in the vales of

Tasso has: Noi trarrem neghittosi i giorni e 1'ore, Ne" degna cura fia che'l cor n'accenda ?

At the same

time, Milton

may have

consulted the original passages

in Claudian, also:

.... An

forte iacentes,

Ignavosque putas, quod non

and At nos indecores longo torpebimus aevo Omnibus eiectae regnis ? 4 "demon chorus." With the first statement I am disposed to agree. The second is acceptable also, provided "demon chorus" means the hissing of the serpents in Book X. Unfortunately, I am compelled to rely upon the summary of Morpurgo's book which appeared in the Romanic Review, I, but so far as I am able to judge, the only trouble with Morpurgo's argument is that it does not go quite far enough. 1 For Tasso's influence upon Milton, the reader is referred to the standard commentators, especially some of the older ones, such as Todd. Cf. E. Pommrich, Miltons Verhaltnis zu Torquato Tasso, Leipzig dissertation, 1902. 2

Pommrich,

Lost, I.

<

314

p. 34.

Gerusalemme Liberata, IV, stanzas

flf.

See above, p. 180. See above, p. 171.

188

iii

and

viii.

Cf. Paradise

THE INFERNAL COUNCIL

21

Milton continues: Or

have ye sworn

in this abject posture

To adore

the conqueror,

who now beholds

Cherub and Seraph rolling in the flood With scattered arms and ensigns; till anon His swift pursuers from Heaven-gates discern

The advantage, and descending, tread us down Thus drooping, or with linked thunderbolts Transfix us to this gulf ?

Here there

no exact

is

the Gerusalemme Liberata

all

Hell, and (with the exception the demons from Hell.

The

last

any of the poems which we have been Virginis, the Christiad, and refer to Christ's carrying the war into

parallel in

Nevertheless the

studying.

De Partu

of the last-named

words of the speech in Paradise Lost Arise, Arise, or be forever fallen

may

well

....

In Quintum Novembris.

Pommrich

also associates the descriptions of the hissing of the

serpents on the return of Satan to of the

!

have been suggested by Milton's own Surge, age! surge, piger

in the

work) to his driving

Pandemonium wiih

the picture

monsters in Hell as described by Tasso: 1

.... Dreadful was the din Of hissing through the hall, thick-swarming now With complicated monsters, head and tail, Scorpion, and asp, and amphisbaena dire, Cerastes horned, hydrus, and ellops drear, And dipsas (not so thick swarmed once the soil Bedropt with blood of Gorgon, or the isle Ophiusa) but still greatest he the midst, Now dragon grown, larger than whom the sun Engendered in the Pythian vale on slime, Huge Python. ;

"

However, complicated monsters" seems an imitation of Vida's "bi2 corpora monstra" rather than of anything in Tasso. Furthermore, 1

Pommrich,

p. 36.

See Paradise Lost, X, 521

ff.

See also, p. 181. Another imitation of Vida by Milton is noted by Yardley in the third fragment of the Armada epic, where Milton's "Terror" is patterned on the familiar "Pear" of Vida and Boccaccio. 2

189

MOORE

OLIN H.

22

"Cerastes," mentioned neither

by Tasso nor by Vida,

De Partu Virginis. The passage quoted from Paradise Lost an imitation of Pliny, who gives the names

is

found in

the

is

usually explained as

most

of the serpents In view of his other imitations, direct or indirect, of Sannazaro, it seems likely that Milton here, as frequently happened, first got his general idea from Italian authors, then filled in

of

here mentioned.

the details from his wonderful knowledge of classical literature.

to

The fact should especially be borne in mind that Satan's address the demons in Book X, which immediately precedes the descrip-

tion of the serpents,

is

in a sense a replica, after

harangues of complaint in Books

achievement of his

and II. Naturally there is some of and the old it is therefore the more likely repetition phraseology, that Milton consulted here the same Italian authors as at the beginning of the epic.

I

This conclusion

soliloquy of Satan

which

is

is

confirmed by the observation of Paradise Lost there is a

book

of Ingleby that in the preceding

also patterned

on the infernal council

described in the Gerusalemme Liberata: 1

....

or to spite us

more

Determined to advance into our room A creature formed of earth, and him endow Exalted from so base original,

With Heavenly This

is

spoils,

clearly related to stanzas

our

spoils.

x and

xi in Tasso's

account of

the council: x Ne' bei seggi ha

L/uom

Tuom

vile, e di vil

chiamato, fango in terra nato,

xi

E riportarne al

ciel si ricche prede,

Vincitor trionfando, e in nostro scherno L'insengne ivi spiegar del vinto Inferno.

In a speech of Christ in

Book

III of Paradise Lost the imitation

of the second passage

quoted from the Gerusalemme Liberata, and more especially of a passage in the De Partu Virginis, is very marked. i Paradise Lost, IX, 147 ff. Of. Gerusalemme Liberata, IV, stanzas x, Ingleby, in Notes and Queries, 10th series, I, 203.

190

xi.

See H.

THE INFERNAL COUNCIL The Milton commentators have here

23

generally been satisfied to refer

to the scriptural verses from which Milton's lines are ultimately drawn, without regard to the language of the Italian poets which

undoubtedly was Milton's first inspiration: But I shall rise victorious, and subdue

My vanquisher,

spoiled of his vaunted spoil.

wound shall then receive, Inglorious, of his mortal sting disarmed; I through the ample air in triumph high

Death

his death's

and stoop

and show Thou, at the sight Pleased, out of Heaven shalt look down and smile,

Shall lead Hell captive

The powers

of

maugre

Hell,

Darkness bound.

While, by thee raised, I ruin all my foes, Death last, and with his carcase glut my grave; Then, with the multitude of my redeemed, Shall enter Heaven, long absent, If

of

and

return. 1

we compare this passage with one quoted from the prophecy in the De Partu Virginia, 2 we shall find the following resem-

David

blances

:

Ipse catenate fessus per tartara collo

Ducetur Pluton Shall lead Hell captive maugre Hell, of Darkness bound.

and show

The powers

Pleased

.... laetoque Ducem clamore sequemur3 .... Thou, at the sight ....

Victor

But

io,

bellator io

I shall rise victorious

.

.

.

.

.

.

tu regna profunda,

.... >

Paradise Lost, III, 250

2

See above, p. 177. Cf. Christiad,

I,

Potestatesque coerces

Letumque tu sub Numine

Aerias,

last,

.

.

Tu Manes, Erebumque,

Death

.

and with

I ruin all

torques.

my foes,

his carcase glut the grave.

ff.

vs. 192:

Superi illudent toto aethere captis, etc.

191

MOORE

OLIN H.

24

Ille alto temone sedens, levibusque quadrigis Lora dabit, volucresque reget placido ore iugales,

ductos de semine equorum.

Non iam cornipedum I

through the ample

Shall lead

air in

triumph high

....

Though both Vida and Tasso here imitated Sannazaro, two of the features, the conquest of Death, and the triumphant ride Savior through the air, are common to Sannazaro and Milton alone. For the

two

last

lines

quoted from Milton,

Then with the multitude Shall enter Heaven parallels in Sannazaro, Vida,

What

of

my redeemed

and Tasso are numerous, and need not

probable is that Milton got his first pattern from Sannazaro and others, then remodeled their language to make

be cited now.

is

conform still more closely to that of the Scriptures. In fact, the whole idea of representing the Father and the Son as speaking virtually the exact language of the Scriptures throughout the Paradise

it

Lost, while

to Milton

obvious enough,

by

It is also

may

possibly have b'een

first

suggested

his reading of Italian authors.

more than

likely that

Milton was influenced by Sannadown to the second coming

zaro in the long prophecy of future events,

which the angel Gabriel delivers to Adam in Books XI and XII of Paradise Lost, in view of the fact that the prophecy of of Christ,

David concerning the life of Christ, in the De Partu Virginis, is of somewhat similar style and of about the same length. It is likely, too, Milton had in mind the summary of the Old and New Testaments which Ilario delivered to Florio in Book V of the Filocolo. Florio listens to Ilario with

much

the same rapt attention that

Adam

shows to Michael. Milton also imitated Boccaccio, consciously or unconsciously, When he resumed work on his masterpiece,

in another respect.

eighteen years after his return from Italy, it was Milton's purpose to begin with what is now Book III, where Satan, already escaped from Hell, finds himself in the Universe, 1 trophe to the Sun. 1

D. Masson, The Life

and makes his beautiful aposLater Milton not only introduced an infernal

of

John Milton, London, 1877, Vol. V, pp. 406, 407.

192

THE INFERNAL COUNCIL was patterned ultimately,

council into his Paradise Lost which directly, it

on the one

was by means

25 if

not

in the Filocolo; but, as in the case of the Filocolo,

of this infernal council that the transformation of

Paradise Lost to the epic form was accomplished. Of course Milton's familiarity not only with what he calls the " romances" "lofty fables" of the Middle Ages, but also with the of that period, is

"romances"

old is

proved by the

beyond dispute.

in

That Milton had some

1

mind when he penned Book

lines of the

poem

itself.

I of

of the

Paradise Lost

2

To summarize: appears in of

the pagan suggestion of the infernal council the Christian tradition begins with the Gospel From the French version of this Gospel, Robert de

Claudian

Nicodemus.

;

Boron drew the condensed account undoubtedly influenced

one of the extant Italian versions. colo directly influenced

in the Merlin.

Boccaccio was

by the Merlin, which he probably

The

knew

in

infernal council in the Filo-

those in Vida's Christiad and Tasso's Geru-

salemme Liberata, as well as the address of the Father in Heaven in Sannazaro's De Partu Virginis. Vida and Tasso also borrowed

from Claudian's De Raptu Proserpinae and from Sannazaro's De Partu Virginis. Milton's Paradise Lost harks back to Tasso and to Vida, especially in

Books

I

and

II.

Indirectly Milton

was

fre-

quently influenced by Sannazaro, and directly in several places. In Books XI and XII Milton may also have been influenced by the long prophecy of

David

in the

De Partu

Virginis, probably also

by the

long discourse of Ilario in the Filocolo.

OLIN H. MOORE UNIVERSITY OP ILLINOIS 1

2

See Prose Works, London, 1901, Vol. Ill, p. 118 (An Apology for Smectymnuus). See Paradise Lost, I, 580 ff.

193

POE'S

of

EXTENSION OF HIS THEORY OF THE TALE

The discussion of narrative technique contained in Poe's review Hawthorne (1842) has been correctly signalized as establishing in

America part in

with a solidarity for which there seems to be no counterEuropean literatures a doctrine of the short story. The

constant implication, however, that the 1842 statement stands by itself, complete and without antecedent, should not pass unchallenged.

theory,

There occur in Poe's works various foreshado wings of the and certain ramifications, which are worthy of mention. I

do not refer to the parallel theory of the brief poem, already clearly presented in 1836, for the relationship in this case has been repeatedly indicated;

I

prose fiction.

have in mind certain remarks which directly concern In part these demonstrate merely that the principles

Hawthorne review had been formulated a number of years previously; in part and this weighs more heavily in the scale they have some interpretative value. The idea of unity of effect, the heart of the 1842 statement, already finds expression, and is already applied to fiction, as early as 1835, when Poe writes of Lady Dacre's Winifred, Countess of of the

Nithsdale:

The absolute conclusion

of this tale speaks

volumes for the

artist-like

An

every day writer would have ended a story of continued sorrow and suffering, with a bright gleam of unalloyed happiness, skill of

the fair authoress.

and sunshine thus destroying at a single blow that indispensable unity which has been rightly called the unity of effect, and throwing down, as it were, in a paragraph what, perhaps, an entire volume has been laboring to establish. 1

Comparison proves the identity of this principle with that described the following year in the brief-poem criticism mentioned above, in which the author, speaks of "what is rightly termed by Schlegel, 'the 2 unity or totality of interest.'"

It is evident in this second case that Poe had been reading Black's translation of August William Schlegel's

Works (New York, Crowell, 1902), VIII, 74-75. Here and elsewhere the somewhat unusual punctuation of the original text is reproduced. 1

2

195]

VIII, 126.

27

[MODERN PHILOLOGY, August,

1918

HORATIO E. SMITH

28

Lectures on Dramatic Art

and

Literature, published in Philadelphia

in 1833, and that the reference 1

on the French

classical

drama.

2

is

to certain remarks in the chapter

Presumably

this is also the source

comment; if so, Poe's theory of fiction is related to 3 Schlegel directly, and does hot depend, as has been supposed, upon an intermediate brief-poem doctrine. of the 1835

we may note in passing, relates his idea to "De la Motte, a French author, who wrote against the whole of the The reference is evidently to the Premier Discours sur la unities." 4 5 Certain sentences in this Discours Tragedie by Houdar de la Motte. Schlegel in turn,

a parallel to the most frequently quoted paragraph of Poe's 1842 declaration. La Motte discusses the application of his theory

offer

of unity as follows

Mais en quoi

:

consists 1'art de cette unite* dont je parle ?

me

trompe, a savoir des

au

cceur, Pobjet principal

le

c'est, si je

ne

commencement d'une dont on

Piece, indiquer a 1'esprit et veut occuper Tun et e"mouvoir Tautre.

Ensuite a n'employer de personnages que ceux qui augmentent ce danger ou qui le partagent avec le Heros; a occuper toujours le Spectateur de ce seul inte're't, de maniere qu'il soit present dans chaque Scene, et qtfon .

.

.

ne s'y permette aucun discours, qui sous pre"texte d'ornement, puisse distraire 6 1'esprit de cet objet; et enfin a marcher ainsi jusq'au de"noument.

And Poe

A

writes:

skilful literary artist

has constructed a

tale.

If wise,

he has not

fashioned his thoughts to accommodate his incidents; but having conceived, with deliberate care, a certain unique or single effect to be wrought out, he

then invents such incidents

him

he then combines such events as

in establishing this preconceived effect.

If his

very

initial

may

best aid

sentence tend

not to the outbringing of this effect, then he has failed in his first step. In the whole composition there should be no word written, of which the tendency, direct or indirect,

is

not to the one pre-established design. 7

But the American nowhere makes any allusion to the French author; and he seems equally unaware of the considerable body of Novelle criticism produced by the Schlegel brothers. As 1909), 2

I,

to Poe's familiarity with this translation, 179-80.

Pp. 189-90.

Woodberry, Life

of

Poe (Boston,

Schlegel's expression, in the original text, is "Einheit des Interesse.'' Stories (New York, 1909), Introduction, p. 22, p. 189.

Cf. Baldwin,

American Short

4

Ed.

*

(Euvres, 1754, IV, 37-46. P. 45.

7

XI. 108.

cit.,

cf.

196

POE'S THEORY OF THE TALE

29

In 1836, in a review of Sketches by Boz, special unity is again discussed, with reference to fiction, together with two other principles the fallacy of sustained effort, and the desirability of a single, uninterrupted presentation of a story which with it constitute the 1 three essentials of the ultimate formula:

We cannot bring ourselves to believe that less actual ability is required the composition of a really good "brief article" than in a fashionable The novel certainly requires what is denomilovel of the usual dimensions. but that

ited a sustained effort

is

a collateral relation to talent.

)ut

a matter of mere perseverance, and has On the other hand unity of effect, a

juality not easily appreciated or indeed comprehended by an ordinary mind, and a desideratum difficult of attainment even by those who can con" brief article," and not so in the common ceive it is indispensable in the

The

admired for its detached passages, or without reference to any general design which, if it even exist in some measure, will be found to have occupied but little of the writer's attention, and cannot, from the length of the 2 narrative, be taken in at one view, by the reader. novel.

latter, if

admired at

all, is

without reference to the work as a whole

Six years earlier, therefore, than the 1842 declaration its chief features are already thought out.

During the intervening period, however, Poe varies in the interIn the same year in which pretation of one essential of his theory. he alleges that the average novel cannot, from

its

extent, be regarded

as a whole, he points out the peculiar unity of effect of Bulwer's

Last

Days

of Pompeii:

"This justly admired work owes what

it

possesses of attraction for the mass, to the stupendousness of its

leading event

....

to the skill with which the

mind

of the reader

3 In 1837 he praises, in a review of a novel, prepared for this event." the "exceeding ingenuity and finish in the adaptation of its com-

is

ponent parts" and adds that "nothing is wanting to a complete 4 And in 1841 he whole, and nothing is out of place, or out of time."

condemns the absence

of special unity in

Barnaby Rudge, affirming

disregard one point of the final statement, namely the contention, generally accepted as an axiom in American criticism, that prose and not verse is the proper vehicle 1

1

for brief fiction. 2 IX, 46. Poe applies the term "brief article" without discrimination to such pieces as The Black Veil, which has genuine plot, and The Pawnbroker's Shop, which has none. This fusion of what Dickens himself afterwards separates into Scenes, Characters, and Tales (cf the preface to the 1850 edition) is interesting in the light of current opinion as to the interrelation of these forms (cf. Canby, The Short Story in English [New York, " tale." 1909], pp. 180-82). Elsewhere (XI, 110) Poe uses "article" as synonymous with .

,

s

IX, 153.

<

197

IX, 265.

HORATIO E. SMITH

30

that Dickens has not properly persisted in developing only "the soul of the plot" and that he has shown "no positive genius for adapta-

Perhaps Poe does not choose to regard these as typical examples of extended fiction; in that case the inconsistency vanishes, for .the initial (1836) criticism is applied only although with no tion."

1

Be that particular stress upon this point to the "common novel." 2 the critic measures a long where instances three are here it as may, story

by

This tendency of Poe's to extend his fiction has not, I believe, been sufficiently

his special standard.

narrative principle to

all

recognized.

A fourth instance includes a qualification which leads back toward the original attitude, but the conception remains less narrow. Poe writes of Bulwer's Night and Morning that the author has been so careful in "this

wor king-up

constituent parts

that

of his story

in this nice dovetailing of

to detect a blemish in

any that has been too Yet he the tension holds that great, portion." the author has tried too hard, since "narratives, even one-fourth as long .... are essentially madapted to that nice and complex adjustment of incident at which he has made this desperate attempt." 3 its

it is difficult

In thus reverting Poe takes the standpoint of the practical. Sustained effort (which according to the earlier statement required only is disapproved because it is so be out of reach of both writer and reader.

perseverance)

Why

this is so

was

difficult as

frequently to

precisely explained, in 1841, in the following

remarks, on the nature of plot remarks which, in so far as they reveal the mechanics of totality of effect, supplement to some purpose the 1842 doctrine:

The word plot, as commonly accepted, conveys but an indefinite meaning. Most persons think of it as a simple complexity; and into this error even so a

as Augustus William Schlegel has obviously fallen, when he idea with that of the mere intrigue in which the Spanish dramas of Cervantes and Calderon abound. But the greatest involution of incident will not result in plot; which, properly defined, is that in which no

fine

critic

confounds

1

its

XI, 57, 64.

2

Of. also the criticism of Winifred (see above, p. 195).

"

X, 119-22.

Poe continues, making the point already suggested

in 1836 about the here speaks of "unity or totality of brief-poem statement by "unity or totality

desirability of presentation at a single sitting. effect," meaning what he means in the 1836 of interest."

198

He

POE'S

THEORY OF THE TALE

31

to the whole. It may be described as a dependently constructed, that to change the position of a single In this definition and description, to overthrow the entire fabric.

can be displaced without ruin

irt

iilding so *ick is ^e

of course refer only to that infinite perfection

which the true

artist bears

that unattainable goal to which his eyes are always directed, >ut of the possibility of attaining which he still endeavors, if wise, to cheat

mind

>ver in

The reading world, however, is satisfied with a less It is content to think that plot a good one, in of the term. construction igid rhich none of the leading incidents can be removed without detriment to the imself into the belief.

of

)t

ively,

Here indeed is a material difference; and in this view of the ease the " Night and Morning" is decidedly excellent. Speaking comparaand in regard to stories similarly composed, it is one of the best. 1

The interest of plot, and appealing to ice of

referring, as it does, to cultivated thought in the considerations analogous with those which are the

the sculptural taste,

is

by no means a popular

)tality of

beauty it is be written without

it.

Some

its

although while in its

interest;

atoms by comprehended but by the few

has the peculiarity of being appreciated in

all,

A

good

of the finest fictions in the world

tale

have

We

see nothing of it in "Gil Bias," in the "Pilgrim's leglected it altogether. Progress," or in "Robinson Crusoe." Thus it is not an essential in storytelling at all; although, well managed, within proper limits, it is a thing to be desired. 2

The proper

limits,

he here contends, would normally be those of the

brief tale. 3

But in general the assertion is not so sweeping as the earlier one, and it is to be observed that in the comment on perfection of plot Poe is speaking of fiction as a whole and not exclusively of the short story.

In the perpetually emphasized 1842 review the critic focuses his attention, it is evident, upon the special problem of the brief tale.

One month is

Hawthorne criticism, however, its chief principle when Poe says of Bulwer's Zanoni that preserving the oneness and entireness of effect, of

after the

again extended to the novel

"the necessity of

which we have spoken so much, exists in peculiar force in a highly 4 In 1844 the nature of plot is discussed imaginative work like this." 2 iX, 116-17. X, 120-21. 3 Poe here states that the brief tale is " a species of composition which admits of the highest development of artistical power in alliance with the wildest vigour of imagination" (X, 122). Cf. the remark in the 1842 statement: "We have always regarded the

....

Tale

as affording the best prose opportunity for display of the highest talent"

(XI, 102).

XI, 120. In 1844 Poe, after enumerating the good qualities of FouquS's Undine, "the high artistical ability with which all are combined into a well-kept, wellmotivirt whole of absolute unity of effect" (XVI, 50). 4

refers to

199

HORATIO E. SMITH

32 in its

most general terms, and once more

as follows

:

pleasure which

The

in application to all fiction,

we

derive from

any exertion

of

human

ingenuity,

approach to this species of reciprocity between cause and effect. In the construction of plot, for example, in fictitious the points, or incidents, that we literature, we should aim at so arranging is

in the direct ratio of the

cannot distinctly see, in respect to any one of them, whether that one depends from any other, or upholds it. In this sense, of course, perfection of plot is unattainable in fact are perfect.

The

because

The Universe

attainable in fact

is

is

Man

the constructor.

is

The

plots of

God

a Plot of God. 1

mentioned

briefly a

year later in a discussion

2 of the drama, to which also Poe applies his theory. It is manifest that plot, as he views it, is absolutely and singly

and that plot in this sense is by no means the monopoly of the brief tale. These are the outstanding features in the miscellaneous remarks, too often neglected, which essential to totality of effect,

complete the 1842 pronouncement. Certain other bits of criticism are of interest because they suggest One of these anticipoints generally accredited to other theorists. pates Spielhagen. When Poe writes, in 1849, that "in the tale 3 proper .... there is no space for development of character/' he emphasizes a condition which the German critic, several decades

the prime requisite for the Novelle* In a discussion of Barnaby Rudge, Poe applies the dramatic unities to fiction, as 5 Professor Matthews has since done in the case of the short story.

later, declares

The

the present narrative might have been materially increased the action within the limits of London. The "Notre Dame" by confining of Hugo affords a fine example of the force which can be gained by concentration, or

purpose.

effect of

unity of place.

The unity

of time is also sadly neglected, to

no

6

These remarks are reproduced in Eureka (XVI, 292; cf. XVI, 306). Cf the remarks on plot published in 1845 in A Chapter of Suggestions (XIV, 188-89). Here Poe reiterates points already made. 3 XVI, 171. Poe adds, reverting in some degree to the 1842 view, that in the tale "mere construction is, of course, far more imperatively demanded than in the novel." Cf. two Beitr&ge zur Theorie und Technik des Romans (Leipzig, 1883), p. 245. articles in Modern Language Notes: "Edgar Allan Poe and Friedrich Spielhagen. Their Theory of the Short Story," March, 1910; "Poe and Spielhagen; Novelle and ShortStory," February, 1914. In the first Professor Cobb maintains that Spielhagen accepted and exploited in Germany Poe's theory of the story; in the second Professor Mitchell very justly refutes this view. Neither refers to the remark of Poe here quoted. The Philosophy of the Short-Story (New York, 1912), pp. 15-16. XI, 59. 1

XVI,

2

XIII, 44-45.

10.

.

200

POE'S THEORY OF THE TALE

33

In the same review he remarks upon what has since become one of the most frequently used devices of the short-story adept, the deliberate and repeated insertion of forward-pointing remarks destined to

emphasize the singleness of have employed it:

effect.

Dickens, he believes, should

The raven, too, intensely amusing as it is, might have been made, more we now see it, a portion of the conception of the fantastic Barnaby.

than

might have been prophetically heard in the course of the drama. might have performed, in regard to that of the idiot, much the same part as does, in music, the accompaniment in respect to the air. Each might have been distinct. Each might have differed remarkably from the Yet between them there might have been wrought an analogical other. resemblance, and although each might have existed apart, they might have formed together a whole which would have been imperfect in the absence of Its croakings Its character

either. 1

And

here once

more

the principle of totality of effect applied not 2 to the brief tale but to the novel. is

This frequent extension of the doctrine constitutes a fresh piece of evidence as to the interplay of influences

between the short and

modern brief shown instances where the narrative has repeatedly gap between the two forms has been bridged, in actual practice, by tales that approach the short story, or the Novelle, or the conte and nouvelle, but remain long fiction forms.

Investigation of the genesis of

3 "long short-stories" or condensed novels. Contemporary criticism, in the early stages, rarely sensed the relationship. But Poe is

explicit.

A

statement by which he

may

very possibly have been

influenced appears in the preface (1832) of William Godwin's Caleb

Williams: I felt that I had a great advantage in thus carrying back my invention from the ultimate conclusion to the first commencement of the train of 1

XI. 63.

One other item suggestive

of another theorist may be listed. Poe writes of a novel: general plot or narrative is a mere thread upon which the after-dinner anecdotes are strung with about as much method .... as we see urchins employ in stringNo doubt the figure has been imagined, in this appliing the kernels of nuts" (XI, 92). cation, a thousand times, but it is of interest that the same principle is applied with the same illustration by Marmontel in his pioneer definition of the conte (although Marmontel Cf. Nouveau objects to this characteristic specifically in the conte and not in the roman). Dictionnaire pour servir de supplement aux dictionnaires des sciences, etc. (Paris, 1776), II, 569. Poe refers several times to Marmontel (IV, 193 XII, 223 XIV, 46) but not to his article on the conte. 2

"The

....

;

;

,

3 Cf. Canby, The Short Story (New York, 1902), p. 21; Mitchell, Heyse and His Predecessors in the Theory of the Novelle (Frankfurt, 1915), p. 30; Smith, "Balzac and the Short-Story," Modern Philology, XII (December, 1914), 84.

201

HOKATIO E. SMITH

34

adventures upon which I purposed to employ my pen. An entire unity of and the unity of spirit and interest in a plot would be the infallible result; a it powerful hold on the reader which can scarcely tale truly considered gives 1 be generated with equal success in any other way. 2 Poe expresses his approval of Caleb Williams, and commends the American novel, George Balcombe, for being planned in a similar

manner. 3

The consequences be far-reaching. Has

of such a conception of totality of effect

there not been since Poe

I

may

would not suggest

a tendency to apply to novel construction his Consider such artists as James, Bourget, Dostoevski, such novels as The American, Le Demon de midi, Crime and Punishment. In each of these books attention is focused, some-

any

direct influence

special standard of unity ?

what sharply, upon a single narrative conception of The American as follows: I recall that I

was seated

in

idea.

James explains the

an American "horse-car" when

I

found

myself, of a sudden, considering with enthusiasm, as the theme of a "story," the situation, in another country and an aristocratic society, of some robust

but insidiously beguiled and betrayed, some cruelly wronged, compatriot: the point being in especial that he should suffer at the hands of persons pretending to represent the highest possible civilisation and to be of an order in every way superior to his own. What would he "do " in that predicament,

how would he

right himself, or how, failing a remedy, would he conduct himself under his wrong? This would be the question involved, and I

remember well how, having entered the horse-car without a dream of it, I was presently to leave that vehicle in full possession of my answer. He would behave in the most interesting manner it would all depend on that: stricken, smarting, sore, he would arrive at his just vindication and then would fail of all triumphantly and all vulgarly enjoying it. He would hold his revenge and cherish it and feel its sweetness, and then in the very act of He would let them go, in short, forcing it home would sacrifice it in disgust. his haughty contemners, even while feeling them, with joy, in his power, and he would obey, in so doing, one of the large and easy impulses generally characteristic of his type. 4 I

quote from the edition of London, Routledge, 1903.

XI, 64; XIV, 193. IX, 265.

Balzac, a pioneer in modern French brief narrative as well as in other enthusiastic in his praise of the unity of Caleb Williams (Annette et le criminel [Paris, 1824], I, 15-16; this preface is reprinted by Lovenjoul, Histoire des ceuvres de Balzac, 450-53).

fields, is

Novels and Tales of Henry James

(New York 202

edition), II, Preface, vi-vii.

POE'S THEORY OF THE TALE

35

mrget writes, more succinctly, of Le Demon de midi: J'entrevis comme un theme possible a un roman d'analyse,

cette doulou-

de hautes certitudes religieuses coexistant, chez un 1 mblic, avec les pires egarements de la passion. juse dualite:

homme

man

ever forgets the business at hand; each unfolds the one situation and then stops. 2 A parallel recently drawn jtween Dostoevski's titanic work and a famous short story empha-

[either

>sults of

;s

the same structural characteristic.

icle

A

on

Professor Knowlton, in an

Russian Influence on Stevenson, affirms

:

Markheim is a Dostoevski's Crime and Punishment on a a cameo version of a colossal frieze. Both are stories with the murder of a pawnbroker and ending, after an experience

Stevenson's itly

reduced

ginning

scale,

highly crowded mental ice

life,

with the self-surrender of the murderer to the

When we compare

the short story and the novel, we perceive at the literary relationship between the two in method and in theme. 3

)lice.

Examples of this procedure among modern novelists might be multilied. These men could hardly be aware of the scattered criticisms >f

Poe,

who would be

represented for them, at most, by his 1842

?view; yet his theory sharply foreshadows their practice.

HORATIO E. SMITH YALE UNIVERSITY J

Le Demon de midi

(Paris, 1914), D6dicace,

ill.

Concerning the method of Henry James, cf the N. Y. Nation, April 15, 1917, p. 398. to the distinction which, in spite of the similarity between these long and short stories, ins, cf. the remark by James himself, in the Preface to Roderick Hudson (N. Y. 2

.

lition, p. vi). 3

De Vogii6 writes of this novel in a Philology, XIV (December, 1916), 65. adding that the method is essentially Western (Le Roman russe, Paris, 1886,

Modern

lar vein,

247).

203

LAURENCE STERNE AND THfiOPHILE GAUTIER

1

demonstrate that Theophile Gautier was thormghly familiar with Tristram Shandy and its clergyman author, for It is needless to

mmerous references to incidents in that production are scattered throughout his collected works. It is almost as evident to anyone with Gautier why "Pauvre Theo," as he so frequently styled First of all, dmself, was attracted to the eccentric English divine. lautier

was steeped

in Rabelais, 2 that

unavowed

inspirer of Sterne,

3

could quote entire chapters id, according to Maxime du Camp, trom him. With Sterne, he possessed an inbred hatred for the >mmonplace and took keen delight in scandalizing the unsuspecting mrgeois, I'Hernani,

now by the extravagant demonstration at now by the impertinent Mile de Maupin.

the premiere Finally, in

Gautier was merely following the 4 of Xavier de Maistre, Nodier, Hugo, de Vigny, Balzac, and example other lesser romanticists who had read and admired him. Palling

under the

The

spell of Tristram,

influence of Sterne manifests itself very early in Gautier's

when the poet was but twentymaladroit versification of the famous a rather contains old, 5 the tear that the Recording relative to in Tristram ige Shandy an oath of simple Uncle Angel lets fall to blot out from his records

works.

Albertus, published in 1833,

two years

II e"tait ainsi fait

Son ame,

singuliere nature!

A

cependant e"tait pure; voulait le ne"ant et n'aurait rien gagne Homme Strange! la suppression de Penfer.

II

avait les vertus qu'il

qu'il niait,

II

riait, et

Fange

Professor Charles Sears Baldwin treated briefly this subject in his article, "The Literary Influence of Sterne in France," in the Modern Language Publications, XVII, 2. 1

2 Traces of Rabelaisian influence may also be observed intermingled with that of I have purposely avoided such passages and Sterne, especially in Les Jeunes- France. It is confined myself to those which seem to me to have been inspired by Poor Yorick. significant to note in this connection that almost every volume of Gautier's in which a reflection of Sterne's style may be detected contains references to incidents in Tristram

Shandy and snatches of phrases almost

Theophile Gautier (Paris: Hachette, 1905), p. 20.

4

Cf. the author's article,

s

205]

literally translated

3

from that production.

"Sterne and Nodier," in Modern Philology, August, 1916.

Tristram Shandy, Vol. VI, chap.

viii.

37

[MODERN PHILOLOGY, August,

1918

BAKTON

F. B.

38

Qui la-haut sur son

livre 6crivait indigne

Une

un sophisme damnable,

he're'sie,

grosse

Venant & 1'action, le trouvait moins coupable, Et pesant dans sa main le bien avec le mal, Pour cette fois encor retenait Panatheme. Une larme tombee a Pendroit du blaspheme 1 L'effacait du feuillet fatal.

The imitation

in this case is certainly deliberate, as the incident

awkwardly arranged and gives the impression into the

poem without rhyme

is

of having been dragged

or reason.

Gautier seems to have been greatly impressed by this passage, for he almost surely had it in mind when he wrote later, in Mile de

Maupin: dans une urne de cristal quelques larmes que j'ai recueillies au Voila mon e"crin et mes diamants, et je les elles allaient tomber. 2 me viendra a prendre pour m'emmener a Dieu. 1'ange qui presenterai J'ai

moment ou This Sterne.

not the only evidence in Albertus of Gautier 's fondness for The poet assumes in several instances that flippant attitude

is

toward the reader which

is

so frequent with Sterne

and which we

shall

have further occasion to note in Gautier's subsequent works. concluding lines of the

poem

are typical

pu clairement expliquer chaque Clouer a chaque mot une savante glose.

J'aurais

Je vous

crois,

The

:

chose,

cher lecteur, assez spirituel

Pour me comprendre. Ainsi, bon soir. Fermez la porte, Donnez-moi la pincette, et dites qu'on m'apporte Un tome de PantagrueU

The Shandean

influence

is

much more pronounced

in Les Jeunes-

France, which appeared also in 1833.

This amusing satire directed against the extravagances committed in the name of romanticism is a sustained imitation of the haphazard, digressive, and pert manner of Tristram.

"

Mon

digne ami/' exclaims Roderick in the

first

episode,

paraphrasing Sterne, "je ne sais pas a quoi ton pere et ta m&re pen4 saient en te faisant, mais certainement ils pensaient a autre chose." 1

Poesies computes (Paris: Charpentier, 1905), I, 160. Mile de Maupin (Paris: Charpentier, Another and longer elabora1904), p. 173. tion of this same theme will be found in the seventeenth scene of Une Larme du Diable. 2

8

Poesies completes,

4

Of. Tristram Shandy, Vol.

I,

184. I,

chap.

1.

206

LAURENCE STERNE AND THEOPHILE GAUTIER r

39

occupied the minds of the worthy couple in juestion, Theophile was certainly thinking of Tristram, and to the ;centricities of Tristram he continually reverts from the first page

may have

hatever

>f

his bizarre preface,

>r

four

more or

"

which saves the reader from perusing three 7

the last story of the collection, which he treats us to a digression of seven or eight pages just to In the )ve to us that he really can write a good description. less fantastic tales/ to

itervening pages he has used nearly all of Sterne's idiosyncrasies of

There are frequent comments on the author's treatment of various episodes. He tells us why this incident has been arranged

byle. le

that a fine dissertation might conveniently be introduced a given point in his story; that he could have done this or that :hing had he so desired; and that material which he has previously dialogue

;

it

liscarded

would now be

of great service to

him

in accounting for

a

page that he has been racking his brains to fill. Or perhaps grows weary and intimates that he must rest his lips, "qui depuis )is cents pages se tordent en ricanements sardoniques." Fre-

jrtain le

[uently he bullies or mystifies the reader.

not favorable? lutot

"Prenez-la ou

Your opinion

laissez-la, je

me

of this tale

couperais la gorge

que de mentir d'une syllabe." You are wondering how he is from an awkward predicament? "Voila

)ing to extricate himself

me superbe

explication, a laquelle

vous ne vous attendiez guere,

de lecteur que vous etes." You blush already as you foresee a rather delicate situation. Gautier escorts you from the irde nationale

>m to spare you an embarrassing scene. You are deeply interested a discussion that has been started. All very well. But Gautier tired of it and bids you continue it with Rodolphe if you so desire, vagaries of style

and others

of a similar nature indicate rather

"rosse qui le sert de Pegase" bears a striking resemblance to Tristram's hobbyhorse. clearly that the

There are also in Les Jeunes-France several cases of deliberate

may be mentioned. The first from the Widow Wadman's courtship

borrowing, two of which appropriations

is

of these of

Uncle

Toby, the episode in which the widow almost brings about Toby's downfall by allowing her hand to rest lightly against his as they study 1 This incident is together the map of the Flanders' campaign. i

Ibid., Vol.

VII, chap. xvi.

207

F. B.

40

BARTON

m

"

but the adaptation et celle-la, developed at some length in Celle-ci In the same sketch here. be to quoted is too long and too licentious Gautier records a dialogue without explanatory comment, "laissant a Intelligence exerce*e de mes lectrices le soin de deviner quelles circonstances ont donne lieu aux is

merely

demandes

the converse of the procedure

et

aux reponses." 2

employed by

This

Sterne in the

twentieth chapter of the eighth volume of Tristram. 3 In the "Contes humoristiques," in addition to further oddities of style

and an exposition

of the elder

we encounter a new phase

4 Shandy's theory of given names,

and and smack

of Sterne's influence in certain lyric

sentimental passages that are almost unique in Gautier

Who other than poor Maria of Moulines could have inspired such an effusion as the following ?

strongly of the Sentimental Journey.

je n'ai pu, jusqu'a present, faire le voyage; mais la chercherai place; pour la de"couvrir j'interrogerai les inscriptions j'irai, je de toutes les croix, et quand je 1'aurai trouve'e, je me mettrai a genou, je

Pardonne, 6 Maria!

prierai longtemps, afin

que ton ombre

soit

console;

je jetterai sur la pierre,

verte de mousse, tant de guirlandes blanches et de fleurs d'oranger, que ta fosse semblera

une

corbeille

de mariage. 5

could find tears to shed over the fate of a poor cricket, 6 he had not first felt the touching appeal of Toby's observation to

And who

if

the

" fly,

The world is big enough for thee and me." 7

It

may be added

that an allusion to this incident in Tristram precludes any doubt as

Vaguely reminiscent also of Sterne are on the irrevocable flight of time. 8

to the source of this passage. several poetic reveries

This aspect of Sterne's genius seems, however, to have interested Gautier but little, as I have found but one other trace of sentimental-

This occurs in Le Capitaine Fracasse, where, in the account of Sigognac's parting from his cat and dog, there is much ado about a blessed tear falling from weeping eye. 9

ity of this sort in his writings.

the

1

Of. Les Jeunes-France (Paris:

2

Ibid., pp.

s

Published separately in various periodicals from 1831 to 1844. They appear under at the end of Les Jeunes-France in the edition of 1873 and in all subsequent

145

Charpentier,

s.d.),

pp. 135

ff.

ft.

title cited

editions. Ibid., pp.

346-47.

Cf. Tristram Shandy, Vol.

*

Ibid., p. 277.

*

Cf. Tristram Shandy, Vol. VI, chap. vii.

I,

chap. xix.

Ibid., p. 289.

Les Jeunes-France, pp. 277, 279, 306. Of. Tristram Shandy, Vol. IX, chap. viii. Le Capitaine Fracasse (Paris: Charpentier, 1905), I, 72-73. Variations of the same incident recur several times in the novel. 8

LAURENCE STERNE AND THEOPHILE GAUTIER Gautier has

and

earliest is

left

least

us

many

known

41

One of the "Le Tour en Belgique," 1

narratives of his travels.

of these journeys,

decidedly reminiscent of Yorick's wanderings.

Nothing could be and the incidents and Belgium down for our edification. The minor

more

haphazard than this jaunt into

opinions that the author jots ippenings incidental to the departure are chronicled in order until

the writer

own

falls

asleep

and leaves us to

fill

in the resulting

gap to suit

The

places that he visits are treated in rather summary fashion, but no occasion is lost to tell us about a demented beggar woman whom he meets, the trouble that he encounters in

our

fancies.

and the enjoyment that a

getting a cup of coffee or a glass of beer,

Now

he stops his tale to ;all our attention to the progress that he has made; now he sets apart a chapter to explain his antipathy for railroads. One digression irformance of Polichinelle affords him.

a long paragraph that de and ends with a comment on windmills propos chiens," There is no of in this amusing incident involving Raphael. borrowing narrative, but the method is certainly that of Yorick. "Pochades, follows another, the climax being reached in ins

"A

much the same vein, except that they Shandean mannerisms. Only the digressive

2 zigzags et paradoxes" are in

contain few style

if

and the

any

of the

trivialness of

This completes the

many

list of

of the incidents recall Sterne.

Gautier's works in which there

is

a

sustained effort to imitate the style of Tristram. But there is one trick of Sterne's that the French novelist has made his own and that

he uses with more or less frequency in much of his prose fiction. This his practice of intruding himself into his stories, of stopping his

is

tale to

of his

may all

banter the reader or to point out that the hero is a personage creation, whose destinies he controls and with whom he

own

take such liberties as he pleases.

of these interruptions,

The

It

would take too long to

but three or four

sixteenth scene of

Une Larme du

may

cite

be mentioned.

Diable* furnishes a striking

The play is suspended without warning, and Gautier in person proceeds in this manner: "Je vous avouerai que voici bien

example.

longtemps que 1

In Caprices

2

Ibid.

et

je fais parler les autres et zigzags (Paris:

Charpentier,

s.d.).

Theatre (Paris: Charpentier, 1877), pp. 46-48.

209

que

je serais fort aise

de

F. B.

42 trouver "

convenablement

consists of a

mot"

petit

a placer

jour

BARTON

mon

petit

mot."

somewhat lengthy interpretation

This of the

and an appeal for the reader's indulgence in significance of the play This said, the author retires from the scenes. judging the remaining Sterne's dedicatory epistle inserted in stage and the play goes on. the middle of the first volume of Tristram Shandy is not more pleasingly mal d propos. In Mile de Maupin

we note among

other asides this piece of

ce qu'il voudra; ce sont de simples flippancy: "Lelecteur enpensera n'en savons pas la-dessus conjectures que nous lui proposons; nous "* etc. plus que lui ... The Nouvelles are rich in similar boutades, especially Fortunio, in

at least ten chapters of which Gautier deems it necessary to suspend his narrative to chat with the reader or to make a complacent remark

about

his skill or lack of skill in

handling the intrigue. The last four be read in this connection. The

pages of the twelfth chapter should

following shorter passage from the fifth chapter

is

however quite

as typical.

Musidora is disappointed in finding no information concerning Fortunio in a certain portfolio belonging to him that has fallen into her hands: Musidora est assure"ment fort

contrarie*e,

Nous comptions beaucoup sur

qu'elle.

mais nous le sommes bien autant pour donner a nos

le portefeuille

lecteurs (qu'on nous pardonne cet amour-propre) des renseignements exacts sur ce proble*matique personnage. Nous espe"rions qu'il y aurait dans ce portefeuille des lettres d'amour, des plans de tragedies, des romans en deux volumes et autres, ou tout au moins des cartes de visite, ainsi que cela doit etre dans le portefeuille de tout he*ros un peu bien situe". Notre embarras est cruel.

It

.

.

.

suddenly occurs to Gautier that he might choose another hero. Nous avons bien envie de le laisser la. Si nous prenions George a sa

place ?

Bah! II a Pabominable habitude de se griser matin et soir et quelquefois dans la journfe, et aussi un peu dans la nuit. Que diriez-vous, Madame, d'un he>os qui serait toujours ivre, et qui parlerait deux heures sur la diffe*rence de 1'aile droite et de 1'aile gauche de la perdrix ?

Et Alfred? II est

trop bete.

EtdeMarcilly? II

ne Test pas assez.

Op.

cit.,

p. 62.

210

LAURENCE STERNE AND THEOPHILE GAUTIER Nous garderons done Fortunio faute de mieux:

les

premieres nouvelles

[ue nous en aurons, nous vous les ferons savoir aussitot. 1 ins la salle de bain de Musidora.

Even from

Entrons done

survey of Sterne's influence upon Gautier was not the sentimentality nor even the humor Sterne that appealed to the French novelist, but his surprising and this cursory

evident that

it is >f

43

original style.

it

This observation in

itself suffices to

explain

why

Gautier was drawn to imitate deliberately the English humorist. Gautier was above all an artist, interested in the form rather than in

An

the subject-matter of literature.

eager student of the various

forms of literary expression, he frequently in his gropings to perfect his own style reverted to authors of the seventeenth and eighteenth

and essayed to reproduce their manners. Jean et Jeanis a sympathetic and successful rendering in shortform of Le de V amour et du hasard, with much of the grace Jeu story and delicate humor that we associate with Marivaux. Le Capitaine Fracasse is essentially an evocation of seventeenth-century life, as seen through the eyes of Scarron. And Le petit chien de la Marquise is, in the novelist's own words, an attempt "de donner Tidee d'un 3 Here then style et d'une maniere tout a fait tombes dans 1'oubli." centuries 2

nette, for instance,

Tristram the explanation of Gautier's dallying with Sterne. suggested to him an experiment in literary expression and aroused in him the desire to see what effects he could produce with instruments

lies

that Sterne had used with such

marked

He

success.

therefore with this alluring but artificial style,

experimented

and when he had

him he passed on to something else. Should of Sterne upon Gautier ? Gautier in any estimate of his works?

exhausted

its possibilities for

How important is the influence

be considered seriously remarks a propos of one of his digressions in Fortunio that the passage may seem to some of his readers to be a hors d'oeuvre and that he is

it

4 entirely of that opinion.

adds 1 2

little

Nouvelles (Paris:

In

Un

If

we except Les Jeunes-France, which we may borrow

or nothing to its author's reputation,

Trio de

Charpentier, 1904), pp. 45-48.

Romans

(Paris:

Charpentier, 1888).

note that Le petit chien de la Marquise was first during the period when Gautier was experimenting with Sterne. 4 This aside upon the value of digressions is a reminiscence of a similar Ibid., p. 251. observation in Tristram Shandy, Vol. I, chap. xxii. 3

Nouvelles, p. 251. published in 1836 that ;

It is significant to

is,

211

F. B.

44 Gautier's

own term

BARTON

to express the literary importance of those

They are hors portions of his stories that Sterne may have inspired. d'oeuvre nothing more. Interesting and diverting they assuredly are, but the great majority of them might readily be eliminated without detriment to the productions' in which they occur. The qualities upon which Gautier's fame rests lie elsewhere and no one of

them can be

study of

said to

have been acquired or even perfected by

his

Laurence Sterne. F. B.

UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA

212

BAKTON

REVIEWS AND NOTICES By MARY AUGUSTA SCOTT. New York: Hough-

Elizabethan Translations from the Italian.

Vassar Semi-Centennial Series. ton Mifflin Co., 1916.

Boston and

Pp. lxxxi+558.

Miss Scott's bibliography, Elizabethan Translations from

the Italian, is

a reprint of the articles contributed by her to Publications of the Modern Language Association from 1895 to 1899, supplemented by a large number of

new

items, with an introduction on the Italian Renaissance in England, and a copious index. This completion of the labor of many years in the field

furnishes students of Elizabethan literature a valuable reference work.

Many out-of-the-way items have been gathered, and, as far as the data are complete, the bibliographical and literary details as well as the titles seem to be given with accuracy. Because of some very serious gaps, however,

it is difficult

to accord the

volume the praise that much of the work deserves. Though according to Miss Scott "all sources of information are given in the notes" (p. xv), many important articles and books of recent years dealing with phases of the Italian influence are not mentioned. Often an old work is cited instead of a more recent and authoritative one, while references to the research journals are rare. The omissions resulting from this failure to follow the literature of the field

are often serious.

But

to

to include

my mind the most inexplicable hiatus in the work is the failure Wyatt and Surrey's poems or Tottel's Miscellany. The omission

not due to the exclusion of writers belonging to the period preceding Elizabeth's reign, for Lydgate's Troy Book, published in 1555, heads the section called "Metrical Romances" on account of its relation to Guido

is

delle Colonne.

How

are passed over

by Miss Scott

completely the real pioneers of the Italian movement is seen in a statement in the Introduction

"The Italian literary conquest of England during the sixteenth (p. xl): century was led by the story-tellers and poets, first made known to the Elizabethans mainly through William Painter's The Palace of Pleasure (1566-67) and Thomas Watson's Passionate Centurie of Love (1582)." The appearance of Spenser's translations from Petrarch in The Theatre of Voluptuous Worldlings, 1569, is noted only under the Complaints, 1591. Howell's "Certain Verses translated out of Petrark, concerning Rome, written by him

many

yeares since," found in Devises, 1580,

list.

213]

45

is

not included in Miss Scott's

REVIEWS AND NOTICES

46

Machiavelli Another unfortunate omission concerns works of Aretine and Latin Publications and "Italian section the under that should be included ill name and fame permeate in England," particularly as Aretine, whose of Italian influence. Elizabethan literature, is not treated in the record Notes Modern in (XXII, 2-6, 129-35) Language Some years ago, in an article of Writings of Machiavelli Editions Italian Fictitious Five the of "All entitled and Three of Those of Pietro Aretino Printed by John Wolfe of London Gerber presented evidence showing that works of both writers (1584-1588),"

found publication in England. But, aside from the definite evidence of the Stationers' Register quoted by Gerber, Miss Scott had sufficient reason to investigate Wolfe's activities, for she herself quotes Cockle's surmise (pp. 306-7,

A

from

Bibliography of English Military Books, p. 135) that an War with the legend "Palermo,

Italian edition of Machiavelli's Art of

"

A. Antonelli, 1587 was "probably printed secretly in London by John Wolfe before 28 Jan. 1584." It is quite clear, however, that, though Miss Scott its valuable evidence has not quotes from the Register in certain instances,

been systematically used. A bibliography of so broad scope might also have included such items as Gascoigne's translation of Hemetes the Heremite into Italian, and Palestina, r B. "Written by R[obertj. Chambers] P. and Bachelor of Diuinitie.

M

Sermartelli,

.

.

Florence.

[London?] 1600"

(cf.

Esdaile,

English

Tales and

Romances, pp. 77, 35).

For the madrigal collections Miss Scott seems to have relied largely on Oliphant's La Musa Madrigalesca, while Bolle's Die gedruckten englischen 1600 (Palaestra, XXIX), 1903, was apparently unknown of Byrd's Psalms, sonets, and songs Bolle points out that No. the first of the madrigal collections, but omitted of sadness and pietie, 1587 by Miss Scott is from Orlando di Lasso. Several other collections not listed Liederbiicher bis

XXIX

to her.

have borrowed from earlier collections which For her items numbered 88, 95, 96, 97, 99, and 105, Miss Scott might have found in Bolle's book details as to Italian sources of individual madrigals, supplementing or correcting those taken by her from

by her are shown by Bolle drew from Italian sources.

to

Oliphant or older writers. Naturally, also, in listing the modern reprints of the madrigal collections she fails to indicate the fact that Bolle reprinted a number of those earlier than 1600, particularly such madrigals or collections as were not already accessible in modern reprints. Thus Miss Scott merely refers to The British Bibliographer, I, 344-45, for a few of the songs in Morley's Canzonets, 1597,

Thomas Watson's The

but the entire collection first sett

is

reprinted

by

Bolle.

of Italian Madrigalls Englished, 1590,

For Miss

Scott prints a few scattering madrigals, chiefly from Oliphant. Both F. I. Carpenter, however, in the Journal of English and Germanic Philology (II,

321-58), and Bolle (pp. 41

ff.)

print all of these madrigals

originals.

214

and

their Italian

REVIEWS AND NOTICES

47

"

Romances in Prose" I have compared, by no means exhaustively, with Esdaile's English Tales and Romances, 1912. There are many cases in which Esdaile gives bibliographical details supplementing

The

section

Miss Scott's of which she is unaware or which she ignores without explanaFor example, for Miss Scott's No. 6, The Historie of Aurelio and of Isabell; 9, Boccaccio's Philocopo; 36, The Cobler of Caunterburie; 50, The tion.

Honour

of Chivalrie;

55, Patient Grisel;

and

62,

Decameron; and

69,

The For-

Unfortunate Lovers, Esdaile lists English editions or versions that are not noticed by Miss Scott. In the case of The Forrest tunate, the Deceived,

the

*

two supposedly distinct Foure Straunge, lamentable, and Tragicall Hystories (No. 21) by R.S., Esdaile assigns to Robert Smyth, and the anonymous Hipolito and Isabella (No. 64) to Alexander Hart. So far as I have noted, however, no work of Esdaile's list for which Italian sources have been pointed out is omitted by Miss Scott. Some works she has included merely of

Fancy (No.

24), Esdaile conjectures that the

editions of 1579 are really one.

because their Italian color or setting suggests Italian influences, and the following additional titles which may reflect Italian sources are recorded by Esdaile: The strange aduentour of two Italian Knights, entered on the Stationers' Register 19 April, 1577;

Antony Munday, Zelauto .... Contain-

ing a Delicate Disputation, gallantly discoursed betweene two noble Gentlemen of Italy e, 1580; Henry Roberts, A Defiance to Fortune .... Whereunto is adioyned the honorable Warres of Galastino, Duke of Millaine, 1590; J.S., Clidamas, or the Sicilian Tale, entered on the Register 25 February, 1636/7.

On

the other hand, Miss Scott's

by

Esdaile.

Those important

lished, are the lost Life of Sir

list

contains several works not mentioned

for prose fiction,

Meliado (No. 15)

;

if

their existence is estab-

Tarletons Tragical Treatises

(No. 23); and The Tragicall historic of Romeus and luliet (No. 31). Some other differences in the lists of the two bibliographers are evidently due to difference in classification, and variation is to be expected here in view of the

many hybrid

types in Elizabethan fiction.

The one fixed type of fiction, however, as far as the Italian influence is concerned, was the novella, and one feels that Miss Scott's classification should take into account the distinctness of the type. Most of the works of pure fiction included in Elizabethan Translations from the Italian are drawn from novelle. The metrical romances of the Middle Ages, indeed, were so

among the cultured, to whom Italian literature appealed that Miss Scott's heading ''Metrical Romances" for the section dealing with verse tales seems ill chosen. Further, the sections of the book should have been so arranged that the prose would follow immediately on the verse tales. Most of the translations of Boccaccio and Bandello were entirely discredited chiefly,

first, no doubt on account of the classical leanings of the age, which found in Ovid's Metamorphoses the model for story-telling. During the period of uncertainty in regard to the correct basis for English

rendered in verse at

215

REVIEWS AND NOTICES

48

in collections of novelle meter, prose gained the ascendency, particularly Turbervile's Italian Tragical Tales is all in verse, translated from prose.

but a

The

collection of classical tales was given prose form. seen in the use of both verse and prose for two of the collec-

little later Pettie's

transition

is

by Miss Scott under "Romances in Prose": Whetstone's Tarletons Regard, 1576, and Gifford's Posie of Gilloflowers, 1580.

tions grouped

Rock of

unknown to me, is according to the title Whetstone's Heptameron of Ciuill Discourses, 1582, has poems interspersed with the prose tales. Another important phase of the influence of the novella one in which Tragical Treatises (No. 23), 1578,

"both

in Prose

and Verse."

Miss Scott's work shows at its best is represented by the lists of plays drawn from the various Elizabethan collections of tales. The lists, however, are The titles of all plays drawn scattered, and the cross-references insufficient. from the translations of Italian novelle should, I think, be assembled at the end of the section devoted to plays with direct Italian sources. I add from my own random studies in the field a few further comments on "Romances in Prose," following Miss Scott's system of numbers. 8.

Painter's

Palace of Pleasure.

Painter's

derivation

of

Bandello's

from the French version of the Histoires Tragiques is not indicated All Italian sources for Painter's stories should be given in order that the treatment be consistent with that of other collections discussed. Miss Scott has substituted her list of plays drawn from Painter's stories. stories

10.

m

Fenton's Tragicall Discourses. Discourse I is not "a translation of but of the Belieforest translation of Bandello's

Ilicino's celebrated novella"

Ford

version.

in

The Broken Heart seems to have been indebted to the

second discourse, the story of Livio and Camilla. Notes, XXVIII, 51-52. 19.

A

Petite Pallace of Pettie his pleasure.

Cf.

Modern Language

Miss Scott, though she

the stories classical, includes this collection apparently because Cephalus and Procris are "both of the Duke of Venice's court." It is possible, however, that the vogue of the first story, "Sinorix and Gamma,"

pronounces

all

for more than a decade was due to its appearance in The Courtier, by Hoby in 1561 (edition of Raleigh, pp. 236-37). In 1569/70 the story was twice entered on the Stationers' Register as a ballad, first as a "ballett intituled sinorex Cania et Sinatus" and second as a "ballett intituled

in

England

translated

Revenge yat a Woman of Grece toke of hym that slewe hyr husbounde" (Arber's Transcript, I, 414, 416). Probably one of these forms appears in the ballad-like version "A straunge historic" in Gifford's Posie of Gilloflowers (Grosart, Occasional Issues, I, 128-31). the

25. Gifford's Posie of Gilloflowers. The difficulty sometimes encountered of determining direct Italian influence is illustrated here. Gifford's use of Italian names and his references to Italian sources indicate a strong influence of Italy. In some cases, however, it is possible that he drew his material

216

REVIEWS AND NOTICES from ballad,

farce, or jest-book,

49

adding an Italian color because of the vogue

ballad origin of "A straunge historic" has just been Miss Scott cites from the jest-books parallels to "Maister Gas-

The

of the Italianate.

suggested.

parinus," and the story finds a further parallel in Ayrer's "Von etlichen narrischen Reden des Glaus Narrn," etc., a work possibly derived from an

English of

jig.

A

late jest-book version of

Bergamaske" and two variants

"The

Florentines and the Citizens

of a related tale

from tradition are given

The Folk-Lore Record (II, 173-76, and III, 127-29). "Of one that hyred a foolish seruant" is the same story as the first part of Ayrer's "Der engelendische Jann Posset," which is again probably an English jig revamped;

in

Bolte, Singspiele der Englischen Komodianten, p. 14, for parallels in jestGifford's "A merry iest" is a version of the widespread farce.

cf.

book and

story of a scholar journeying to paradise, found in Ayrer's singspiel "Der Forster im Schmaltzkiibel" cf Bolte, p. 15, and Folk Fellows Communications. There are a number of 27. Rich his Farewell to Militarie Profession. .

;

list of plays drawn from this collection. Laelia is not the parallels to the "Apolonius and Silla" story. Reference to "three Italian Inganni comedies" is misleading, as one of the three

minor errors in the included

among

title Gl' Ingannati. There "Philotus and Emilia" in Love Tricks

bears the

is

no mention

of Shirley's use of

Modern Language Notes, XXIV, 100-101). The Scotch play Philotus, ascribed here to David Lyndsay, was in all probability written long after Sir David Lyndsay's death in 1555. The Devil is an Ass was printed in 1631, not 1641, though it was bound into the Folio completed in 1641. 28. Rich's Don Simonides. believed that he

book Adventure

of the

"

This work

is

included because Warton

had seen an

Italian original. Becker has traced the plan and part of the plot to Contreras, Silva de aventuras (cf. "'The of Don Simonides,' ein Roman von Barnabe Rich und seine

A story which according to Becker's worked into the third part is related to Bandello, IV, 7. 48. Montemayor's Diana, translated by Yong. No statement is made the relation of Diana to Italian pastoral romance.

Quelle

in Herrig's Archiv, 131, 64-80)

division

is

of

(cf.

62.

Decameron.

Some

.

corrections might be made in the list of plays I see no connection of Sharpham's Fleire

derived from Boccaccio's tales.

with III, 3. John Phillip's Patient Grissell is omitted from the plays dealing with the Patient Grissell theme. For X, 4, Lee (The Decameron, Its Sources

and Analogues, p. 314) lists Leigh Hunt's The Legend of Florence. Several from Boccaccio's tales might be included. "Singing Simpkin," before From VII, 7, come "Rowlandes Godsonne," 1592, 1620, is from VII, 6. and the farce Politick Whore; or Conceited Cuckold, published in The Muse

jigs

of

Newmarket, 1580. The jigs, however, are little known. Miss Scott shows by a remark on page 1 her failure to understand that the dramatic

clearly jig

was

in

pure dialogue, but sung and danced as 217

it

was

acted.

REVIEWS AND NOTICES

50 161. Titus

and Gisippus.

This

is

not listed under "Romances in Prose/'

by Elyot, was

in prose. scarcely so imporClosely related to Titus and

but the first translation of the story into English, of Alcander and Septimius in The Goldsmith's

Bee

is

story tant a variant as some Elizabethan stories. two faithful lovers named Alfagus and Gisippus is The notable hy story of true fygure of Amytie and Freyndshypp. the declared is Whearein Archelaus.

Translated

into

English meeter,

1574,

by Edward lenynges

(cf.

Another variant, Alexander and Corser, Collectanea, Part 8, pp. 303-8). for Henslowe (cf. Greg, Lodowick, surviving in a ballad, was dramatized 339 f., describes a third pp. Decameron, Henslowe's Diary, II, 182). Lee,

"Alphonso and Ganselo," in T. Deloney's Garland of The Titus and Gisippus story probably influenced Lyly in Euphues (cf. Modern Philology, VII, 577-85), but Miss Scott has not included variant, the ballad

Goodwill.

Euphues in her bibliography. C. R. BASKERVILL

UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

By KUNO MEYER.

Miscellanea Hibernica.

University of Illinois

Studies in Language and Literature, Vol. II, No. 4, 1916.

November,

Pp.55.

Aside from Professor Cox's "Middle Irish Fragment of Bede's Ecclesiasti-

History" (Studies in Honor ofJ. M. Hart [New York, 1910], pp. 122-78), Rev. G. W. Hoey's Irish Homily on the Passion (Baltimore, 1911), and Rev. J. A. Geary's Five Irish Homilies from the Rennes (Washington,

cal

MS

D.C., 1912), Dr. Meyer's Miscellanea Hibernica constitutes the most extensive body of purely linguistic Celtic material which has yet emanated from

an American

1

press.

The Miscellanea Hibernica consists of a series of notes published by Dr. Meyer as lecturer in Celtic at the University of Illinois. Nearly half the volume (pp. 28-51)

is

devoted to etymological observations (Sec. VI)

and to corrections and emendations in published Irish texts (Sec. VII) and in Thurneysen's Handbuch des Altirischen (Sec. VIII). Section VI forms a substantial addition to Dr. Meyer's already extensive contributions to our Another important division of the knowledge of Irish lexicography.

brochure deals primarily with questions of meter. In Section III (pp. 14-17) the author establishes the important fact that the Old Irish spirant th had been completely aspirated by the tenth century. He also quotes several

examples of certain rare variations on the familiar debide meter (pp. 15-16), edits critically a didactic poem ascribed to St. Moling (pp. 17-18), and prints Cf. J. L. Gerig, Columbia University Quarterly (December, 1916), pp. 41 f. "The Guy of Warwick and Bevis of Hampton" (pp. 338), ed. by Professor Robinson, of Harvard, was published in Germany in the Ztsch. /. celt. Philol., VI (1907). 1

Irish Lives of

218

REVIEWS AND NOTICES

51

ancient Irish poems showing sporadic rhyme in addition to the older One of these he regards, doubtless correctly, as "an originally pagan prayer remodelled by a Christian poet." If this sur-

six

alliteration (pp. 18-28).

mise be correct, the document furnishes a startling illustration of the kindly attitude of the early Christian Irish toward their ancient pagan beliefs. Sections I (pp. 9-12) and II (pp. 12-14), to which attention will be drawn

immediately, deal with well-known characters in Irish romantic saga. Section I is of especial importance to those interested in Irish literature either for its own sake or for its possible relations to other European litera-

a note on Sualtaim, the putative father of the great Dr. Meyer points out that the Ulster hero, known to pagan tradition as the son of a supernatural being, Lug (perhaps a god), has been

tures.

It consists of

Cuchulainn.

supplied with a mortal father through one of those errors "which abound in Irish as well as in

Welsh genealogical

tables."

The name of Cuchulainn's

given variously as Soalta, Soa(i)lte, Sualtach, and Sualtaim, of which the latter, although the commonest, is the latest. Just as King

mortal father

is

from a misreading of a mdthair Flidais, "his mother and King Bran mac Febail, familiar to all readers of the Imram Brain, originated from a misinterpretation of the name of the promontory called Sriib Brain, "Raven's Beak," as if it were "Bran's Head1 land," so the name of Cuchulainn's parent appears to have arisen from a

Amadair

Flidais evolved

(was) Flidais,"

mistranslation of the adjective soalta applied to the young hero, as in a passage quoted by Dr. Meyer from the Book of Leinster, in which Leborcham, the official woman satirist of the court of Ulster, addresses Cuchulainn as

That Cuchulainn's earthly gein Logo, soalta," well-nurtured son of Lug." father owes his name to this or a similar error is rendered still more probable by the highly suspicious circumstance that Soailte

the

name

is

uninflected, as

is

in its earliest

form

Soalta,

also the case with the later Sualtach,

which latter "suggests the meaning 'well-jointed,' while Sualtaim

may

be

looked upon as the superlative of su-alta [so-alta], the genitive having, as often in proper names, taken the place of the nominative." It is worth adding that the invention of a human father for Cuchulainn perhaps explains the fact that in the Coir

and

Anmann Sualtam is called Sidhe,

"of the

elf

mound,"

supplied with a supernatural mother: an epithet originally applied to the son has been transferred to the father and the fairy mother invented is

to account for

it.

2

Dr. Meyer also

fails to

note the fact that a Sualtach

appears as the grandfather of Finn mac Cumaill in the Tesmolta Cormaic* The bearing of these observations on Irish literary history and on the science of storiology, though not touched upon by Dr. Meyer, is important. Students who use Celtic tradition for purposes of literary investigation are liable to disregard the editorial element in recorded Irish tradition, whereas

Rom. Rev., IX (1918), 39, n. 29. Irische Texte, III, 1 (1891), 407.

Of. 2

Sil.

219

Gad., I (1892), 92; II, 99.

REVIEWS AND NOTICES

52

becomes more and more evident not only that the great mass of ancient was put into its present form at a period when the events described were thought of as belonging to the remote past, but that the work was accomplished by scholarly redactors who, according to their lights, comit

Irish saga literature

bined into new and often awkward forms much genuine folk tradition, outlined in sketchy fashion accounts whose details could be filled out according to the fancy of future narrators, unscrupulously devised stories to account for unfamiliar names, or introduced

new

characters to

whom

they attached

popular motifs or tales of their own devising. With this light one has only to read such documents as the Dinnshenchas, the Coir Anmann, and the

Acallam na Senorach to appreciate how many Irish stories owe their local habitation, if not their very existence, to fanciful learned or semilearned etymologies.

Dr. Meyer's discovery

is

particularly important in connection with one

most archaic and puzzling Irish sagas, the Compert Conchulainn, "Birth of Cuchulainn." Of the several extant versions of this story the most 1 ancient linguistically occurs in the early twelfth-century Lebor na h-Uidre. of our

Zimmer long ago pointed out that the

LU

version

is

a clumsy redaction of

2 at least two earlier accounts of the birth of Cuchulainn, and it now seems clear that at least one of these was itself a combination of still older elements.

As Zimmer noted, the portion of the LU text contain ing* the double account of Cuchulainn's divine and his human father is derived ultimately from the

Dromma Snechta, a lost manuscript which, as Thurneysen has recently shown, probably dated from the eighth century. This confused narrative is comprehensible only as a perversion of a story told in the fifteenth-century MS Egerton 1782 (B.M.) (Ir. T., I, 143 ff.) and more satisfactorily in the Libur

MS

V

It Stowe D. 4. 2 (R.I.A.) (CZ, fourteenth-century [1905], 500 ff.). is obvious to the student of popular literature that the version given in the

Egerton and Stowe manuscripts is based on an account in which Cuchulainn was the son of King Conchobar's sister Deichtire by a supernatural being

who abducts

realm and, after keeping her for three assume bird form and lure her brother to the other world at the time her child is to be born. In the account represented by LU this clear, simple narrative has been distorted in an unsuccessful effort to combine it with other stories attached to Cuchulainn for the purpose of explaining his extraordinary career. For example, Cuchulainn, like Conchobar himself and other heroes among relatively primitive peoples, is born as the result of his mother's swallowing a diminutive animal which sprang into her mouth from a vessel out of which she was drinking; or he is the offspring of incestuous intercourse between Deichtire and her brother. The stupid his mistress to his fairy

years, causes her to

'Cf. Thurneysen, Abhandl. N.P., XIV, No. 2 (1912), p. 31. 2

Zimmer,

Ztsch.

f. vergl.

d.

Sprf.,

konigl. Gesell. d.

XXVIII

Wiss. zu Gottingen, Phil.-Hist. Kl.,

(1887), 423

220

f.

REVIEWS AND NOTICES

53

and well-nigh incomprehensible patchwork resulting from the combination of these three accounts is further complicated by the addition of the story of Cuchulainn's birth as the son of the princess

and a petty Ulster

chieftain

named Sualtaim, who, according to an oft-quoted interpolation in the Tdin Bo Cuailnge, lives on the Plain of Muirthemne and from whose dwelling the boy hero Setanta (Cuchulainn), arms at his uncle's court.

like Perceval, sets forth to seek

deeds of

The

story of Cuchulainn's conception through drink is an ethnological which obviously embarrassed the redactor of the LU version, and the incest story is suggestive of those late Greek accounts which make Perseus mojfcif

1

the son of

Danae by her uncle instead

by Zeus.

of

Though

these as well as

the remaining versions of Cuchulainn's birth-story are at least as old as the eighth century and it is impossible in the present state of our knowledge to

determine the exact order in which the various stories became attached to the Ulster cycle, Dr. Meyer's discovery, supported by the independent investigations of the folklorist, furnishes an indication of the relative chronology of at least two of the accounts. Whatever may be the ultimate

names (Setanta) looks so unis probably the latest, and that the most satisfactory and perhaps the most

origin of the strange figure, one of whose Goidelic, the story of his purely mortal origin

of his half-divine origin is

which has come down to

us. 2

It should, however, be emphasized that the identification of Sualtaim as a comparatively late addition to the Cuchulainn saga in no way assists the futile efforts of real or would-be

ancient,

mythologists to identify Cuchulainn with a supposed Gaulish divinity 3 4 5 As Windisch has Esus, with the sun, or with an ancient cuckoo-god. 6 pointed out in an important dissertation, the attachment to Cuchulainn of various fabulous elements, some of which render him a striking parallel to

the Greek Achilles, no more tend to prove his original divinity than, mutatis mutandis, they do in the case, say, of Be6wulf or of Arthur.

Dr. Meyer's observations, taken in connection with the fact that Welsh as well as Irish mediaeval writers fabricated genealogies and told false etymological legends, lend plausibility to

a hypothesis regarding the origin of King Arthur's patronymic which was suggested as early as the beginning of the last 7 8 It is based on an century and has been proposed several times since. 1

cit.,

Nutt's arguments for the mythical character of the trait are not convincing (op. 44 f.).

II, *

Of. Nutt's analysis, op.

cit.,

II, 43.

D'Arbois de Jubainville, RC,

Rhys, Hib. *

J.

Pokorny,

Abhandl.

119

XIX, 245

flf.

Lects., p. 435.

Mitteil. d. anthrop. Gesell. in

d. kdnigl. sachsisch.

Gesell. d.

Wien,

XXXIX

ff.

7

Cf.

(1909), 89

Wiss., Phil.-Hist. Kl.,

Joseph Ritson, Life of King Arthur (1825), pp. 53 ff. and Notes, (1906), 89.

X

Cf. Fletcher, Harvard Studies

221

ff.

XXIX

(1912), 109,

REVIEWS AND NOTICES

54

of Nennius' HistoriaBritonum, accordinterpolation in certain late manuscripts uter Britannice, filius horribilis Latine, mob called was Arthur which to ing a puericia sua crudelis fuit. The words mob uter are susceptible

quoniam

1 not only of the interpretation given in the Latin gloss, but also of the transa fact which may have led Geoffrey of Monmouth lation "son of Uter" or one of his predecessors to supply Nennius' lauded dux bellorum with a

and

to exalt the latter

by applying

to

him the

epithet Pendragon, a practice "common in "Head-dragon," 2 Merlin is brought Welsh poetry of calling a king or great leader a dragon." forward to assist the newly created Uter Pendragon in playing Jupiter to Igerna's Alcmene, and thus the father of the renowned Arthur enters the theater of mediaeval romance as the result of a linguistic perversion strikingly similar to that which gave rise to the father of the Ulster hero whose birth, 3 training, and early exploits so closely resemble those of Hercules. The question of whether Arthur's father was invented by Geoffrey or father,

"Head-leader," in accordance with

someone

else

and

of

whether the

falsification

was

deliberate or unintentional

cannot, of course, be answered with certainty, but a twelfth-century Irish 4 poem attacking the learned, who "for the sake of pelf" confound genealogi-

methods in vogue in Ireland, whose Wales are so amply attested on both sides of St. George's

cal tables, is certainly eloquent of the

relations with

Channel. Dr. Meyer's second note contributes an additional bit to the already large body of evidence tending to discredit Zimmer's brilliant though often

unsound arguments in favor of Germanic influences on Irish tradition. Taking up the work begun by Windisch, the author completely demolishes Zimmer's contention that Fer Diad, Cuchulainn's friend and most famous opponent in the Tdin Bo Cuailnge, is a combination of Siegfried and a Nibelung. Fer Diad's famous conganchness, unlike Siegfried's horny skin, was a kind of armament, and the name signifies "Man of Smoke," not " Man of Mist," as Zimmer imagined. " It is evidently a nickname denoting perhaps a

man

with a smoke-colored complexion or hair, or referring to some Zimmer's tendency to overestimate the

accident at his birth, or the like." classical influences

on mediaeval

pointed out by Professor

W.

Irish literature 5

has also been recently

F. Thrall. 6

TOM PEETE CROSS UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO 1

Cf.

word

uthr in Pughe's Welsh Dictionary.

2

Rhys, Celtic Brit. (1904), p. 136; cf. Welsh People, p. 106. 3 Of the name Uther pendragon Zimmer says, "Dies will doch .... weiter nichts sagen als Uther (=latein Victor?) dux bellorum." Nen. Vindic., p. 286, note. Misc. Hib., p. 9. *

Ztsch.

f. d.

Mod.

Phil.,

Alt.,

XV

XXXIII

(1889), 129

(1917), 449

flf.

flf.,

257

ff.

REVIEWS AND NOTICES

55

'Annee Litteraire (1754-1790) comme intermediare en France des litteratures etrangeres, par P. VAN TIEGHEM. (Bibliotheque de Paris: F. Rieder et

litterature comparee.)

According to Dr.

Van Tieghem,

C ie

,

1917.

Pp. 162.

this study "est destine" a faire connaitre

ivec quelque precision le role qu'a joue le journal L' Annee Litteraire dans la iffusion en France des litteratures e"trangeres pendant la seconde moitie"

XVIII 6 siecle. The Me"moire ic

II

se

compose d'un Me"moire

et d'un

Index analytique."

a study of the general characteristics of the Annee. value of the journal as a literary review is stressed, and tables are given is

lowing the relative importance of the various foreign literatures and genres id the rise and fall of the number of contributions concerning foreign The attitude of the Annee toward translations is discussed at literatures.

The Me"moire is

contains a chapter explaining the ideas of Freron and

Dr. followers as to the advantages and dangers of this foreign invasion. Tieghem also analyzes the aesthetic theory of the Annee and gives its

idgments on the principal foreign literatures as a whole and on certain foreign authors (Shakespeare, Young, Lessing, Goethe, and others) in parAs a whole the Me"moire constitutes a very satisfactory chapter icular. the history of French literature. The Index analytique professes to give "Vindication de tous les comptes-

ou annonces d'ouvrages Strangers, ou traduits des langues etrangeres, aux litte*ratures etrangeres, & 1'exception de quelques ouvrages purement scientifiques et d'un certain nombre de grammaires." ic incompleteness of Dr. Van Tieghem's list is revealed by an examination the Annee for two important years. For the year 1769 "l'anne*e la plus fe*conde" the Annee contains ten not mentioned in Dr. Van Tieghem's list of thirty-seven. lus

se rapportant

ENGLAND 1.

Seconde

lettre

de

M.J. Blunt a I'auteur de cesfeuilles.

Blunt maintains and fond from

that Barthe, author of Les fausses infidelites, took both sujet

The Merry Wives of Windsor. 1 No. 71.)

(The

first letter is listed

by Dr. Van Tieghem

in

2.

Vies des Peres, des Martyrs

from the English (Vol.

2

6).

et

des autres principaux Saints. of several of the lives.

Summary

Translated

Book highly

praised. 3. Parallele

ks

de la condition

facultes des autres

et

animaux.

(English author not named.)

des facultes de I'homme avec la condition

Each of these four reason, his sociability, his taste, and his religion. discussed in turn. The work is cited as well worth reading. Ann6e, II (1769), 110-17.

>

et

Translated from the English by Robinet. 3 Man surpasses other animals through his

Annie, II (1769), 103-16.

223

Annte,

is

V (1769), 97-112.

REVIEWS AND NOTICES

56

L'Observateur frangais a Londres, Nos.

4.

2, 3, 4,

and

5.

1

Discussion of

the English government. 5. Ibid.,

Nos.

The English

10. 2

and

6, 7, 8, 9,

mores.

Frequent suicides

among the English, their strong sense of justice, enthusiasm for athletics. (The first volume of L'Observateur is noted by Dr. Van Tieghem in No. 224.)

GERMANY Essai d'une description generate des peuples polices 3 Translated from the German of M. Steebs. polices. 6.

history of civilization.

"La

et

des peuptes non-

A

sketch of the

raison la plus saine et la plus lumineuse a dicte*

cet ouvrage." 7. Histoire

text

is

8.

of the

Translated from the German. 4

de la Russie.

The German

a translation of a Russian original by Lomonossow. Mildly praised. Mori de Gellertf Announcement of his death, with an appreciation

man.

OTHER COUNTRIES Translated into French from the original Zend, with 9. Zend Avesta. remarks. 6 Announcement and short review. 10. Kongs-Skugg-Sio, utlegd a Daunsku og Latinu, or Speculum Regale cum interpretation Danicd et Latind, variis lectionibus et notis. Reviewed 7 This work was written by a Norwegian royal in a letter from Copenhagen. It is said to date from the twelfth minister for the instruction of his son. century.

It treats of the

of the clergy,

and

manner

of

life

of the business

men, of the court,

of the peasants.

XX of

For 1784 the year of the appearance of Volumes XIX and Tourneur's translation of Shakespeare Dr. Van Tieghem lists ten

Two

omissions are to be noted

1.

ment

Evelina,

Le

articles.

:

by Miss Burney.

Translated from the English. 8

Announce-

only.

2. Histoire des progres et de la chute de la Republique Romaine, by Adam 9 Useful but not remarkable for Ferguson. Translated from the English. or breadth of view. style

If these two years are a fair test of the Index, one must conclude that the omissions are so numerous and significant that they very seriously impair

value. It is to be regretted that Dr. Van Tieghem in this part of his study does not reach the standard set by him in his monumental Ossian en

its

France.

JAMES KESSLER UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO VI (1769), 314-26. Annee, VIII (1769), 264-76. Annie, III (1769), 3-20.

Annee,

Annie,

V

8

(1769), 325-43.

Annee, VIII (1769), 350-51.

224

Annee, VI (1769), 91-97. Annee, VII (1769), 346-50. Annee, III (1784), 143. Annee, VI (1784), 145-62.

V-)

Modern Philology VOLUME

XVI

September

1918

NUMBER

5

THE REACTION AGAINST WILLIAM GODWIN In 1801 William Godwin published his Thoughts Occasioned by Perusal of Dr. Parr's Spital Sermon, a pamphlet in which, with

and praiseworthy restraint of feeling, he undertook to reply the numerous vehement and more or less vituperative critics, who, jpelled and, in some cases, panic-stricken by his doctrines of rational?tic anarchism, had been attacking his Political Justice in lectures, 1 ions, novels, and pamphlets. Preparatory to his consideration lity

the charges of his opponents, Godwin reviews the various phases the reaction against him. He emphasizes the fact that upon its

mblication in 1793 Political Justice had immediately gained lit

tore

him such

with people of literary and intellectual distinction that for than four years he had listened only to the "voice of commen-

ition." 2

But he goes on

to explain that after the excesses in France

lad started a violent reaction against those principles of the Revolution which were held responsible for the crimes committed to the " cry Liberty and fraternity/' many of his friends had gradually 1 Of the spirit which pervades five of the best pages in Godwin's reply, Coleridge says in a marginal comment in his copy of the pamphlet in the British Museum: "They reflect great honor on Godwin's head and heart. Tho* I did it only in the zenith of his reputation, yet I feel remorse ever to have spoken unkindly of such a man."

Hazlitt's statement is often quoted: " No work gave in our time such a blow to the mind of our country." An unknown author testifies: "In many places, perhaps some hundreds, in England and Scotland copies were bought by subscription, and read aloud in meetings of the subscribers" (Public Characters, London, 1799). 2

philosophical

57

[MoDEEN PHILOLOGY, September,

1918

B.

58

SPRAGUE ALLEN

deserted the cause of freedom, and he, alone having remained faithhad found himself the object of criticism, at first respectful and

ful,

by degrees more bitterly hostile and insulting. two pamphlets and Malthus' Essay upon Popuwhich had appeared in 1798, Godwin has no fault to find.

judicial,

With

and

later

the attitude of

lation,

But he expresses keen resentment that in 1799 his former friend Sir James Mackintosh, in his public lectures upon The Law of Nature and Nations, had treated him "like a highwayman or an assassin," and represented him "as a wretch, who only wanted the power in order to prove himself as infernal as Robespierre." Godwin then records that the next year after Mackintosh's attack two new critics had appeared against him. Rev. Robert Hall, the distinguished Baptist divine, had warned his flock against the pernicious radicalism of the day in a famous sermon upon "Modern Infidelity" in which, in

Godwin's opinion, "every notion of toleration or decorum was

Then, in April of the same year, Dr. Samuel friends, Parr, had felt himself under obligation, in a sermon before the Lord Mayor of London himself, to attempt to demolish, as perilous to the moral order, the doctrine of 1 treated with infuriated contempt."

another of

Godwin's

Godwin universal benevolence, a cornerstone of Political Justice. brushes aside with contempt the insults of other critics "the vulgar contumelies of the author of the Pursuits of Literature, novels of

buffoonery and scandal to the amount of half a score, and British critics, Anti-Jacobin newspapers, and Anti-Jacobin magazines with-

out number." 2

Godwin's account of the reaction against him is illuminating as far as it goes, but it can scarcely be regarded as complete. It is 1 In his younger days Robert Hall, like so many others, was an ardent supporter of the cause of liberty, but after the atrocities of the Revolution he recoiled from its doctrines. This change of attitude is disclosed by a comparison of An Apology for the Freedom of the Press (1793), in which he took issue with Burke and extolled the rights of man, and his sermon, "Modern Infidelity." This latter address, first made in Bristol in October (1800), and repeated in Cambridge in November, created a deep impression; it attracted to the dissenting meeting-house as regular hearers both students and fellows. Mackintosh in his lectures at Lincoln's Inn, and Dr. Parr in his notes to his "Spital Sermon," quoted it with approval, and subsequently it went through many editions. In 1803 Hall returned to his attack upon Godwin in his sermon, "The Sentiments Proper ' to the Present Crisis." See Vol. I of Works, 3 vols., New York, 1832.

2 Two pamphlets not mentioned by title in the discussion above are: W. C. Proby, Modern Philosophy and Barbarism, or a Comparison between the Theory of Godwin and the Practice of Lycurgus, London, 1798; and Thomas Green, An Examination of the Leading Principles of the New System of Morals, as that Principle is Stated and Applied

226

deficient in

REACTION AGAINST WILLIAM GODWIN

59

Godwin

in his analysis

two

respects.

In the

first place,

does not put his finger on all the causes of the hostility of which he was the victim. In the second place, he is apparently ignorant of the fact that the reaction against

him had begun

earlier

than he

It is the purpose of the first part of this paper to supply missing information in preparation for a full discussion in the second part of the fiction written in criticism of his radicalism.

indicates. this

Godwin is undoubtedly correct in explaining the reaction of public opinion against him by the growing antagonism to the whole revolutionary movement felt among conservatives and those liberals who had been shocked by the course of events in France. Yet it is posmore specific and personal reasons why

sible to recognize in addition

Godwin gradually grew more the odium which the more zealous of

Probably he

the hostility to

bitter.

shared in

his disciples incurred

by the active promulgation of his views. John Thelwall, possessed of an ardor for propaganda of which Godwin himself repeatedly disapproved, in defiance of government opposition persisted in public lectures to disseminate revolutionary doctrine, until finally in 1795, after the

government had

failed to convict

him

of treason in 1794,

he was muzzled by the Pitt and Grenville Bill against Sedition. 1 In 1796, at one of the meetings of the Royston bookclub, when the sub-

was the problem whether private affection was compatible with universal benevolence, Crabb Robinson defended the Godwinian point of view so warmly that two years later, when he visited Bury, he discovered that he was in ill repute, and that Rev.

ject of discussion

Robert Hall had strenuously remonstrated with a member of his church whose intention had been to entertain Robinson. 2 The result of this incident

was an energetic exchange of letters between Robinson

Here might in Mr. Godwin's Political Justice, in a Letter to a Friend, 1798 (2d ed., 1799). be cited also two works by an anti-Godwinian, Robert Pellowes: Religion without Cant: or, a Preservative against Lukewarmness and Intolerance, London, 1801 (see pp. 307 ff., 328 ff., 392); and A Picture of Christian Philosophy. With a SupThe Fourth Edition. plement on the Culture and Practice of Benevolence, London, 1803 (see pp. 75 ff., 297 ff.). 1 For Thelwall's indebtedness to Godwin see, for example, the two lectures on the Prospective Principles of Virtue, Vol. I of The Tribune, a Periodical Publication, ConFor his sisting Chiefly of the Political Lectures of J. Thelwall, 3 vols., London, 1795-96. personal relations with Godwin see Charles Cestre, John Thelwall, London and York, 1906.

New

2

Crabb-Robinson, Diary, Reminiscences, and Correspondence, selected and edited by Sadler (2 vols., 3d ed., London and New York, 1872), I, 21.

Thomas

227

B. SPRAGUE

60

ALLEN

a correspondence which reveals the increasing alarm with which the propagation of the ideas of Political Justice was viewed. Those of Godwin's disciples who revealed in one way or another

and Hall

any sympathy with his denunciation of marriage in favor of greater freedom in the relationship of the sexes, were especially responsible in no small degree for the popular hatred of the author of Political In 1796 Mary Hays, who had long been the friend and Justice.

Mary Wollstonecraft, and whose reputation

had, as Crabb unjustly suffered on that account, published the Memoirs of Emma Courtney. 1 In this novel the heroine, taking her cue from The Rights of Woman, deplores as a tragedy the economic

admirer of

Robinson informs

us,

dependence of her

sex, and, fortified

by the

individualistic doctrines

of Political Justice, upholds the right of private

judgment,

offers her-

man

she passionately loves, and in general suffers cruelly in her continual clashes with the conventions of a "distempered civilization." Such being the rebellious spirit of the self as

novel,

mistress to the

it

was inevitable that in the public mind what appeared as Godwin and Mary Hays became associated, and that

the iniquities of

subsequent novels, designed to expose Godwinian sophistry, quoted from both Political Justice and Emma Courtney. 2 After the death of his wife Godwin, by his publication of The

Wrongs of Woman among the posthumous works of Mary Wollstoneand by the Memoirs in 1798, made a conscientious attempt to do her honor, but in each case his efforts were misdirected, and, craft

ironically

enough, succeeded only in intensifying the animosity Mary Wollstonecraft into greater dis-

against himself and in bringing

The Wrongs of Woman repute with sternly "respectable" people. made it clear that association with him had deepened her radicalism, and that, more defiant and uncompromising in her attitude toward society than she

was

had been

in her earlier work,

inclined to sympathize with his attack

Mary

Wollstonecraft

upon marriage.

As a

protest against economic conditions that permitted to women so few honorable employments and made prostitution an almost inevitable alternative, as a plea for 1

more

See also for the influence of

liberal divorce

Mary

laws by which a

Wollstonecraft upon Miss

Hays

and Essays, Moral and Miscellaneous, London, 1793. For example, Charles Lloyd, Edmund Oliver, 2 vols., Bristol, 1798; Hamilton, Memoirs of Modern Philosophers, 3 vols., 1800.

woman

the latter's

Letters 2

Elizabeth

REACTION AGAINST WILLIAM GODWIN might more easily

61

from a drunkard or a rake, and as a by the degrading misery of life with a dissipated husband, deserts him to enter a union with a man who intellectually and morally is her equal, this vivid naturalistic novel free herself

defense of the wife who, revolted

seemed to aim a blow at the very foundations of morality. The success the same year of such a play as Kotzebue's The Stranger, in which an erring wife

by her husband, indicated to the popular mind a dangerous and growing sympathy with the adulteress. Ladies of impeccable propriety, like Miss Hannah More and Mrs. Jane West, indignant at such leniency and armed with the terrors of is

forgiven

Christian charity as they interpreted

it,

issued warnings against the

and made known what sentence thought ought to be passed upon the outcast and the unfaithful

insidious connivance at viciousness, they

wife. 1

Moreover, as we have

Godwin's well-intentioned biography which matters were given publicity that Mary would otherwise have remained unknown, provided the unfeeling, of

said,

Wollstonecraft, in

blundering enemy with additional weapons of attack. Whereas Caleb Williams (1794) had impressed the public largely by virtue of its thrilling

and The Enquirer had been received vigorous statement of some of the doctrines of

narrative,

ently as a less

indiffer-

Political

Memoirs, with its frank, unapologetic account of Mary Wollstonecraft's relations with Imlay and Godwin, seemed an affront

Justice, the

to decency, affording convincing proof that

the

new

by ingenious sophistry philosophers would sanction unbridled licentiousness. In

the second edition in the same year poor Godwin attempted to tone down such passages as were likely to offend the moral sensibilities of his readers,

but his

effort at reparation

was too

late.

In his novel,

The Infernal Quixote, Charles Lucas describes with sarcastic comment Godwin's Memoirs as the "History of the Intrigues of His Own Wife." 2 Outraged that the philosopher should have felt himself 1 Hannah More, Strictures on the Modern System of Female Education (2 vols., 3d ed., London, 1799), I, 47, 48, 145; Mrs. Jane West, Letters Addressed to a Young Man (3 vols., London, 1801), II, 221, 225. See also the Monthly Review, June, 1798. The critic prefers A. Schink's version of The Stranger, in which the wife considers elopement, but does not This change the translator regarded as "more consistent with moral senactually sin. timent, and more congenial to the heart of an English audience." Unfortunately for the preservation of English morality, this sanitary version was never played (see Genest). 2 The Infernal Quixote (4 vols., London, 1801), I, 170.

229

B.

62

SPBAGUE ALLEN

under obligation to apologize for his indulgence in marriage, an institution of which he had made previously such unsparing criticism, Rev. Robert Hall branded Godwin's book as "a narrative of his licentious

amours." 1

craft read of

When

former admirers of

Mary

Wollstone-

"the errors which love should have concealed/

7

"the

Thus they had worshipped" became "an image of clay." was Wollstonecraft to vindicate Godwin's effort persistently Mary misconstrued, and an insidious significance was seen in the fact that the authoress of such a book of passionate protest as The Wrongs 2

idol

Generally with little justice of Woman had loved out of wedlock. and sometimes with even less decency the cry was taken up by various 3 writers and echoed in review, treatise, novel, and satiric poem. It has been shown, I think, in what respects Godwin's analysis of the causes of the reaction against

him

is

accurate

when he

asserts that "for

The chronology Godwin is scarcely

incomplete.

of his account is also not entirely satisfactory.

more than four years," that

is,

about 1798, Political Justice remained without the slightest refutation. Although he had met Coleridge at the close of 1794, until

perhaps he did not know that in the Bristol lectures in 1795 and in The Watchman in 1796 the young poet had attacked the principles of Political Justice. During the same period, while he was at Race-

down, Dorsetshire, Wordsworth, who had for a long time been plunged into pessimism at the failure of the Godwinian philosophy, under the test of experience, to clarify his spiritual problems and to vindicate reason as an infallible guide, emerged from his doubt self-analysis

and wrote The Borderers as a record

of his

from the seducing formulas of Godwinian optimism. 1

"Modern

2

Mary

Infidelity," in Vol. I of Works, 3 vols,

New

and

emancipation

As

far as I

York, 1832.

Wollstonecraft's biography in Vol. II of Mrs. Elwood's Memoirs of the Literary Ladies of England, 2 vols., London, 1843.

John Bowles, Reflections on the Political and Moral State of Society at the Close of Eighteenth Century (London, 1800), p. 134; The Millennium, a Poem in Three Cantos (London, 1800), I, 11. 423-^0; The Anti-Jacobin Review, June, 1803. As late as 1817 a scurrilous book, The Sexagenarian; or The Recollections of a Literary Life (2 vols., London), describes (Vol. I, chap, lii) in these atrocious terms Mary Wollstonecraft's attempted suicide after Imlay's desertion: "The lady did not indeed, in imitation of Sappho, precipitate herself from another Leucadian rock; she chose a more vulgar mode of death; she put some lead into her pockets, and threw herself into the water. She did not, however, use lead enough, as there was still gas sufficient left in her head to 3

the

counterpoise it. She was rescued from the watery bier, and lived again to experience the feverish varieties of the tender passion."

230

REACTION AGAINST WILLIAM GODWIN

63

have been able to discover, in the considerable body of anti-Godwinian literature, The Borderers is the only work that has dramatic form, and

Wordsworth seems to have been the first to adopt the plan of exposing Godwinism by means of a fiction exhibiting the dis-

the dangers of

astrous results of carrying the principles of Political Justice into practice.

With The Borderers

itself

Godwin may not have been

acquainted, as Wordsworth did not publish it until 1842. In 1797, as we shall see, the Letters of a Hindoo Rajah hilariously burlesqued cherished Godwinian ideas, and the Anti-Jacobin (December 18)

heaped ridicule upon his conception of gratitude and marriage. These efforts, however, Godwin may not have regarded as rising to the dignity of a refutation. The facts point to the conclusion that from 1795 the attacks upon

Godwin grew more frequent and more bitter, precipitated, as they were, partly by the general reaction against the spirit of the French Revolution and partly by the excessive zeal of his disciples and the unguarded frankness of his Memoirs of Mary Wollstonecraft. In

Woman and the was a sudden increase of hostility, two antiGodwinian novels and three anti-Godwinian pamphlets making 1798, the year of the publication of

Memoirs,

The Wrongs of

there

In 1799 and 1800 the antagonism was scarcely In 1801, in his reply to Dr. Parr's "Spital Sermon/' Godwin declared: "The cry spread like a general infection, and I

their appearance. less bitter.

have been told that not even a petty novel aspire to favour, unless

it

.... now

ventures to

contains some expression of dislike and

abhorrence to the new philosophy, and most voluminous?) English adherent."

its chief (or shall I

say

its

II

To an account

of these anti-Godwinian novels, an almost forin the gotten page history of our fiction, I wish to give attention in the rest of this paper. Few of these novels are mentioned in the

current manuals, yet their number and further search would probably reveal more of them stowed away in old libraries indicates how

was thought to be the necessity of putting out of court such revolutionary doctrines as Godwin had formulated. Obviously it is great

only by the accumulation of such evidence that 231

we can

interpret

B. SPRAGUE

64

justly the spirit of the age It is

opinion.

ALLEN

and estimate the

solidarity of conservative

noteworthy that the best of these books were rapidly

disposed of, Memoirs of Modern Philosophers (1800) by Elizabeth Hamilton and The Vagabond (1799) by George Walker going through three editions within three years.

In the Preface of the thira edition

work Walker, who had appropriately dedicated his book to the reactionary Lord Bishop of Llandaff, expresses the hope that the of his

rapid sale of his anti-podwinian novel is proof that the aristocratic classes are awakening to a sense of duty, and are encouraging by the

purchase of their books the authors who write in defense of the It is a shame, in Walker's opinion, that Tom

established order.

Paine should have

The amount varies.

made a

fortune from his inflammatory treatises.

of anti-Godwinian material in these different novels

Sometimes, as in the anonymous Memoirs of M. de Brinboc is very slight indeed, introduced, one suspects, largely

(1805), it

was the fashion in some quarters to bespatter the modern philosophers; more frequently it forms the very substance of the

because

work.

it

The mood

as in the

Lloyd's

Edmund

from burlesque, Godwin (1800), to tragedy, as in Charles (1798) and Mrs. Opie's Adeline Mowbray

of these novels varies also, ranging

anonymous

St.

Oliver

(1804).

Their bitterly uncompromising attitude toward the doctrines of Political Justice is reflected by the novelists in their characterization of Godwinians.

Sometimes the philosopher

intentioned

man imposed upon by

and Arnon

in

is

represented as a well-

a doctrine of specious philanand thropy conscientiously undertaking to disseminate his radical ideas. Such are Lok in Waldorf, Glenmurray in Adeline Mowbray, bitterly the

The Infernal Quixote,

all

havoc they have wrought.

of

whom come

More

to regret

often the novelist

represents the philosopher as a cold-blooded, calculating villain, who finds in lawless Godwinian individualism a theory of life thoroughly

congenial to his unprincipled nature, and who deliberately employs the insinuating doctrines of Political Justice to destroy the moral scruples of his victims in order to accomplish his own vile designs. This character is a resuscitation of the Machiavellian villain of Eliza-

bethan tragedy, the triumphant

egoist,

proud of

his intellectual

powers, contemptuous of his victims, and doing evil systematically. 232

L

REACTION AGAINST WILLIAM GODWIN Such a type

is

65

of frequent recurrence in revolutionary literature,

Germany, but Wordsworth is probably the first to repreLike Oswald, in Wordssent the type as a propagator of Godwinism.

especially in

worth's The Borderers, ruthlessly destroying all the finer sentiments that ennoble humanity, are Fitzosborne in Mrs. West's A Tale of the

Times (1799), Vallaton in Memoirs of Modern Philosophers, Marauder in The Infernal Quixote, Williams in the anonymous novel Dorothea, or A Ray of the New Light (1801), and Denham in the anonymous

The

Citizen's

Daughter (1804).

bond, instructs his pupil,

the influence of everything called principle, are satisfied have no portion of eternity, and that the fable of an avenging

shaken

we

Stupeo, the Pangloss of The Vaga[i.e., the philosophers] have

"When we

Deity

off

is

an old woman's

tale,

what power,

I ask,

can control us?

We become almost too great for the world, mind seems to rise superior to matter, crime

becomes nothing;

lust, and cruelty, are trifling."

feel I tie,

all .

.

men

that

"I

call

murder, incest, "I

feel," cries Frederick,

my name immortal, for no human 1 purpose of my power." the novelists undertake to exhibit the Godwinian system

am now free.

I shall

no moral check

When

.

.

render

shall stay the

according as their mood is satiric or 'serious, as responsible for the most ludicrous situations or utter misery. Space forbidding the discussion of all the ideas the

in operation in actual

sophistry of which

is

life,

they represent

thus exposed,

it,

we can

give our attention to the

treatment of only the most significant of these conceptions. Fundamental in the structure of Political Justice is the idea, derived from Helvetius, that man is the product of his education, that

is,

for of

sum total of all the influences that play upon him from moment of birth. This theory of environment, responsible

the

the very

much

Godwin's antagonism to any form of government as one the most evil and most powerful of the forces molding human of

was burlesqued with Aristophanic extravagance by Elizabeth Hamilton. Bridgetina Botherim, a squint-eyed Godwinian, explains that she imbibed a "love of literature and an importunate sensibility" from the milk of her foster-nurse, a village girl who at character,

1 Vol. II, chap. iv. Walker's attacks upon Godwin occurred after he had slavishly copied the plot of Caleb Williams in his own novel Theodore Cyphon (1796). Certainly a Godwinian conception of gratitude! With Stupeo's credo compare that of Marauder

in The Infernal Quixote, II, 297, 298.

233

B. SPRAGUE

66

ALLEN

the time was being taught to read by the parish clerk in Muddy Lane. In the "fifth grand era" of her life she acquired her passion for

metaphysics.

My mother got a packet of brown snuff from London by the mail-coach; it

was wrapped

in

two proof-sheets of the quarto-edition of the

Political

snatched up the paper, and notwithstanding the frequent fits of sneezing it occasioned, from the quantity of snuff contained in every I read and sneezed, and sneezed its contents. fold, I greedily devoured and read, till the germ of philosophy began to fructify my soul. From that I eagerly

Justice.

moment

became a philosopher and need not inform you

I

of the important

1

consequences.

In Letters of a Hindoo Rajah, also by Elizabeth Hamilton, Mr. Sceptic raises his fellow-philosophers to a high pitch of excite-

ment by expressing

his conviction that,

by

altering their environ-

ment, sparrows might be changed to honeybees. remarks, "According to the arguments of the

As Miss Ardent

young philosopher,

I

no reason why, by a proper course of education, a monkey may not be a Minister of State, or a goose Lord Chancellor of England." The philosophers enthusiastically determine to put Mr. Sceptic's see

theory to immediate trial. They catch three hundred sparrows, At dawn Sir Caprice build a huge hive, and put the birds therein. hastens to the hive in his night robe to find out

begun to hum.

Hark! he hears a buzz.

He

if

the sparrows have No! It is a

listens.

When the philosophers discover solitary bee in a shrub near by. that the sparrows have flown away, they conclude that the birds have swarmed on some neighboring

tree

and may be

fixed in their

abode by

a beating of pans. Hope is rekindled. The next morning, undaunted by a pouring rain, the philosophers sally forth with tin pans and beat them violently beneath a tree on which they have spied a few sparrows.

But the

birds are obdurate

and refuse to swarm.

"The

master of the bees declared he had never seen a swarm so unmanageable."

2

We

should not, however, allow such a satire, excellent as it is, to blind us to the fact that it was just such impregnable optimism that inspired

much

of the social idealism of the revolutionary era

encouraged faith in 1

Memoirs

*

II,

158

of

human regeneration.

Modern Philosophers (3d

ed., 1801), II,

flf.

234

and

Men of common sense who 83

flf.

REACTION AGAINST WILLIAM GODWIN had read

their

into practice.

Rousseau and Helvetius

67

tried to carry these theories

Thomas Day, Richard Edgeworth, and John

wall experimented with the education of children.

Crabb Robinson and Bentham admire Helvetius

Thel-

So sincerely did

that, as

young men,

1

they thought of entering his service as servants. Godwin's confidence that the individual might, without danger to either himself or society, dispense with the restraint of law or

government was grounded in the conviction that man was fundamentally a rational being, and that in every situation in life he might

judgment to supply the place of general prinwhat was just. This philosophy, in a but savage penetrating piece of analysis, Lucas stigmatizes as a

upon

rely

his private

ciples in the determination of

species of diabolism because of its affinity with the spirit of Satan.

"So these Worthies, who carry every law, divine and human, within own breasts, can never be guilty of any crime; for, whatever

their

they never act is, they can justify it to themselves; 2 dominates the is law." This creed and that reason a without reason, actions of Godwinian villains so that, after a moment of introspec-

conduct

their

tion,

of

by

an

they always see in the inclinations of egoism merely the dictates Covetous of Amelia, who is beloved infallible understanding.

adequate Godwinian With his eye on Lord

his dearest friend, Frederick is able to find 3

grounds for undertaking her seduction. Monteith's estates, Fitzosborne argues to the conclusion that he him-

"an

self,

active, intelligent, enterprising citizen," should possess the

4 This creed, too, is property rather than "an indolent sensualist." the means by which schemers like Fitzosborne and Marauder corrupt

by ingenious sophistry the instinctive and encouraging a defiant independence

their deluded victims, silencing

protests of their moral nature of all

the prohibitions of traditional ethics.

Striving to

blunt

Waldorf's conscience, Lok, like another Wordsworthian Oswald, argues cunningly: "Your judgment can never be wrong. Reason

never erroneous, but false sentiment may be your destruction. are influenced by a set of chimerical notions of probity and honor; but this is the effect of romance; you will soon discriminate

is

You 1

Robinson's Diary, I, 195. The Infernal Quixote, II, 268; III, 182. The Vagabond, Vol. I, chap. iii. 'A Tale of the Times, II, 294.

2

235

B. SPRAGUE

68

ALLEN

1 Waldorf proves an apt pupil; deterand think differently." mined to be "no automaton, agitated by springs to act by the directions of others/' he rises superior to public opinion and accomplishes

better

women. Indeed, all of these rampant individualists are sensitive lest someone trespass upon the right of Dorothea Melville, educated by a governess who private judgment. the ruin of three innocent

a disciple of the New Philosophy, at sixteen years of age repudiates Stupeo doubts "whether the her control as a form of despotism. very article of our birth be not a great breach of political justice,

is

since our consent

was not required." 2

other principle of his philosophy do Godwin's opponents give more attention than to his doctrine of universal benevolence. What excited the repugnance of Godwin's contemporaries was the

To no

fact that his philosophy, while apparently directing

human

activity

to a noble goal of unselfish achievement, in reality confused ethical values and tended to brutalize character and to encourage relentless

As a

egoism.

rigid utilitarian

Godwin

laid

it

down

as a fundamental

principle that according to the requirements of absolute justice in

every action of his life the individual should regulate his conduct with a view to producing the greatest good to the greatest number, and

proscribe

necessary in order to realize this ideal, he must those immediate incentives to action gratitude, friendif it is

accordingly, all

which traditional moralists

domestic affection, and patriotism

ship,

have insistently eulogized, but which, in fact, selfishly attach us to our associates and create a preference detrimental to the interest of

From

humanity.

name

this slaughter of our

most cherished

feelings in the

Godwin's contemporaries recoiled. not being omniscient, and consequently being

of universal benevolence

They recognized

that,

unable to determine the ultimate effects of a proposed action, the conscientious

modes

man would contemplate helplessly innumerable possible

his duties as husband, father, and citizen would be obscured; in the interval his power of action would be paralyzed; and energies that might have been fruitful of much good would be

of conduct;

wasted in

means i

futile,

blundering calculations.

of this philosophy the

Waldorf,

I,

74.

The Vagabond, Vol.

I,

chap.

ii.

wicked

They recognized that by

man would

be able to justify

REACTION AGAINST WILLIAM GODWIN

69

the most egoistic impulses and under the guise of general utility prey upon society and commit the most heinous offenses. Evil is bad

enough under any cricumstances, but

it is infinitely

worse when

it

We are assured by one good clergyman that

masquerades as virtue.

"the unholy speculations of Mr. Godwin were founded entirely upon Indeed, in defiance of truth and justice, the terrified

this basis."

moralists altogether too often bring the accusation that the trines are

adopted largely by

who wish

to use

them

Both the pamphleteers and the

for crimes or vice. 1

that the boasted reason

would impose upon

those

doc-

show the high tasks Godwin

is

it.

new

as a shield

novelists

miserably unequal to it clear that reason

They make

is

deficient

power to comprehend life in all its infinite variety and complexity and thereby to choose, on the basis of an unerring vision of the ultiin

mate consequences of alternative courses of conduct, that course more conducive to the general good. They reveal the painful truth that in the absence of general principles the reason cool,

detached analysis and judgment of

and

feelings,

interest.

for the

They point

the universe

facts,

is

most part becomes the base

incapable of a swayed by the

is

servitor of self-

to the danger that, in the flattering belief that

the only suitable field for the activity of his benevolent the individual will scornfully neglect the numerous opporimpulses, is

doing immediate and actual good within his capacity, and consequently life will be gradually stripped of the consolations conferred by gratitude, affection, and tunities afforded

by

social intercourse for

compassion. In Edmund Oliver (1798), the novel after which wishing to refute the Encyclopedists, modeled her losophe

(1800),

Charles

Lloyd,

Coleridge's

Mme

de Genlis,

La Femme

phi-

arraigns

the

friend,

philosophy of reason and philanthropy. The heroine, Gertrude Sinclair, has dispensed with marriage and accepted D'Oyley as her lover. When Edmund appears and demands the fulfilment of her

former promise to him, Gertrude, imagining herself completely emancipated from conventional scruples, attempts to argue away the obligation as a fetter of the mind, but in the conflict between her " feelings

and her

omnipotent reason" she

when D'Oyley abandons 1

her, her

See Robert Hall, Findlater,

suffers bitterly,

philosophy utterly

Hannah More, and John Bowles. 237

fails

and

finally,

her and she

is

ALLEN

B. SPRAGUE

70

plunged into moral chaos.

Obviously this

is

similar to the spiritual

occasioned in this case, tragedy of the Wordsworthian Marmaduke, In a satiric vein Walker has however, by different circumstances. When a fire breaks out in reason. of the exhibited inadequacy rescue. the to rushes Seizing a ladder, he Frederick Amelia's house, deliberates whether he ought to save

Amelia or her

father, for, as a

the one of less thorough Godwinian, he realizes that, should he save benefit to society, he would be committing a shameful injustice. While he is thus debating, the roof crashes in and kills both objects the peasants, believing Frederick had good reason to wish to .get rid of Amelia, threaten him with violence, Mr. Fenton urges his son to flee. Then Frederick deliberates whether of his reflection.

When

death would more promote the cause of truth, but when he hears the roaring mob outside he decides on the former his flight or his

"I really did not see that any good would result from my 1 Later Frederick and Dr. Alegos visit a strange land being hanged." inhabited by Godwinians, and meeting a man in deep thought inquire " "I am debating," he replies, whether the object of his reflections. course.

be most to the public good, that I should help half an hour at getting in the harvest, or labour half an hour at building the new

it will

granary; I have spent all the morning in considering, and cannot determine." 2 In these fantastic instances the utilitarian idea results

mental exertion, absolute paralysis of the power of action, and the defeat of the benevolent impulse.

merely in

The

futile

is responsible for other equally In obvious satire upon Emma Courteney's pursuit of Harley, under the spur of passion and a Godwinian sense of duty to herself and posterity, Bridgetina Botherim, infatuated with

doctrine of philanthropy

startling situations.

Dr. Sidney and inspired to serve the cause of general utility, abandons her old mother and follows him to London. When he puts her off, she waylays him wherever she can; when he flees from her as from a Nemesis, she bombards him with letters, fortified by the God-

winian conviction that as the reason it is

necessary only to ply long

always accessible to argument enough a catapult of logic. In view is

1 The Vagabond, Vol. I, chap. iv. Godwin had maintained that under such circumstances Penelon's valet should save the philosopher in preference to his own father. In

Edmund 2

Oliver (I, 128),

Vol. II, chap.

viii.

Lloyd condemns

this decision.

REACTION AGAINST WILLIAM GODWIN of her daughter's vagaries, illiterate

Utility

one

is

71

not surprised that Bridgetina's "And who is this General

old mother inquires with asperity:

is forever in Biddy's mouth ? She is always in a ask her, as if I should know all about him as well as she; sure she may well know I never seed a General but General

whose name

fret

when

but

I

am

I

Villiers, in all

my

The anonymous

life."

writer of Dorothea repre-

sents her heroine as debating with herself whether she will

marry a

philosopher or an aristocrat, and as deciding in favor of the latter on the unsentimental ground that the good of society requires that she seize this opportunity to uproot the prejudices of a conservative. 1

Out

of solicitude for

humanity Frederick

refuses to fight a duel

and

hazard the possibility of depriving the world of his services. 2 Vallaton betrays to the Revolutionary Tribunal an old man to whom he

owes seven hundred pounds

money

this

sterling,

having convinced himself that

him because he can accomplish the greater Desirous of Arnon's property, Marauder tries to per"a citizen of the world" and "a lover of political jus-

belongs to 3

good with it. suade him as

4 by such a weakness as love for a son. After he has robbed his wife of her property and deserted her and his children, Williams cries: "Justice, immutable and unerring justice, I am neither father, lifts me above all selfish ties and considerations

tice" not to be influenced

;

any individual! my children are posterity in the aggregate! I am wedded only to universal philanthropy, and my brother is man!" 5 Thus the novelists make clear their belief husband, or brother to

were Godwin's doctrine of the greatest good to the greatest in practice, it would encourage miserable self-deception

that,

number put and

let loose

upon society

all

the evils of a fatuous and, in

many cases,

criminal egoism.

Godwin never sinned against it

consistency.

followed that he execrated marriage.

It is

He

eulogized liberty;

absurd to expect con-

agreement in inclination between two developing personalities. Whenever the man or the woman experiences discomfort from the restraints of an uncongenial union, let either him or her be free to tinual

1

I,

117.

2

The Vagabond, Vol.

8

Memoirs

4

The Infernal Quixote,

6

Dorothea, II, 148.

of

I,

chap.

111.

Modern Philosophers,

I,

73.

III, 107.

239

B. SPRAGUE

72

ALLEN

Godwin did not shrink even from the suggestion that his critics construed marriage be abolished. This was his protest; villains speGodwinian The it merely as a plea for licentiousness. leave the other;

that wedlock is a species of despotism; cially seem to be convinced the novelists represent them as preying upon innocence, and as a warning depict the miseries of innumerable Clarissa Harlowes. No

novel

without

A

ruined virgin or betrayed wife.

few, indeed, Tale of the Times and Mrs. Opie's Adeline Mowof Godwinism than to any bray, give more attention to this aspect the woman who repuobvious one the is moral The other. always

like

is

its

A

Mrs. West's

:

diates marriage

is

and

ostracized

abandoned by her

lover.

by society, Having been

is,

in the end, generally

left to

her

own

pursuits,

much

revolutionary literature and is fired with a desire to carry her doctrines into practice. She meets a young philosopher, Glenmurry, who has written against marriage, and in

Adeline

Mowbray

has read

time becomes his mistress. she knows the purity of her

when she

Society begins

its

punishment; because

own motives Adeline

suffers all the

more

ignored by Glenmurry's friends, sneered at by servants, insulted by libertines, and driven from town as soon as her past is discovered. When, broken by her sorrows, she lies on her deathbed, is

she confesses the folly of her doctrines and admits her misery justly Waldorf, the hero of Miss King's novel, having wrecked the lives of three women, is overwhelmed at the enormity of the evils

inflicted.

he has brought upon others by his fallacious teachings, and in his remorse shoots himself. The Citizen's Daughter, or What Might Be

shows by contrast the admirable self-respect and worth of a wife who, refusing to be the dupe of her feelings, is not deluded by the new liberal doctrines of sex-relationship

and scornfully

rejects the dis-

honorable proposals of a lover.

This is a reproof to Mary Wollstoneprotested that the spiritual bondage of a woman unhappily married justified her in seeking a congenial mate. craft,

who had

The tendency

men and women

Godwin's assault upon marriage was to provide of strong passions with a sophistical excuse for

of

That is a danger the novelists never grow The majority of their philosophers are rakes.

unrestrained indulgence. tired of emphasizing.

In order to join a Utopian settlement

among

abandons

on the ground that, convinced

his wife

and

five children

240

the Hottentots, Mr. Glib

REACTION AGAINST WILLIAM GODWIN that marriage

is

the worst of monopolies (Godwin's

own

73 words), he

dshes to restore to his wife the liberty of which she has been deprived. 1 When She takes the hint and departs with a recruiting officer. her she husband Mrs. Cloudley elopes with Captain Ivory, enlightens as to the parentage of a brood of children he thought his own. Lucretia is the offspring of a coachman Amazonia is legitimate and ;

but Voltaire

is

Brutus; probably, Hercules of a plowman,

so,

Tom

is

the son of a hairdresser,

Paine of a rat-catcher, and the child

Mr. Cloudley's mind becomes unhinged,

2 that died, of Marauder.

and liberal quotations from Godwin make clear where rests the responsibility for

The

the condition of

affairs.

3

novelists do not spare other doctrines of Political Justice.

They portray the Godwinians as committing petty theft, forgery, and highway robbery, and justifying their actions as attempts to

They are not chary with the abuse and ridicule which Godwin's conception of perfectibility Mr. Vapour anticipates an age of reason in which men will invites. equalize the distribution of property.

the need of either food or clothing, 4 and Williams foresees such a complete conquest of matter by mind that in the future to

not

feel

5 yield to death will be a contemptible weakness.

Walker gives an

governed by Godwinian principles; it is as gro6 Formerly it possessed a tesque as Gulliver's kingdom of Lagado. noble civilization, but since the adoption of Godwinism, effected after a terrible civil war, it has fallen into decay. As the possibility of account of a land

destroy the condition of equality, alf incentive to effort has been annihilated, the people have become

reward has been excluded indolent and vicious for

lest it

want

of

something to do, and genius, having

encouragement, does not exert its power to contrive new inventions for the benefit of the race. Parecho, a citizen of the

no hope

of

ment. 1

Completely

Memoirs

of

and

is

in favor of aristocratic govern-

disillusioned, Dr.

Alogos determines to return to

republic, regrets the old order

Modern Philosophers,

III, 56.

The Infernal Quixote, III, 201. 3 Mrs. West's The Infidel Father (1802) and the anonymous Memoirs of M. de Brinboc (1805) also attack, in passing, Godwin's conception of marriage. 2

*

Letters of a

5

Dorothea,

I,

Hindoo Rajah,

II, 148.

48.

The Vagabond, Vol.

II,

chap.

vii.

241

B. SPRAGUE

74

ALLEN

the evils they will England to warn his fellow-countrymen against if they yield to the seductions of the New themselves bring upon Philosophy.

novels is significant of the poetic justice that governs these contemporary judgment of Godwinians. Bitter experience cures

The

Mr. Myope, robbed of his a willing ear to Chrislends and mistress by his wife and children. to Mr. Glib repents and returns tianity. Bridgetina is reconciled to the duties of a considerate daughter and Dorothea to those of a submissive wife. Ruined heroines all confess their error and either become insane, commit suicide, or go into a decline. Interrupted in the writing of a book entitled The Supremacy of Reason by the news that his cousin whom he had ruined had killed an effective use of a herself, Mr. Sceptic loses his mind and makes Waldorf reason a similar For violently puts an end to his pistol. dies of grief and regret. The Lok instructor His philosophical life.

many

of their philosophical vagaries.

a disciple, sees the light

villains who refuse to repent are dealt with unsparingly. to bay, goes mad and hurls himself from a cliff; driven Marauder, Fitzosborne kills himself in prison during the Terror; Williams is

Godwinian

stabbed by one of his victims; un-Rousseauistic Indians; and scaffold.

In pace

is

Stupeo

Denham and

burned alive by most Vallaton die upon the

requiescant!

Such are the "novels

of buffoonery

and scandal" which Godwin

refused to discuss in his reply to Dr. Parr's "Spital Sermon." clear that,

tion of

whether

common

satiric or serious, these

novels represent the reac-

sense against speculation typical of the age

torted conception of

It is

a dis-

human nature, an absurd theory of perfectibility,

and a visionary scheme

of social reconstruction.

Godwin we should bear

in

mind that

his

But

in justice to

hope of a millennial world

without law or government and inhabited by childless rationalists was no farther removed from actuality than Rousseau's state of nature;

both were the product of impotent idealism. This was an age of extremes, and rationalism and sentimentalism were equally guilty in sins of extravagant optimism. But, although we cannot approve of the savage intolerance of many of Godwin's opponents, and although we cannot admit that the novelists, in preaching the

committing

gospel of things as they are, always succeeded in disposing of the 242

REACTION AGAINST WILLIAM GODWIN issues raised

by Godwin and Mary Wollstonecraft,

75

since individualis-

marriage in our own age are still troubled by problems fundamentally the same, yet there can be no question that in general time has confirmed Godwin's contemporaries in the matter of their tic critics of

adverse judgment of the fundamental principles of Political Justice. It was inevitable that, after the first flush of enthusiasm for the revolutionary cause had passed away,

many

of

Godwin's

disciples should

and that he himself should suffer the punishment of a defender of a hated and expiring cause. Yet in 1813, at the very time when Crabb Robinson records that Godwin was living in retirement, having almost been driven from society, the philosopher had a new, young disciple, a poet who was destined to embody the desert him,

sophistries

beauty.

of Political Justice in

That young

disciple

forms of imperishable, intense

was none other than Percy Bysshe

Shelley.

B. SPRAGUE

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY

243

ALLEN

SPENSER'S

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES "ACCORDING TO ARISTOTLE."

II

After attempting to show that the virtues of Spenser's six1 Books are not the ones discussed by Aristotle, Jusserand contends that Spenser's and Aristotle's virtues are unlike in that Aristotle treats all his virtues as means between extremes, even straining absurdly to do so, whereas Spenser treats only one of his,

mean, and

"

Temperance, as a

He admits that,

2

"

Either through took from [Aristotle] his [Spenser] of middle or virtuous the between two faulty notion state, standing it

only incidentally."

direct or indirect borrowings,

extremes."

But he adds, "He did not

apply this theory to every virtue. forming the episode of Guyon's

It is

try, as Aristotle did, to

only incidentally dwelt upon,

visit to

Medina, Book

II, c. 2."

3

important; for Jusserand 's criticism means that Spenser ignored, almost completely, Aristotle's fundamental conception of what a virtue is ignored what is the most important and This point

is

characteristic thing if

about Aristotle's moral philosophy.

Let us see

he did.

Expressed in terms of method, Aristotle's moral philosophy is essentially this: (1) He develops a virtue by showing its opposites, and by discussing various phases of the virtue and of its opposites.*

He

treats a virtue as a

cusses various phases of to

make any given

become a kind

mean between two the mean and of its

virtue include

all

what he

calls

5

but he

dis-

extremes, and he tends

the others; 6 so that his virtues

of center surrounded

gives great emphasis to

extremes;

by many

opposites.

7

(2)

He

"the opposite" of a virtue, and

1 M. Jusserand holds that the fragment called Book VII is not a part of the F. Q. I hope to discuss this fragment in a subsequent paper. Therefore, he does not discuss it. " Book VII " is certainly Aristotelian.

2

3

Mod, Phil, III, 374, 381, and note. 381 and note.

Ibid.,

See N. Eth., Ill, ix

flf.

;

IV; and V.

See also

See his definition of virtue "regarded in N. Eth., II, vi. See also II, viii. 5

II, vii.

its

essence or theoretical conception,"

See his explanation of his definition of virtue, N. Eth., VI, especially chaps,

i

and

xiii. 7

245]

See N. Eth.,

II, v;

and

II, ix.

77

[MODERN PHILOLOGY, September,

1918

W.

78 says

and

less,

in

some

F.

DEMoss

cases almost nothing, about the other extreme,

who aims at the mean, he says, from Charybdis, the more dangermust, 1 makes Reason the determiner he And extremes. ous of the two (3) moral of the virtues. 2 each of the right course in the case of

for his

mean

is

not arithmetical; one

like Ulysses,

Such

is

keep farthest

the essence of Aristotle's moral philosophy.

If,

as Jusse-

rand contends, Spenser ignores one of these principles, he is certainty not following Aristotle. If, as I shall undertake to prove, he applies all of these principles in his treatment of the virtues, he certainly does follow Aristotle, at least in essentials. Spenser certainly develops the virtue of Holiness by showing opposites, and by presenting various phases of the virtue and of opposites.

He represents

Holiness

mindedness, moral perfection),

by

its its

the Knight of Holiness (High-

Una

(Christian Truth), Faith, Hope, and Charity, Heavenly Contemplation, and so on; and around these he groups Paganism, or Infidelity, "Blind Devotion" 3 (Cor ceca), Monastic Superstition (Abessa),

(Duessa, "faire Falsehood"

),

4

(Archimago), Falsehood False Pride or Conceit (Orgoglio and

"Hypocrise"

5

Seven Deadly Sins and all the other vices, Error (the Error in the first canto), and Satan (in Lucifera's train,

Lucifera), the

Dragon of and the Dragon

of Evil in canto xi).

Moreover, he represents the virtue as a mean between extremes

and emphasizes one extreme.

Paganism, represented by the Paynim brethren Sansfoy (Unbelief), Sansjoy (Joylessness), and Sansloy is certainly one extreme in regard to Holiness. The extreme is opposite represented by Cor ceca (" Blind Devotion"), Abessa (Monastic Superstition), and the Satyrs who worship even

(Lawlessness),

Una's

ass.

Corceca

is

an ignorant, blind old

woman who

says

She dares not stop mumbling thirty-six hundred prayers every day. her prayers. Abessa is her daughter. Again, the Knight of Holia mean between sinful 'joyaunce' and joyless faith and abstinence, though it costs him hard fighting to keep to this mean. After he has slain the Paynim Sansfoy (canto ii), he successfully ness

is

resists (canto iv) the

aunce"

temptation to join with Duessa in the "joy-

gay party composed of the Seven Deadly Sins. But immediately after he has resisted the joyance of sin, he is attacked i

of the

See N. Eth., II,

ix.

z/ftid., II, vi.

I, iii,

246

;

Arg.


I, ii,

Arg.

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

SPENSER'S

79

by the Paynim Sansjoy, who proposes to cancel his victory over 1 Sansfoy by taking away the shield which is the emblem of his victory. He is least fortified on the side of Joylessness; we are told upon our " of his cheere [he] did seeme too solemne first introduction to him that 2 sad," Accordingly, the battle which ensues with Sansjoy is one of 3 Once more, the Knight of Holiness is, as the hardest of his career.

we have already

seen, Aristotle's

mean

of

thinks himself worthy of great things and

Highmindedness.

is

worthy

neither overestimates nor underestimates his

neither conceited nor

mean

of

meanminded.

He

them; he he is

own worth

Arthur also represents

He thinks himself worthy

Highmindedness.

of

this

of great honor,

He aspires to the hand of great Gloriana (Glory)

and is worthy of it.

,

but we know, not only from his moral perfection, but also from the direct testimony of Una and the Knight of Holiness, that he is 4

According to Aristotle, the worst case of Meanof one the two extremes in regard to Highmindedness, mindedness, is the man of great worth who underestimates his own deserts

worthy of

her.

Sir Satyrane, in a measure, illustrates this

cares too little for honor.

We

capable of as great things as Guy on or us; he does nothing supremely great. " is of he Although great worth and wins fame possessed through 5 all Faery lond his famous worth was blown" he cares nothing for

extreme.

that he

feel

is

Yet he disappoints

Calidore.

He

great honor.

not

is

those

among

who

seek quests from great

Gloriana,

That

To

glorie does to

them

for

guerdon graunt.

6

main extreme in regard to Hightwo characters are drawn, one masculine and one mindedness, represent Conceit, the other

Orgoglio (Ital. orgoglio, pride; cf. GK. opyau), though born of dirt and wind, and fostered by Ignaro (Ignorance), thinks himself very great. But when he is slain by the Knight of Holiness,

feminine.

his is

huge trunk collapses

a punctured bladder, showing that he Lucifera (the sinful mistress of the "house

like

puffed up with conceit.

For the joyfulness of Faith, see Spenser's description especially stanzas 12-14.

of Faith (Fidelia) in canto x,

.

1,1.2.

For the importance which Spenser attaches to the author's comments in canto v, stanza 1. s

4

1, ix,

16, 17.

5

1, vi,

29.

this battle against Joylessness, see

I, x,

247

59.

W.

80

DsMoss

F.

supercilious, though she is only and the "Queene of Hell" and is She includes all the Seven Deadly the virtues. Duessa also serves all Sins, as Highmindedness includes 2 to represent Conceit, though her main business is to represent Falsebut when stripped hood; she is very proud of her beauty and finery, of

Pryde"

1

)

excessively proud

is

and

the daughter of "Griesly Pluto" thoroughly unworthy of honor.

Clearly Spenser's of false show, she proves to be only a filthy old hag. Pride. emphasis is on the extreme of Conceit or False

makes Reason the determiner

Finally, Spenser certainly

mean

In canto

for the virtue of Holiness.

Archimago makes the Knight

ii

of the

the arch-deceiver

of Holiness believe that his lady,

Una,

has stained her honor. Enraged, the Knight deserts Una, for whom he has undertaken to slay the Dragon of Evil, and rides off alone.

We are told

He has ceased to be governed by Reason. The eye Later

we

of [his] reason

:

was with rage yblent. 3

see again that he is guided not

by Reason, but by

Will was his guide, and griefe led

him

astray.

'will':

4

the beginning of all his troubles. He now misses the mean of Highmindedness. After a narrow escape from the House of Pride

This

is

with

its

vices

and

Pride, Conceit)

pitiable victims,

and languishes

he

is

captured by Orgoglio (False by Arthur

in his prison until rescued

(Highmindedness). Again, in canto vii, Arthur meets the deserted Una. In persuading her to unfold her grief, he advises her that "

flesh

5 may empaire .... but reason can repaire." And 6

Thus we

"

his goodly

and the Knight of Holiness must be governed by Reason. But so must Arthur. In canto ix, in which Arthur tells of the vision which caused him to fall in love with Gloriana, and of his pursuit of Glory, Arthur says

reason" wins.

see that bothvJJna

:

But me had warnd old Timons wise

behest,

Those creeping flames by reason to subdew,

etc. 7

Here again Reason is the determiner of the mean in regard to Highmindedness, or love of honor. Finally, even the Paynim Sansfoy 8 apologizes for forgetting "the raines to hold of reasons rule." *

I, iv,

2

Note in I, iv, 37, that Duessa rides next to Lucifera.

3

Stanza

Arg.

5.

Stanza

12.

s

stanza 41.

248

Stanza 42.

Stanza

9.

8

I, iv,

41

SPENSER'S

We

come now

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

81

Everyone knows that Spenser Books by showing their opposites and by presenting various phases of the virtue and of its opposites, and that he tends to make any given virtue allto Temperance.

develops this virtue

inclusive.

could be

and the virtues

of all his other

From the book of any one of Spenser's virtues a good case made out for all the moral virtues. But Spenser not only

same phases of that Aristotle treats. For of Temperoutside Temperance example, ance and Incontinence in the strict sense, the kinds of intemperance presents various phases of Temperance; he treats the

most emphasized by Aristotle are incontinence in regard to angry passion, incontinence in regard to honor, and incontinence in regard Aristotle specially and repeatedly mentions to wealth or gain. these as things in regard to which men may be incontinent in the

"Men

For instance, he says:

broad sense. in respect of

are called incontinent

1 angry passion, honor, and gain."

Now

these are the

very kinds of intemperance which, outside of intemperance in the strict sense,

Spenser presents most strongly.

Angry passion Spenser

"

2 chawing vengeance," murbosom friend, and is trying to murder his

exemplifies in Furor; in Phedon, who,

and his maid when he

ders his sweetheart

falls into the hands of Furor; and in 3 Furors Incontinence in respect Pyrochles, chayne unbinds." " of honor Spenser exemplifies in Vaine Braggadocchio." 4 He is one " of Aristotle's Conceited people," who, says Aristotle, "are foolish

sweetheart's

who

and make themselves conspicuous by themselves They get up in fine dresses, and pose and so on, and wish their good fortune to be known to all

and ignorant being so for effect,

"

of themselves

the world, and talk about themselves as

if

that were the road to

honor." 5

Braggadocchio represents Conceit, or desire of honor by one who is unworthy of it, one of the opposites of Highmindedness, or right love of honor

on a great

the temptations in Spenser's

Again, one of the greatest of

scale.

Cave

of

Mammon

is

Aristotle's extremes in regard to ordinary honors.

Ambition, one of Incontinence in

is, of course, powerfully presented in Mamthe Knight of Temperance in canto vii. But, in addition to treating it as a kind of center surrounded by opposites, Spenser treats Temperance as a mean between extremes,

regard to wealth or gain

mon, who tempts

i

N. Eth., VII,

ii.

2

ii,

i Vi

29.

II, v,

249

Arg.

II,

iii,

Arg.

*

N. Eth., IV,

ix.

W.

82

F.

DEMoss

and makes Reason the deteremphasizes one extreme in particular, of his Book on Temperance, canto first In the mean. of the miner he works out Aristotle's mean concerning Temperance. Although Aristotle holds that all the virtues are concerned with pleasure and to the relation of pain, he gives peculiar emphasis of the virtue. definition his in and pain pleasure

Temperance to He says: "In

not indeed of all pleasures respect of pleasures and pains, although in and pains, and to a less extent respect of pains than of pleasures, 1 Again, in connection with InconTemperance." an Aristotle important place to the vice of Effeminacy. gives tinence,

mean

the

He

state

is

says:

Of the characters which have been described the one [incontinence]

is

rather a kind of effeminacy; the other is licentiousness. The opposite of the incontinent character is the continent, and of the effeminate the steadfast; for steadfastness consists in holding out against pain, and continence in overcoming pleasure, and it is one thing to hold out, and another to over-

one thing to escape being beaten and another to win a victory. a person gives way where people generally resist and are capable It is only unpardonof resisting, he deserves to be called effeminate able where a person is mastered by things against which most people succeed in holding out, and is impotent to struggle against them, unless his impotence be due to hereditary constitution or to disease, as effeminacy is hereditary in the kings of Scythia, or as woman is naturally weaker than a man. come, as

....

And

it is

If

he continues:

whose incontinence

people of a quick and atrabilious temper particularly apt to take the form of impetu-

"It is

is

osity; for the rapidity or the violence of their feeling prevents

from waiting for the guidance of reason." 2

demns

them

Finally, Aristotle con-

"For it is effeminacy to fly from nor does the suicide face death because it is noble, but troubles, 3 because it is a refuge from evil." In canto one of Spenser's Book suicide as Effeminacy:

on Temperance we have the story of Mordant and Amavia. Acrasia (Intemperance), a beautiful but wicked enchantress, entices Sir Mordant away from his wife and finally poisons him; and the wife, in a

fit

of grief,

commits

suicide.

Sir

Guyon

(the

Knight of Tem-

perance) and his Palmer (Reason or Prudence), having learned the story from the expiring wife, stand looking at the two dead bodies. Sir

Guyon, turning to

his Palmer, says:

Old Syre Behold the image of mortalitie, N.

Eth., II, vii.

2

ibid.,

VII,

250

viii.

*

Ibid., Ill, xi.

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

SPENSER'S

83

And feeble nature cloth'd with fleshly tyre, When raging passion with fierce tyrannic, Robs reason

And makes The

of her it

due

And

it weakens with infirmitie, with bold furie armes the weakest hart

The

strong through pleasure soonest

strong

weake through

Then

regalitie,

servant to her basest part:

falles,

;

the

smart.

Guyon's Palmer (Reason) replies But temperance (said he) with golden

Sir

:

squire Betwixt them both can measure out a meane, Neither to melt in pleasures whot desire,

Nor

fry in hartlesse griefe

Thrise happie man,

and

dolefull teene.

who fares them

both atweene. 1

Mordant and the effeminate Amavia meet disaster because they fail to take the mean which Reason dictates in " pleasure" and "smart." It will be noted that Spenser regard to Thus the incontinent

Sir

follows Aristotle even in such details as showing that greater strength

required to overcome pleasure than to resist pain. The importance which Spenser attaches to the suicide described in the episode is

is

by the name Amavia (Love of Life). Love of Life effemiway to pain. The lesson of this canto cannot possibly be called "only incidental"; for Sir Guyon's relation to Mordant and Amavia is one of the larger elements of the plot, and one of the few It is the fate of Mordant discussed in Spenser's letter to Raleigh.

indicated

nately gives

and Amavia at the hands of Acrasia (Intemperance) which causes Guyon, the Knight

of

Temperance, to enter upon

his quest to

bind

Acrasia.

Spenser works out the mean in 2 regard to Aristotelian Temperance in the strict, or particular, sense.

So much for canto

i.

In canto

ii

Here, to quote Spenser's argument to the canto, Sir

Her

Guyon

is

shown

the face of golden Meane., sisters two Extremities strive her to banish cleane.

made the determiner of the mean. 3 What we have said of Spenser's treatment of Temperance as a mean between extremes is hardly more than a beginning of what Reason

1

II,

is

i,

57-58.

With the episode of Guyon's visit to Medina cf. N. Eth., 8 See especially II, ii, 38. See also stanzas 15 and 17.

2

II, vii; III, xiii;

-jr

251

-r

and VII,

xi.

W.

84

is

DEMoss

space permitted. See, for example, canto xii, which a series of studies of the mean. The truth is that the whole Book a study of the mean. Like Aristotle, Spenser puts the emphasis

could be said is

F.

if

on the extreme of

excess, not

on that of deficiency.

Again,

we have

mentioned only a few of the numerous instances in which Spenser makes Reason the determiner of the mean. See, for example, the

comments

author's

down

in stanzas 1-2 of canto xi, in

the general principle that Reason

in regard to

Temperance.

the determiner of the

is

Another point is worth noting.

makes Reason the determiner

Aristotle

which Spenser lays

of the

mean

mean

Although

in the case of

each of the moral virtues, he gives peculiar emphasis to the rule of Reason in regard to Temperance. Accordingly, Spenser gives the greatest possible emphasis to the rule of reason in respect of Temperance. For example, Aristotle says in his discussion of Temper-

ance:

"As a

child ought to live according to the direction of his tutor

(7rtu5a7co7os) so

ought the concupiscent element in

1 according to the reason."

And

ance a tutor, the black Palmer, directs

to live

who

continually accompanies,

whom his "pupill" 2

(Guyon) faithfully add that Guyon's Palmer is Reason. other proof than the allegory be needed that he is so, it may be

instructs,

obeys. If

and

him, and

man

Spenser gives his Knight of Temper-

It is hardly necessary to

found, for example, in II, i, 34; or in II, iv, 2; or in II, xii, 38. Passing to Chastity, Book III, we find that Spenser again follows Aristotle's

virtue

is.

method of treating a virtue and his conception of what a Even Chastity is presented as a mean between extremes.

Moreover, the extremes themselves are Aristotelian. There is a very close relation between Shame, or Chastity, and

Temperance.

Both

Aristotle

and Spenser make Temperance include

sex morality. The extremes of Aristotelian Shame, or Modesty, in the strict sense, are Shamelessness and Licentiousness, on the one 3 hand, and Bashfulness, lack of courteous bearing, on the other. The extremes of Aristotelian Temperance, in the strict sense, are

Licentiousness and Incontinence, on the one hand, and Insensibility, or Asceticism, on the other. 4 Now it will be remembered that i

N.Eth.,ui,xv. II, viii, 7.

8 4

N. Eth., N. Eth.,

II. vii, II, vii;

and IV, xv;

Rhetoric, II, vi,

and

II, xii-xiii.

III, xiii-xv; VII, especially chap. xi.

252

SPENSER'S

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

85

Spenser in his discussion of Chastity draws not only upon Aristotle's Shame, or Modesty, but also upon that part of his dis-

discussion of

Temperance which has to do with sex morality. Accordingly he makes the extremes of his virtue of Chastity the Aristotelian extremes of Shamelessness, Licentiousness, and Incontinence, on the one hand, and Discourtesy and Insensibility, or Asceticism, or cussion of

Celibacy, on the other.

In the proem to the Book on Chastity, Spenser tells us that just as Gloriana represents the rule of Elizabeth, so Belphoebe represents

"her rare chastity," and he makes the same point in his letter to " In telling how Belphoebe cared for her flower" of Raleigh. "

chastity

and virtue

virginal," he indicates the extremes:

That dainty Rose, the daughter

of the

Morne,

More deare then life she tendered, whose The girlond of her honour did adorne

flowre

:

Ne Ne

suffred she the

Middayes scorching powre, the sharp Northerne wind thereon to showre, But lapped up her silken leaves most chaire,

When

of

so the freward skye

But soone

as calmed

She did

faire

it

began to lowre

:

was the Christall aire, 1 dispred, and let to florish faire.

For the Courtesy of Belphoebe see, in III, v, 2T-55, 2 the story her nursing the wounded Timias and of her treatment of him, a

social inferior,

when he

falls in

love with her.

Belphoebe is praised because she can be chaste without running into the extreme of Discourtesy: In so great prayse of stedfast chastity, Nathlesse she was so curteous and kind,

Tempred with grace and goodly modesty, That seemed those two vertues strove to find

The

To

higher place in her Heroick mind.

realize the seriousness of this

extreme of Discourtesy

it is

only necessary to note the contemptible character of the discourteous

Mirabella in Spenser's Book on Courtesy. Discourtesy here clearly includes the idea of celibacy. It should be remembered that Spenser's Courtesy is Aristotle's Friendliness readiness to act as a true friend 1

III, v, 51.

'

Note

See also stanzas 50-55, especially 52.

especially III, v, 54-55.

See also III,

253

vi, 1-3.

W.

86

F.

DEMoss

that, with both Aristotle and Spenser, Friendship In his argument to canto vii of Book VI Spenser us that we are to learn of "Fay re Mirabellaes punishment for

and

would act

includes love. tells

Mirabella

loves disdaine decreed."

is

cruel to her lovers

and even

boasts of the fact that they suffer and die because of their love for "She did all love despize." She is determined to live a life her. of celibacy.

She was borne free, not bound to any wight, 1 so would ever live, and love her owne delight.

And Such

is

the Discourtesy, or Unfriendliness, which

extremes in regard to Chasity.

Mirabella

is finally

is

one of the

brought to justice

by Cupid. Another passage in which Spenser represents Discourtesy and Celibacy as an extreme in regard to Chastity is in canto vi of the

Book on Chastity. Venus has lost her little son, Cupid. In searchwood for him, she comes upon her sister, Diana, of whom she makes inquiries. Diana is ungracious, intolerant

ing a

:

Thereat Diana gan to smile, in scorne Of her vaine plaint, and to her scoffing sayd; "Great pittie sure, that ye be so forlorne Of your gay sonne, that gives you so good ayd To your disports: ill mote ye bene apayd."

But she was more engrieved, and replide; sister, ill beseemes it to upbrayd

"Faire

A

dolefull heart

The

like that

with so disdainfull pride; may be your paine another

mine,

And ill becomes you with your To scorne the joy, that Jove is

tide.

loftie creasts,

glad to seek;

We

both are bound to follow heavens beheasts, And tend our charges with obeisance meeke. Spare, gentle sister, with reproch

After Diana has

made

my paine

to eeke." 2

further insulting speeches, she

induced to join in the search for Cupid.

is

finally

While searching, Diana and Venus find Belphoebe and Amoretta, two babes born at a birth, Belphoebe being born first, and then Amoretta, to show that first comes maidenly chastity, "perfect Maydenhed," and then love and i

VI,

vii,

30-31.

2

254

in,

^ 21-22.

MORAL VIRTUES

SPENSER'S TWELVE "goodly womanhed."

87

Diana and Venus decide each to adopt one

of the babes.

Dame Phoebe

[Diana] to a

Nymph

her babe betooke,

To be upbrought in perfect Maydenhed, And to her selfe her name Belphoebe red But Venus hers thence farre away convayed, To be upbrought in goodly womanhed. 1 :

Venus takes Amoretta to be brought up where,

we

in the

Garden

of Adonis,

are told, All things, as they created were, doe grow, And yet remember well the mightie word,

Which first was spoken by That bad them

to

increase

th'

Almightie

lord,

and multiply*

Perhaps Spenser's plainest condemnation of Celibacy and Insensibility, or Asceticism, is the episode dealing with Marinell in the

Book on

Marinell

Chastity.

is

"a mighty man

at arms."

He

eschews the love of women, for Proteus, the sea-god and prophet, has taught- his mother to keep him from all womankind :

For thy she gave him warning every day,

The

women

not to entertaine; too hard for living clay, From love in course of Nature to refraine: Yet he his mothers lore did well retaine, And ever from faire Ladies love did fly; love of

A lesson too

Yet many Ladies fair did oft complaine, That they for love of him would algates dy: 3 Dy, who so list for him, he was loves enimy.

One

of the first great victories of

Britomart (Chastity)

is

her defeat

of this sturdy

champion. Though Britomart leaves Marinell for dead, his mother, Cymoent, by her magic finally revives him. We now learn that fair Florimell loves Marinell, but is scorned by him. In canto xi of Book IV Spenser gives a synopsis of the story of Marinell and Florimell, in order to continue it. The lovely Florimell, because she will not grant her love to the sea-god Proteus, Proteus' hands.

And

Who

is

suffering horrible torments at

was for love of Marinell, her despysed (ah who would her despyse

all this

?)

And wemens love did from his hart expell, And all those joyes that weak mankind entyse. 4 1

III, vi, 28.

2

HI,

vi, 34.

III, iv, 25-26.

255

IV,

xi, 5.

W.

88

DEMoss

F.

Marinell is Celibacy and Insensibility, or Asceticism. reformed by the love of Florimell. One more episode might be given here. It is in the opening canto

Clearly this is finally

Book on Chastity. Britomart, who fights for Chastity, and the Red Cross Knight (Holiness), who "gave her good aid," come in their journey to "Castle Joyous," presided over by the witch MaleIn the "sumptuous guize" casta, called "the Lady of Delight." of the

of Castle

Joyous the knights see

The image Exceeding

of superfluous riotize, the state of meane degree. 1

much

Smith and Selincourt define the term "meane," in this passage, as " middling "; and indeed the context seems to make any other interpretation impossible.

is

Proof that the contemptible Mirabella of the Book on Courtesy Discourtesy (if that can need special proof), and that Marinell of

the

Book on Chastity

also illustrates Discourtesy

of the serious offense of Cruelty, Unfriendliness,

both being guilty

toward their lovers

be had by comparing their conduct with the Courtesy of Britomart (Chastity) toward even the amorous "Lady of Delight," who, deceived by Britomart's armor, woos the Knight of Chastity in no

may

modest manner. Britomart considers the feelings of other people and therefore does not rebuff the Lady of Delight until her conduct becomes outrageous: For thy she would not in discourteise wise, Scorne the faire offer of good will profest; For great rebuke

it is,

love to despise,

Or rudely sdiegne a gentle harts request. 2 Finally, a consideration of the characters in

Book

III

shows

plainly that Spenser treats Chastity as a mean, and that his extremes are the Aristotelian ones already mentioned. Marinell and Diana go to extremes in the direction of Discourtesy and Celibacy. Brito-

mart, Belphoebe, Amoretta, and the true Florimell represent the mean. The extreme of Licentiousness is emphatically lepresented in the horrible Titan twins, Argante and Ollyphant, .tie hyena-like Brute, Proteus, Malecasta, the false Florimell, the infamous Hellenore, i

and Busyrane.

III,

i,

33.

2

256

III,i,55.

SPENSER'S

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

89

addition to treating Chastity as a mean, Spenser not only discusses various phases of the virtue, after the manner of Aristotle, [n

>ut

draws from Aristotle the virtues and vices which he discusses in This fact throws light on an otherwise

mnection with Chastity. ifficult

In his continued discussion of

passage in the Faerie Queene.

^emperance,

1

already referred to, Aristotle has a curious discussion

"There

brutality, or unnatural vice.

for following natural impulses, as

is

more excuse," he

indeed there

is

says,

for following all

common to all the world, and the more common the more excusable they are also." 2 Again he says, "And they are, these are brutal states, there are others which are produced in some ich desires as are

and madness Other such states again are a morbid disposition or of habit." In this brutal or unnatural conduct he includes "unnatural vice," which he elsewhere >ple

by

disease

:he result of

refers to as

canto

ii,

"unnatural passion." 3

of the Faerie Queene.

as well as Chastity, is

madly

Compare this with Book III, Britomart, who represents Elizabeth

in love with Artegall (Justice).

In the

midst of this fine compliment to the Queen we have the following curious passage put in the mouth of Glauce, Britomart's old nurse, after Britomart has confessed her love :

what need ye be dismayd, Daughter Or why make ye such Monster of your mind ? Of much more uncouth thing I was affrayd; (said she)

Of filthy lust, contrarie unto kind: But this affection nothing straunge

I find;

For who with reason can you aye reprove, To love the semblant pleasing most your mind, And yield your heart, whence ye cannot remove ? No guilt in you, but in the tyranny of love.

Not so th' Arabian Myrrhe did set her mind; Nor so did Biblis spend her pining hart, But lov'd their native flesh against all kind,

And

to their purpose used wicked art: Yet played Pasiphae a more monstrous part, That lov'd a bull, and learned a beast to bee; Such shamefull lusts who loaths not, which depart From course of nature and of modestief S\vcet love such lewdness bands from his faire companie. 4

i

N. Eth., VII.

i

and

vi-vii.

2

Ibid.,

VII,

257

vii.

s

ibid.,

VII,

vi.

III,

ii,

40-41.

W.

90

DEMoss

F.

another example of Spenser's conformity cantos ix and x of Spenser's Book on In to Aristotle's scheme. Chastity we have the story of Hellenore and Malbecco. The latter, I

cannot

resist giving

at first a real character, in canto

x becomes Jealousy in one of the

most powerful of all Spenser's personifications. It is the unlikeness of Malbecco and Hellenore which causes their great unhappiness. This unlikeness includes the fact that Malbecco has reached the age of impotence, while his wife is

in the

"rape"

Their unhappiness results

young.

of Hellenore (Helen)

by

Paridell (Paris).

That

their

brought about by their inequality and unlikeness is unhappiness I quote a few passages, however, clear from reading the cantos. is

which establish this point by literal exposition: But all his mind is set on mucky pelfe, Yet is he lincked to a lovely lasse,

The which

And

to

him both

far unequall yeares,

also far unlike conditions has;

For she does joy to play emongst her peares, to be free from hard restraint and gealous

And

But he

is old,

and withered

like

feares.

hay,

Unfit faire Ladies service to supply.

The

privie guilt whereof

makes him alway

Suspect her truth, and keepe continuall spy Upon her with his other blincked eye;

Ne

suffreth

he resort of living wight

Approch to her, ne keepe her company, But in close bowre her mewes from all mens Depriv'd of kindly joy and naturall delight.

sight,

Malbecco he, and Hellenore she hight, Unfitly yokt together in one teeme. Fast good will with gentle courtesyes, timely service to her pleasures meet May her perhaps containe, that else would algates

And

fleet.

1

Now there is a very close relation between the virtues of Chastity and Friendship, for Aristotle makes Friendship include love and the husband and wife. 2 Again, Aristotle repeatedly makes

relation of i

III, ix, 4-7.

*

That

of N. Eth.

Aristotelian Friendship includes love is clear from the whole of Book VIII The Friendship of husband and wife is discussed specifically in chap. xii.

258

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

SPENSER'S

91

Friendship requires perfect equality and likeand that any Friendship requires approximate equality and less, For likeness. example, he says: "In Friendship quantitative This is clearly seen to be equality is first and proportionate second. the case if there be a wide distinction between two persons in respect For persons so widely of virtue, vice, affluence, or anything else.

I

;he point that perfect

different cease to

Thus the

be friends; they do not even affect to be friends." 1

lesson that the inequality

Hellenore

But

doctrine.

tion of the

this

is

not

Nicomachean

all.

In the

Ethics,

At the beginning

marriage.

and unlikeness

the cause of their destruction

is

2

Malbecco and

of

straight Aristotelian

is

Politics,

which

is

a continua-

Aristotle discusses the subject of

of chapter xvi of

Book VI he

says

:

In legislating about this association [marriage] he [the legislator! should have in view, not only the persons themselves who are to marry, but their time of life, so that they may arrive simultaneously at corresponding periods in respect of age, and there may not be a discrepancy between their powers, whether it is that the husband is still able to beget children and the wife is not, or vice versa, as this is a state of things which is a source of mutual bickerings

And

and

dissentions.

Aristotle reiterates the idea throughout the chapter.

That

this

the part of the lesson to which Spenser gives emphasis is point clear, not only from the story and the literal exposition, but also is

from the name Malbecco. 3 husband's love of

But even the idea of the impotent old money and disregard of honor is Aristotelian.

In the Nicomachean Ethics, IV, iii, Aristotle says: " Illiberality is incurable; for it seems that old age or impotence of any kind makes men illiberal," and he repeats this thought in the Rhetoric.* Again, Spenser makes it indisputably clear that reason is the determiner of the right course in respect of Chastity. Thus, as we

have already seen, the old nurse Glauce, who in a measure represents Reason, or Prudence, assures Britomart (Chastity) that her conduct 1

N. Eth., VIII.

ix.

Not only the last chapter of the N. Eth. but the whole book prepares the way for Politics. It is upon the relation between Morality and Reason, or Prudence, explained 2

the

in the

AT.

Eth., that

the legislator of the Politics bases his laws.

a buck, a goat, a cuckold; Duke, thou art a becco, a cornuto.

*Ital. becco,

M. P.

M. Thou 4

cf.

How ?

art a cuckold.

II, xiii.

259

Marston, Malcontent,

I, i,

118-20:

W.

92 is right,

we

DEMoss

F.

1 for it is in accordance with Reason.

On

the other hand,

are told concerning the unholy passion of the witch's son:

So strong

is

2 passion that no reason hears.

In discussing the virtue of Friendship, Spenser does not make much of the mean. But neither does his master. Aristotle only suggests that perhaps

number

of

we ought

to observe the

mean

in regard to the

friendships which we undertake to maintain.

Like

Aristotle, however, Spenser does develop the virtue of Friendship by showing its opposites and by presenting various phases of the virtue

and

of its opposites.

Hate

Thus he

discusses Discord as well as Concord, "

as well as Love, 3 Falseness (Duessa) as well as

Friendship not only the friendship of the virtuous, as seen in such cases as that of Cambel and Triamond, but also the friendship trew."

He shows

of the vicious, friendship for gain,

Blandamour and

friendship of

Aristotle's teaching, soon

and so

on, in such cases as the

Paridell, which, in

ends in

strife.

4

accordance with

Professor Erskine 5 asserts

Book on Friendship "seems at first sight to treat only and quarrels." He brings forward two sentences of Cicero from which he thinks Spenser must have learned that it was

that Spenser's of jealousies

possible to present Friendship is

by showing its opposite. The fact by showing its opposite Spenser is

that in presenting Friendship

not only doing what Aristotle did in every one of his virtues, but doing what he himself did in every book of the Faerie Queene.

is

Moreover, Spenser discusses the same opposites and phases of Friendship that Aristotle discusses. For example, Aristotle deals with the friendship of the virtuous, which endures, and the friendship of the vicious, friendship for gain, and so on, which does not

We

endure.

have already seen that Spenser represents these phases

of Friendship.

Q-gain, Aristotle's Friendship is of three main kinds the friendship of kinsmen, the friendship of love, including marriage,

and friendship

:

in the ordinary sense. 6

In IV, ix, 1-3 of the Faerie Queene, Spenser gives a plain, literal exposition of these three kinds i

III.

*

III, vii, 21.

11.

40.

IV, x, 34 and 32. 4

IV.

6

Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc., XXIII, 846. See, for example, N. Eth., VIII, xii.

ii,

13, 18.

260

SPENSER'S

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

of Friendship, as Professor Erskine has observed; 1

93

and he

reiterates

2 throughout the book. J Again, in connection with love Spenser illustrates the Aristotelian extremes of insensibility, or celibacy, unreasonable love, inconstancy, and licentiousness. 3

this classification

Once more,

in the

Book on

Chastity, Spenser follows Aristotle in essential to Friendship.

Book on

Friendship, as well as in the

Friendship

making equality and

is

likeness

impossible between Cambell

and any one of the three brothers, Priamond, Diamond, and Triamond. 4 But when Triamond, by receiving the spirits of his two brothers, becomes the equal of Cambell, the two become perfect \

5

Spenser does not stop, however, at showing friendship between these equals of high degree; he shows also friendship between two equal and like persons of low degree, the two squires in cantos

friends.

and

6

^Finally, the most striking thing about Aristotle's discussion of Friendship is his identification of this virtue with Concord

viii

ix.

He

in the State.

says:

"Again,

it

seems that friendship or love

the bond which holds states together, and that legislators set more store by it than by justice; for concord is apparently akin to

is

friendship,

and

and

it is

concord that they especially seek to promote,

faction, as being hostility to the state, that

to expel." 7

Even

this

they especially try

phase of Aristotelian Friendship is

cally presented in the Faerie Queene.

In the

first

emphati-

canto of his

Book

on Friendship, Spenser presents Discord, the enemy of Friendship, whom the wicked witch Duessa has brought to hell "to trouble noble knights."

Her name was Ate, mother

And

of debate,

which doth dayly grow Amongst fraile men, that many a publike state And many a private oft doth overthrow. all

dissention

Hard by the

gates of hell her dwelling

is,

Yet many waies to enter may be found, i

2 3 * *

8

Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc., XXIII, 849. Note, for example, the "friends," "brethren," and "lovers" of IV, See IV, ix, 21. IV, ii-iii. IV, iii, 26-37, especially 37. See especially viii, 55-56, and N. Eth., VIII, i.

ix,

10-11.

261

i,

24.

W.

94 But none

to issue forth

For discord harder

And

DEMoss

F.

is

to

when one

is in

:

end then to begin.

within the riven walls were hung of times forepast,

all

With ragged monuments

All which the sad effects of discord sung.

"monuments"

these

Among

are

"

broken scepters," "great

cities

ransackt," and "nations captived and huge armies slaine." "There was the signe of antique Babylon," of Thebes, of Rome, of Salem, and "sad Ilion." There were the names of Nimrod and "of Alexander, and his Princes five Which shar'd to them the spoiles that he had got alive." And there too were the "relicks .... of the dreadfull discard, which did drive

The noble Argonauts

to outrage

fell."

For

worlds faire workmanship she tride,

all this

Unto

And

his last confusion to bring,

that great golden chaine quite to divide, it blessed Concord hath together tide.

With which

Thus Spenser Concord

making Friendship include

follows Aristotle in

The same

in the State.

idea comes out in Spenser's pres-

entation of Concord in canto x: Concord she cleeped was in

Mother

of blessed Peace,

In discussing his in almost the exact

common

fifth virtue, Justice,

words of

reed,

and Friendship trew. 1

Aristotle.

Spenser expresses the mean Aristotle tells us that par-

do with the goods of fortune. 2 He defines Justice as follows: "Just conduct is a mean between committing and suffering injustice; for to commit injustice is to have too much, and to suffer it is to have too little." 3 In the proem to Book V

ticular Justice has to

Spenser in describing the Golden Age,

And Again, in

mean

is

all

men

Book

when

all

men were

just, says:

sought their owne, and none no. more.

V

unmistakable.

proper, Spenser's treatment of Justice as a

In canto

ii

we have the Gyant with

his

1 '

huge great paire

of ballance."

Complaining that this world's goods

are unjustly, because unequally, distributed, the to weigh everything and make a just distribution. 1

IV,

x, 34.

2

JV.

Eth., V,

3

ii.

262

N. Eth., V,

ix.

Gyant proposes

He

has asserted

SPENSER'S

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

95

that he "could justly weigh the wrong and right" and Artegall Artegall finally tells him: (Justice) is testing him.

But

set the truth

and

set the right aside,

For they with wrong or falshood will not fare; And put two wrongs together to be tride, Or else two falses, each of equall share; And then together doe them both compare. For truth is one, and right is ever one. So did he, and then plaine it did appeare, Whether of them the greater were attone. But right sate in the middest of the beame alone.

But he the right from thence did thrust away, For it was not the right, which he did seeke; But rather strove extremities to way,

TV one to diminish th' other for to eeke. For of the meane he greatly did misleeke. 1 hand of Justice), and drowns him. This mean which Gyant the Gyant "misleekes," and which Justice demands, is not simply

At

this point Talus, Artegall's iron squire (the iron

into the sea

hurls the

a

mean but

Aristotle's

mean

of Justice; for it is the

the distribution of the goods of fortune. Aristotelian in every particular.

mean in

regard to

Moreover, the episode

is

Aristotle teaches that equality as

applied to Justice must be proportionate, not absolute. Justice, he holds, demands that the goods of fortune be distributed propor2 tionately to the varying degrees of virtue in the citizens.

protests particularly against an equalization this protest.

of property

He

even

and reiterates

3

Spenser's characters in this Book represent not only the mean but also the two Aristotelian extremes in regard to Justice: that of accepting less than rightfully belongs to one, and that of taking

The

more.

represented by the Squire who is wronged by 4 Sanglier will not "rest contented with his right,"

first is

Sir Sanglier.

but, "the fairere love to gaine," takes the Squire's Ladie 1

V,

ii,

slays

45-49.

N. Eth., Book V. See N. Eth., VIII, ix. 2

Aristotle

makes the same point

3

See, for example, Politics, VIII, ix.

4

V,

i,

and

17.

263

in his discussion of Friendship.

W.

96

own.

his

gall for

F.

The Squire complains judgment,

DEMoss to Artegall.

Brought before Arteand testifies falsely

Sanglier defies his accuser,

that neither he did shed that Ladies bloud

Nor tooke away

his love,

but his owne proper good.

Then Well did the Squire perceive himself too weake, To aunswere his defiaunce in the field,

And

rather chose his challenge off to breake, to approve his right with speare and shield.

Then

And

rather guilty chose

him

selfe to yield. 1

Only by imitating Solomon is Artegall able to discover to whom the The other extreme is live Ladie belongs and who is the murderer. represented by Sanglier, the robber Pollente, his daughter Munera, the Gyant with the huge "ballance," and so on. Like Aristotle,

Spenser puts the emphasis on the extreme of taking too much. The opposite of general Justice is represented by such characters as

Grantorto (Great Wrong).

The mean

seen in Artegall, Arthur,

is

Britomart, and Mercilla (Equity).

The various phases of Justice discussed by Aristotle are clearly presented by Spenser, such as distributive justice, corrective justice, retaliation, equity, and so on. Spenser also plainly makes Reason the determiner of the mean in respect to Justice. See, for example, his literal exposition of Justice in V, ix, 1

ff.

Spenser's sixth virtue, Courtesy, is not only treated as a

but

is

exactly Aristotle's

mean

mean,

As we

in regard to Friendliness.

have already seen, Aristotle makes Friendliness consist in acting as a true friend would act. 2 He makes its extremes Surliness, Conten-

on the one hand, and Flattery and ObsequiHis friendly man is pleasant ousness, or Complaisance, on the other. to live with, for he is free from Surliness or Contentiousness but he

tiousness, Unfriendliness,

;

not yield his approval or withhold his condemnation when wrong conduct is under consideration. This is why he is like a true friend.

will

Here we have exactly the character as

is

dore's Courtesy, in VI, i

of Spenser's

shown, for example, by Spenser's V,

i,

23, 24.

i,

2-3.

literal

Knight of Courtesy,

exposition of Sir Cali-

It is plain that the 2

N

.

Eth., IV, xii.

Blatant Beast,

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

SPENSER'S

97

which Calidore, the Knight of Courtesy, is to bind, is one extreme Blandina 1 represents the opposite extreme.

in regard to Courtesy.

Calidore

mean.

of course, the

is,

Clearly Spenser puts the emphasis have already seen that Spenser

We

on Surliness, Contentiousness.

develops the virtue of Courtesy by showing its opposites and by presenting various phases of the virtue and of its opposites. Further, that Reason

the determiner of the right course in regard to this

is

makes clear. Enias, for example, appeals here represents Courtesy, to rescue

virtue Spenser repeatedly to Arthur,

who

Yond Lady and

her Squire with foule despight 2 Abusde, against all reason and all law.

Thus

I

have shown, beyond question

Aristotle in essentials.

Incidentally

I hope, that

many

correspondences in details

have been pointed out, but lack of space makes how numerous such correspondences are.

At one point Spenser

He

freedom.

Spenser follows

it

impossible to show

interprets his Aristotle with considerable

"which vertue," he

assigns Magnificence to Arthur,

says, "for that (according to Aristotle

and the

rest) it is the per-

and containeth in it them all," etc. 3 Jusserand, conceiving that there is no warrant in Aristotle for any such state-

fection of all the rest,

ment, says, "He follows here, as a matter of fact, neither Aristotle nor the rest." 4 Jusserand sees in Spenser's statement evidence that the poet's recollection of Aristotle was vague, and he finally inti-

what Professor Erskine, following him, probably never had read Aristotle's Ethics.

mates

states

that Spenser

Now

suppose we could demonstrate that Spenser's memory did him at this point, that he actually was confused as to the Aris-

fail

totelian

prove

The fact would and others have Greene, Herford, proved that Spenser

meaning

of Magnificence OeTaXoTrpeVeta). 5

little.

6

more than once forgot the thread If

Queene.

a

slip in

memory

is

See especially VI,

2

VI,

viii,

6;

vi,

own

story in the Faerie

evidence that Spenser

and had probably never read, 1

of his

Aristotle's

Ethics,

41-42.

see also VI,

iii,

49.

Letter to Sir Walter Raleigh.

Mod. 5

6

Phil., Ill, 382.

Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc., IV, 173 ff. See Professor Child's edition of Spenser's poems, note to

I, i,

52.

knew there

little of, is

equal

W.

98

F.

DEMoss

.

knew little of, and had probably never read, the there is no evidence that Spenser's memory did But Faerie Queene. fail him at this point; and there is much evidence that it did not. Let us see what authority exists in Aristotle for Spenser's assignment of Magnificence to the morally perfect Arthur. First we must " Three treatises on decide what is Aristotle. Jusserand says: of the name down to us under morals have come Aristotle; one alone, evidence that he

the Nicomachean Ethics, being, as

appear to be a make-up, This

is

it

drawn from

the others

seems, truly his;

his teachings

by some

disciples/'

1

Frederich D. E. Schleier-

a kind of ex post facto judgment.

macher, the great critic and Aristotelian scholar, born one hundred and seventy years after Spenser's death, held that the Magna Moralia

was the source

of the

Nicomachean Ethics and

of the

Eudemian

Only recently have scholars begun to agree that the Nicomachean Ethics is probably the most truly Aristotelian of the Ethics?

three.

no such

An

uncritical scholar like Spenser

distinction.

He would

would certainly have made

simply have accepted

all

three as

the teachings of Aristotle, as they really are.

There is ample warrant in Aristotle for the idea that one of the moral virtues may be thought of as containing all the others. For example, it is clear from the Nicomachean Ethics that Magnanimity (I

have elsewhere used the term Highmindedness) would 3

for although

fill

this

Magnanimity, or Highmindedness,

requirement; essentially love of great honor,

it

is

includes moral perfection in the

Again, on the* same authority Justice, in the broad sense, includes all the moral virtues so far as one's relations to others are concerned. But under Spenser's plan, set forth in the letter to

fullest sense.

Raleigh, the virtue assigned to Arthur could have no Book; and Spenser was too much interested in church matters and in politics

not to write on Holiness and Justice.

Besides, there would be a kind

of impropriety in omitting the former;

"Seek ye

first

the

Kingdom

of

probably the Scripture text

God and His

righteousness;

and

all

these things shall be added unto

you" had something to do, not only with Spenser's writing on Holiness, but also with his treating it Mod. Phil., HI. 374. The Works of Aristotle, Translated into English under the Editorship of W. D. Ross: Magna Moralia, Ethica Eudemia, De Virtutibus et Vitiis (Oxford, 1915), Introd., p. v. N. Eth., IV, vii, and II, vii. i

*

266

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

SPENSER'S

was highly

It

first.

99

desirable then to reserve Highmindedness, or for what we know as the First and Fifth

Magnanimity, and Justice Books.

as Jusserand holds, Spenser

(If,

had already written the

Book on Holiness when he completed the plan

set forth in his letter

it was absolutely necessary to leave Highmindedness, Magnanimity, as the virtue of the Knight of Holiness; for it would do admirably for him, and no other virtue would do.) Thus if

to Raleigh,

Spenser could assign some other virtue to Arthur, he could

make

the

poem more elastic. there was another virtue which was peculiarly adapted to

plan of his

Now

Arthur, provided suitable to

made

to include

all

the virtues

namely,

Nicomachean Ethics, " Magnificence rank and reputation and the like, as

....

persons of advantages confer importance

these

all

could be

According to the

Magnificence. is

it

Arthur's was the highest.

and dignity." 1

Rank?

Spenser tells us in the was because of Arthur's reputation that he

Reputation?

Raleigh that it " as the hero of the Faerie Queene, he being made famous by many men's former works." Again, the magnificent man labors for the public good and strives for honor. Once more, "The motive

letter to

chose

him

of the magnificent

nobleness cence

is

man

excellence of

is

in incurring expense will be nobleness;

a characteristic of

all

the virtues."

work on a great

scale." 2

for

"

In a word, MagnifiWhat could better

describe Arthur's great works ?

But can Magnificence be made though

in a strict sense it is

to include

simply a

all

the virtues?

Al-

mean between meanness and seems to include much more.

vulgar display in the use of money, it Moreover, there is, as we have already seen, abundant authority in the Nicomachean Ethics for taking the virtues not only in a strict

but also in a broad or metaphorical sense. If Magnificence were similarly interpreted, it would be "the perfection of all the rest and contain in

What do

it

them

all."

But

Aristotle's other

all this is

from the Nicomachean

Ethics.

works on morals say about Magnificence ?

The Magna Moralia

says: "But there are, as people think, more kinds of Magnificence than one; for instance, people say, 'His walk was Magnificent,' and there are of course other uses of the term 1

IV, iv; II,

2

Of. Aristotle's discussion of the magnificent

vii.

267

man, N.

Eth., IV, iv-v.

W.

100

F.

DEMoss

1 This is Magnificent in a metaphorical, not in a strict, sense." And according to the Ethica Eudemia, "The certainly suggestive. concerned with any and every action or choice, is man not magnificent

2 but with expenditure unless we use the term metaphorically." Here is a plain suggestion that Magnificence could be taken in a

broad sense, could be made to include "any and every action or choice." Such is Magnificence "according to Aristotle." Who "the rest" are is not quite clear, but Spenser's favorite poet, Chaucer, 1

says in his Persones Tale, "Thanne comth Magnificence, that is to 8 seyn, whan a man dooth and perfourneth grete werkes of goodnesse" exactly

what Arthur "dooth."

We come now to Jusserand's third and last main argument.

Jus-

serand contends that Spenser did not get his virtues from Aristotle and proceeds to argue that he did get them from his friend Lodo-

wick Bryskett, and from Piccolomini's Istitutione morale, through Bryskett. He thus finds it necessary to get over Spenser's own assertion that he did take his virtues

from

Aristotle.

He

argues that

"Spenser showed as a rule no minute accuracy in his indications of sources and models, and he did not display more than usual in this 4 particular case."

The

first

part of the proposition

find that "as a rule" Spenser

is

true.

But

showed no "minute accuracy"

is

to

a

from concluding that a solemn statement concerning the substance of his whole Faerie Queene is "misleading, every word of it." vastly different thing

Let us examine Jusserand's argument 5 that Spenser derived his virtues from Bryskett, and from Piccolomini through Bryskett. Long after Spenser's death Bryskett published A Discourse of Civil 6

Life,

a translation from Giraldi Cinthio's three dialogues DeW ammaestrare i figluoli nella vita civile. It is an account of

allevare et

the best in

way to rear children and includes a discussion of moral virtues is mentioned. That Spenser knew this

which the number twelve

Discourse Jusserand concludes from the fact that Bryskett represents Spenser as one of the interlocutors in the conversation which furnishes

the machinery of the book. 1

1.

2

HI.

Before the day of Spenser and Bryskett,

xxvi.

4

vi.

5

736 (61).

a

268

Mod.

Phil., Ill, 374.

ni, 378-80. London, 1606. Ibid

, t

SPENSER'S

TWELVE MORAL VIRTUES

had written his which he discussed eleven moral virtues and

Piccolomini, taking Aristotle Istitutione morale, in

and Plato as

101

his masters,

added the statement that Prudence, which he classed as an intellectual Jusserand holds that virtue, might be considered a moral virtue. "twelve was a kind of sacred number and was sure to come in." In his Discourse Bryskett states that when he came to the question " of the moral virtues he found that Cinthio had treated them some-

what too briefly and confusedly" and adds, "I have therefore, to 1 Jushelp mine own understanding, had recourse to Piccolomini." serand takes this statement as "positive testimony" that Spenser knew the substance of the Istitutione morale. Jusserand concludes :

"From

such books and such conversations, from other less solemn talks which he and Bryskett, interested in the same problems, could

not

fail

to have, Spenser derived his

regarding a

Now

list

it is

list

of virtues

and

his ideas

of twelve."

quite possible that Spenser, the genius, should get his

from Lodowick Bryskett, a man of no great parts. It is also possible, however improbable, that Spenser read Bryskett's book twenty years before it was published. But there is no proof, or even

ideas

was the case. And, by the same token, there is no evidence that Spenser knew Piccolomini's Istitutione. Professor Erskine has proved, what most careful students must already have evidence, that such

suspected, that Bryskett's "conversation" which furnishes Jusse-

rand's "positive testimony" into the

form

of a dialogue in

a myth. In putting his discussion which he himself, Spenser, the Bishop

is

Armagh, and others are the speakers, Bryskett is simply following a literary convention of the day. It is impossible to suppose all the characters of the dialogue actually together at Bryskett's cottage. 2 Besides, Erskine finds that the speeches which Bryskett puts into of

the mouths of Spenser and the good Bishop of

Armagh

are trans-

from Giraldi Cinthio. He finds further that even if the dialogue had been a real one it could have had little to do with It may be Piccolomini, for it contains only one passage from him. added that Bryskett could have taken the idea for the machinery lated straight

of his Discourse

from Spenser's Mother Hubberds

1

Mod.

2

Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc., XXIII, 831-50.

Phil., III.

378-80.

Tale.

In both cases

W.

102 the author

which is

is sick,

his friends

F.

DEMoss

come

in to see him,

later given to the reader takes place.

is

that Bryskett

is

and the conversation

The only

difference

so anxious to take the credit of authorship that

he commits the absurdity of having the sick man, Bryskett himself, do the talking, which consists in lecturing on philosophy for three days.

In the next place, even if Spenser had known Bryskett's Discourse, he could not have taken his virtues and the plan of his Faerie Queene

from

it.

in nature.

For one reason, Spenser's and Bryskett's virtues are unlike For example, Bryskett, like Plato, makes Prudence one

of the moral virtues, whereas Spenser, as we have already seen, follows Aristotle in making it that intellectual virtue which determines the mean in the case of each of the moral virtues. Again, Bryskett makes Magnanimity a subordinate virtue, whereas Spenser, like

makes it include

basis of classification

kett 's

all

the moral virtues.

Moreover, Spenser's In Brysquite different from Bryskett's. " There are .... four classification, to quote his own words,

Aristotle,

principall

vertues

is

.... from which

four

are

also

derived

(as

branches from their trees) sundry others to make up the number 1 twelve," whereas Spenser, like Aristotle, makes one of his virtues the others. Finally, even the agreement in point of number, which Jusserand would make much of, does not exist.

include

all

Bryskett's

plan of his

number poem,

is

twelve, Spenser's thirteen.

set forth in the letter to Raleigh,

And

Spenser's

would have been

impossible with any other number of virtues than thirteen. is plain that Spenser did not get his virtues from Bryskett.

Thus

WILLIAM FENN DEMoss NEBRASKA WESLEYAN UNIVERSITY 1

Quoted by Jusserand, Mod.

Phil., Ill, 380.

270

it

A

NEW DATE FOR THE CONQUEST

Scholars have

made many surmises

OF GRANADA

regarding the dates of the

first

two parts of Dryden's Conquest of Granada. The delimiting dates within which the two parts appeared are generally recognized as 1669 the year of production for Tyrannic Love and February, 1670-71, when the Conquest of Granada was entered on performances of the

the Stationers' books.

Within these

limits

conjecture has been

various, with a tendency to date the complete production early in

the dramatic season of 1669-70.

A

1 contemporary letter now appears as proof that the second part was produced early in January, 1671. This letter, written by Lady Mary Bertie to her niece Katherine Noel, then at Exton, reads

as follows

:

January 2. Westminster I have noe news to send you but Norreyss Act is passed both Houses, and I hope now it will not bee long beefore I see you at Exton. There is letely come out a new play writ by Mr. Dreyden who made the Indian Emperor. It is caled the My brother Norreys tooke a box and carryed my Conquest of Grenada. Lady Rochester and his mistresse and all us to[o], and on Tuestay wee are I am to goe see the second part of it which is then the first tim acted. suere you would bee with us if wishes could bring you. My sister Osborine and all heare are well and all my brothers. Here was the Duke of Buckingham and a greate deale of company dind here to-day. 1670[-71],

my brother

that

From

this

statement

it is

clear that the latest date intended for

the staging of Part II would be January

9,

1671.

As

to Part

only

I,

conjecture seems possible; yet since in Lady Bertie's last previous letter, dated December 10, 1670, no mention was made of the play, it

probably appeared between that date and the close of the year,

possibly during the Christmas festivities.

Genest's argument

is

to

the point here; he wrote, 2 "They who had seen the 1st part, would naturally be inclined to see the 2nd and they who had not seen the

would not

1st,

easily understand the 2nd."

The

be set as between December 20, 1670, and January

271]

MSS.

1

Hist.

2

Some Account

Com., XII, App.

dates 9,

may

fairly

1671.

5, p. 22.

of the English Stage, etc.,

I,

103

101.

[MODERN PHILOLOGY, September,

1918

LEONARD BELONG WALLACE

104

This new fact clears up Dryden's meaning in the Epilogue of his audience to I, where he asks

Part

Think him not

duller for this year's delay;

is obviously begging pardon for postponing the presentation of the Conquest of Granada, and the reason is not far to seek. Dryden asserts that the men were ready, but the women ill; then he adds:

he

And

pity us, your servants, to whose cost, In one such sickness, nine whole months are

lost.

who gave This evident explanation suits the facts far better than the view that "this year's delay" Here the allusion

is

to Nell

birth to Charles Beauclerk

Gwyn,

on

May

mistress of Charles II, 8,

1670.

goes back to the staging of Tyrannic Love, in 1669, Part I was presented early in 1670. Critics

Gwyn won

and that thus

have already thrown doubt upon the tradition that Nell

by her rendition of the Prologue of the Conquest Part I. Inasmuch as she did not speak it until several of Granada, birth of her son, it is more credible that Charles II after the months the king

was led on by hearing her in Tyrannic Love.

This

is

the assertion

of the publisher Curll.

The letter, however, has its most important interest for the student of Buckingham's Rehearsal, first presented on December 7, Since the Duke was in Westminster in January, 1671, he was 1671. more than likely present at the first performance of Part II. In such case he would have ample chance after seeing this play to rework the unfinished stage satire of his Rehearsal before the next dramatic sea-

With an interval of less than a year between the two plays, instead of two years according to former computations, the Rehearsal son.

was making satiric hits at of London audiences.

lines

and

situations

still

fresh in the

minds

LEONARD DELONG WALLACE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

272

REVIEWS AND NOTICES A Woman

Maid of the West. Edited by KATHARINE LEE BATES.

Killed with Kindness and The Fair

By THOMAS HEYWOOD.

(The Belles-Lettres Series.) Boston, New York, and Chicago: D. C. Heath & Co., 1917. 12mo, pp. cxiv+300. In the Introduction to her edition of Thomas Heywood's A Woman Killed with Kindness and The Fair Maid of the West, Miss Bates devotes her attention almost solely to biographical and bibliographical matters. This a happy departure from the accepted custom of the Belles-Lettres Series, for Heywood stands greatly in need of just such a study, and his editor could is

not have rendered students of the drama a better service. In more than one hundred closely printed pages she records all that at present is known of Heywood's life, and discusses in some detail all of his works, both dramatic and non-dramatic. For this full summary, executed with scholarly care, students of Heywood will be sincerely grateful. Two of the additions which Miss Bates has been able to make to the slender biography of the poet deserve special mention. In the parish registers of St. James, Clerkenwell, she discovered the entry of Heywood's death in 1641, thus disposing of the notion that he lived on well through the period of Commonwealth. And in the Probate Registry of Somerset House she

the

Heywood's beloved uncle, Edmund, "that good old man" inspired most of the hospitable and noble-minded personages in the plays. The will, which is pleasant reading, not only records a bequest to "Thomas Heywoode and his wief," but in a most intimate way brings us found the

will of

who probably

into the circle of the poet's

own

family.

Of the biographical material discovered by other scholars Miss Bates has missed very little. She seems, however, not to be aware of the lawsuit which in 1623 Gervase Markham brought against Heywood and thirty-eight other defendants, mostly actors. The documents in the case were printed by Mr. Wallace in the Shakespeare Jahrbuth, XLVI, 345. In these the place of

Heywood's residence

"neare Clarkenwell

Hill, in the

several times given with legal precision as Parish of St. James." Here he seems to have

is

many years, and from this parish he was buried in 1641. In her discussion of the various plays that have been assigned to Heywood by modern scholars Miss Bates shows a sound judgment issuing from an intimate knowledge of the dramatist's mental and stylistic qualities. She lived for

says:

may 105]

"Mr.

Bullen's tentative ascription to

Heywood of Dick of Devonshire Heywood was part author of

be set aside, as well as the suggestion that 273

REVIEWS AND NOTICES

106

of Mr. Sieveking's attribution to him of Worke for Cutlers "Subject, manner, phrasing, all are against this." To the same conclusions, if I may be allowed to say so, I came independently after a long and careful study of these plays for the sole purpose of detecting the

and

Pericles";

she remarks:

hand "

of

Of The Merry Devil

Heywood.

touches of the

Edmonton Miss Bates thinks that

of

Heywood vocabulary are in

evidence, as well as the

Heywood

This too accords with the result of my own detailed examination of that play. Heywood, however, cannot be thought of as the chief author of The Merry Devil; the unmistakable hand of Thomas Dekker is to be found flavor."

After stating that "strong cases have been made out Choose a Good Wife from a Bad, A Warning for Fair Women, Appius and Virginia, and scenes of Sir Thomas Stukeley," she designates The Isle of Dogs as "more doubtful." This is unfortunate, for in

most of the scenes.

How

for

a

Man May

the authorship and history of that interesting play are now fully known. See E. K. Chambers, Modern Language Review, IV, 407, 511; R. B. McKerrow, The Works of Thomas Nashe, V, 29; C. W. Wallace, Englische Studien, XLIII, 340; and Adams, Shakespearean Playhouses, p. 170. The detailed record of Heywood's many non-dramatic works is not the least valuable section of the Introduction.

Deserving of special notice

is

the discovery in the British Museum of one of his broadsides, "Three Wonders of This Age," hitherto unknown; and" the very plausible identifica-

"booke called Mistakes, Clinches, Tales, &c." (which John Okes entered in the Stationers' Registers on November 18, 1636), with A New Book of Mistakes, or Bulls with Tales, and Buls without Tales, But no lyes by any tion of his

means, published by Nicholas Okes (the father of John) in 1637. This pleasant little collection of jests has sometimes been assigned to Robert Chamber-

but apparently for no good reason. In discussing Heywood's "Epistle," printed at the end of An Apology for Actors, Miss Bates says: "It is not evident what it is that Shakespeare, 'to do himselfe right,' had 'since pub-

lain,

....

owne name.'" The language of the "Epistle,'" though The public might suppose that Heywood, in his Britain's Troy, had stolen two poems from Shakespeare, and that shortly afterward Shakespeare, "to do himselfe right," had claimed these poems by inserting them in the third edition of The Passionate Pilgrim. Since the

lished

awkward,

is

whole passage tion

in his

perfectly clear.

is

significant in its bearing

on Shakespeare, a

clear interpreta-

is

imperative. The text of A

Woman

Killed with Kindness

is

reproduced from a copy

of the second (and best) quarto, 1617, owned by Professor George P. Baker, of Harvard; and the text of The Fair Maid of the West is reproduced from a copy of the first (and only) quarto, 1631, in the Barton Collection of the Boston Public Library. So far as one can judge, these texts are reproduced

with the proper care, and the more significant variant readings in other editions both ancient and modern have been recorded in footnotes. But one 274

REVIEWS AND NOTICES may

107

complain that no attempt has been made in either case to collate the

particular Boston copy selected for reproduction with other copies of the same It would have been desirable to collate these copies with the copies edition. in the British

Museum,

or in the Bodleian Library, or with both.

The value

of collating two or more copies of an early edition is well known, and the need in the case of at least one of these plays seems to be clear. For example,

The Fair Maid of the West, states that in the particular copy he reproduces there is no heading prefixed to the list of persons, yet Miss Bates finds in the Barton copy the heading " Dramatis Personae," and the possibility of other variant readings is at least suggested by her notes on Collier's text. The absence of a discussion of the dates of composition for the two plays is possibly due to the fact that the Introduction concerns itself with a general study of Heywood. Miss Bates, however, assumes that the date of composition for The Fair Maid of the West coincides with the date of publication (see, for example, the note to p. 169, 1. 58) but most scholars, with good reason, I think, favor a date nearer to 1604. The question is too important to be Collier, in his edition of

;

thus ignored.

Probably for the same reason no attempt has been made to sketch the history of the plays subsequent to their publication. Yet this is both interesting and important for a full appreciation of the plays, and room for it

might have been found somewhere. The history of The Fair Maid of the West has been traced by Professor Ross Jewell in Studies in English Drama, edited by Allison Gaw, 1917. The history of A Woman Killed with Kindness is probably even more interesting. The play was reworked by Victor as The Fatal Error, printed in the second volume of his Miscellanies, 1776. It has also been several times revived with notable success, for example, in

London in 1887 and in New York in 1914. The Notes are scholarly throughout, and judiciously chosen, though of course one might here and there add a comment. Thus, in the address

"To

the Reader," prefixed to The Fair Maid of the West, Heywood says: "Curteous Reader, my plaies have not beene exposed to the publike view of the world in numerous sheets and a large volume." The allusion is to the publication of Jonson's plays with the title Workes. Heywood makes the same complaint in his address "To the Reader," prefixed to The English Traveller, 1633: "True it is, that my Playes are not exposed vnto the world in Volumes, to beare the titles of

Nor was Heywood (as others)." From among numerous such passages

Workes

the only one to gibe at Ben's vanity. I may quote two. John Suckling, in

"A

Session of the Poets," writes:

The

first that broke Silence was good old Ben, Prepar'd before with Canary Wine; And he told them plainly he deserved the Bayes,

For

his

were

call'd

Works, where others were but Plays. 275

REVIEWS AND NOTICES

108

And

the author of Wits Recreations writes:

Pray

What

tell

me, Ben, where doth the mystery lurk, you call a work.

others call a play,

is no end. which the first, labeled "Texts,"

But, of course, of the making of notes there

The Bibliography

is

two sections, the two plays.

in

records all the editions of

of

We notice the omission of Professor

A

Woman Killed with Kindness in The Chief Elizabethan Neilson's reprint of Dramatists, 1911. The second section, labeled "Biographical and Critical

A

Works," constitutes an invaluable general bibliography of Heywood. special feature is the inclusion of every the end of the seventeenth century.

The

known

following items should be added: Histrio-Mastix. William Prynne.

1633.

wood, p. 722."] 1636. Annalia Dubrensia.

allusion to

[Add

"A

before

Heywood

reference to

[There was also a reprint by E. R.

Hey-

Vyvyan

in 1878.]

Some Account

1832.

1830.

John Genest.

of the English Stage

Bath.

from

the Restoration in

1660

to

[Contains accounts of revivals of Heywood's

plays.]

" 1880. Documents Relating to the Players at the Red Bull, Clerkenwell, and the Cockpit in Drury Lane, in the Time of James I." J. Greenstreet.

Also in the [In The New Shakspere Society Transactions (1880-86), p. 489. Athencsum, February 21, 1885; and in F. G. Fleay's A Chronicle History of the

London

Stage, 1890.]

1887.

"Thomas Heywood, Dramatist."

Lionel G. Cresswell.

Book-

Lore, VI, 7.

1896-1904.

Histoire

litteraire

du peuple

anglais.

J.

Jusserand.

J.

Paris.

1904.

Die Italienische Novelle im Englischen Drama von 1600 bis zur Adele Ott. Zurich. [Discusses the source of A Woman

Restauration.

Killed with Kindness, and other plays by Heywood.] 1909. Geschichte des neueren Dramas. W. Creizenach.

English translation by Ce"cile Hugon, London, 1916.] 1909. Elizabethan Drama. Notes and Studies.

Sydney.

[Notes on the texts of

J.

Halle.

LeGay

[An

Brereton.

Thomas Heywood,

pp. 128-41.] C. W. Wallace. The Shake-

"Gervase Markham, Dramatist." XLVI, 345. [Documents relating to a lawsuit in which Heywood is one of the defendants.] 1910.

speare Jahrbuch,

1913. Englands Parnassus. Edited by Charles Crawford. Oxford. [Important notes on Heywood, pp. xxxi, 509, 529.] 1917. "Heywood's Fair Maid of the West." Ross Jewell. [In Studies in English Drama (edited by Allison Gaw, New York), p. 62. This study

appeared after Miss Bates's work had gone to the press.] 276

REVIEWS AND NOTICES

109

Let us hope that before long students of the Tudor-Stuart drama will be provided with a complete and definitive edition of the plays of our "prose Shakespeare." Toward the production of such an edition Miss Bates s admirable study will contribute much. J

JOSEPH QUINCY ADAMS

CORNELL UNIVERSITY

A

Literary Middle English Reader.

Boston: Ginn

&

Co., 1915.

As frankly avowed by the from

all its

linguistic,

Edited by ALBERT

Pp. xxviii+554. this Middle English reader

but for

differs

title,

predecessors in proposing to furnish a

and

COOK.

S.

literary, study.

The

body of

texts,

object of the editor

is

not for

to

make

a diversified group of poetical or prose works of each of the chief types of mediaeval vernacular English literature romances,

accessible

intelligible

:

tales, chronicles, stories of travel, religious

and didactic

pieces, illustrations of

and manners, translations, lyrics, and plays. The material is classified under these headings, and even under each heading it is not arranged accordlife

ing to dialect or chronology. In order to reduce to a

minimum the apparatus which must intervene between student and text, the linguistic information is reduced to eight There are no linguistic pages on pronunciation, inflection, and dialects. notes, and there is no separate glossary, but the difficult words or forms are The defined in footnotes, with a reference number from word to note. texts on the whole are emended conservatively, and the manuscript readings are given in footnotes. At the head of each selection is the essential information about date, manuscripts, and editions; frequently a statement of problems or discussions; a summary of the whole work (if only an extract is

printed) ; and some characterization of the literary value of the selection. pages xxvi-xxviii is printed a short but admirably selected list of "Use-

On

Books

for the Study of Middle English." Probably there are no two persons familiar with Middle English literature who would agree on the choice of material for such a volume; and in any ful

event neither adverse criticism nor positive suggestion could now alter the contents. On the whole, the selections give an adequate idea of the kinds of

whom literature in English appealed between 1200 and view of the diverse forms that that literature assumed; and

people in England to 1500;

a

fair

some knowledge of the skill, and of the lack of it, exhibited by English poets and prose-writers of that period. Chaucer is drawn on rather heavily; Gower is represented; extracts are given from Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight, from the Pearl, and from Piers the Plowman; five plays are printed entire. The book gives us a body of fresh and unhackneyed material, duplicating next to nothing of the contents of other books of the same 277

REVIEWS AND NOTICES

110 character.

Whatever

of striking literary importance

is

not included (for

example, The Debate between the Body and the Soul) is accessible in other generally used readers, such as Emerson, or Morris and Skeat. The editor's effort briefly to characterize mediaeval vernacular litera-

not especially felicitous, particularly the analogy with Gothic archiIn the case of Middle English literature two considerations should be emphasized. First, before the year 1300 practically all the persons in England who read (or listened to) learned or polite literature demanded

ture

is

tecture.

Two consequences ensued: most of the vernacular literature that existed probably was of a low standard, appealing, as it did, only to the uncultivated classes; and very little vernacular literaliterature in Latin or in French.

ture got written down, for parchment, vellum, and scribal labor were fairly expensive, putting the product beyond the reach of the "vernacular public."

Since there was no market for manuscripts in the vernacular, few such manuscripts were produced. Therefore few of the works in English that

did exist before 1300 have been preserved. Second, in the case of that Middle English literature that has survived

from both the early and the late periods, we do not confine our study to the best or to the pure literature, but we have overgenerously applied the term "literature" to practically every extant document written within the period in the English language. Some of these works are not "literature" at all.

They were produced through a period

of three

hundred years, for

all

sorts of

purposes and publics, with constantly changing technique, by writers exhibited

skill

and power

who

in varying degrees.

It would of course be absurd to imply that the technique of dramatic and narrative forms, for example, has not changed greatly since 1500. But any attempt to characterize such changes briefly, as well as any attempt to describe briefly the other and greater differences between mediaeval and modern literature as a whole, is in the nature of the case utterly impossible.

There are a few glosses in the book that might be improved: pin erende also (16. 3) = "thus;" (13. 10) = "to announce thy message;" anonder (16. 27) = "one under;" were (17. l) = "wear;" let (19. 15) =

to

bede

"left;" even del (26. 25) = "every bit," i.e., every bit of their talk was about red (31. 15) "help;" unkyndelike (33. 4) "unnaturally;"

Havelok;

al so, at so (33. 7) (47. 22)

= = "as, as;"

= "expressly"

= "fault,"

(39. 4)

(see Hinckley, Notes

= "caused

for the nones on Chaucer, p. 28); lak (199. 10) (to);"

"blame."

Some emendations

MS

=

let

was werse

(27.

are unnecessary:

25)

MS

with (24. 19)=wiht, "strong;"

needs no transposition;

[and]

(30.

15)

is

not

required.

The best text in print has not always been followed. The extracts from the "Bestiary" are based on Matzner, Altenglische Sprachproben, though 278

REVIEWS AND NOTICES Morris has a more recent and

much more

111

accurate print of the manuscript

An inspection of the latter in the Old English Miscellany (E.E.T.S., 49). would have enabled the editor to avoid the errors in footnotes 12, 13, 19, p. 318;

16, p. 319;

21, p. 320.

THOMAS

A.

KNOTT

UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

Euphues: The Anatomy of Wit; Euphues & his England. By JOHN LYLY. Edited by MORRIS W. CROLL and HARRY CLEMONS. London: George Routledge & Sons; New York: E. P. Button

&

Co., 1916.

Pp. lxiv+473.

Professor Croll in his

new

edition of

Euphues

with a modernized text

prepared largely by Mr. demons succeeds through the introduction and notes in throwing fresh light on this much-studied pioneer work of the EngIn the notes many new sources and influences, especially lish Renaissance. In the introof English proverbial lore, are traced for particular passages. duction adequate attention is for the first time called to the influence exerted on the Euphuistic type of style by mediaeval rhetoric with its schemata, and thus an excellent corrective is furnished to previous studies, which have recently focused attention too exclusively on the contribution of humanism Such a treatment lays the basis for a better understanding to Euphuism. of the fact that Lyly, like Spenser, contributed to the outburst of creative literature in England by aiding in the amalgamation of mediaeval culture

with the newly revived classical culture, and particularly by following in the wake of Italy, where already the amalgamation had produced a literature

harmony with the social life of the period. I have urged elsewhere that show a modification of court-of-love allegory by Platonism and of mediaeval pageantry by a new romantic classicism, and that even the didactic Anatomy of Wit is typical of the combined influences at work in the writings of Lyly (Mod. Lang. Notes, XXVII, 147-52; Mod. Phil, XIV,

in

Lyly's plays

483-84). Professor Croll here emphasizes sufficiently the mediaevalism in the style of Euphms. But his emphasis of this tends to obscure the fact

was practically absorbed in the new humanism. In drawing an unwarrantably sharp distinction between mediaeval and humanistic ideals of rhetoric, he neglects to point out how often a leading humanist like Erasmus overemphasizes rhetoric and recommends the more

that the mediaeval tradition

famous mediaeval rhetorics for study. In stressing the hostility of the humanists to the schemata, he does not trace the various degrees of purism

among the men

influenced

by the

New

Learning or point out that his best

exemplar, Wilson, belonged to a group of admirers of the simplicity of Demosthenes' style. In citing Ascham, another of this group, Professor 279

REVIEWS AND NOTICES

112

admit that in certain types of work Ascham uses an ornate but even then he fails to realize that, guided by the contemporary laws of decorum, one must seek the immediate models for the style of Lyly's His mistake arises social romance in the non-didactic literature of the age. from accepting with Feuillerat The Anatomy of Wit as belonging, on account Croll has to

style;

of its didacticism, with the works of Ascham and others of the puristic school, though he correctly traces the kinship of Lyly's style to that of other courtly

(Puttenham furnishes an excellent uncited example of the long hold on the court group). Professor Croll's conception of the nature of The Anatomy also leads him to overemphasize the influence of Ascham on the educational ideals of Lyly without showing how near Lyly is to the ideals of the Italian courtesy books in his treatment of social life, To Ascham he traces also the "bourgeois" spirit of Euphues, but wit, etc. " he neglects the general humanistic conception of gentility" most often discussed by the courtesy books. A somewhat similar lack of perspective seems to me to be shown in the emphasis on proverbs, which, like the maxims of "Cato" and similes from bestiaries, are simply one form of "amplification" " by precept and example" and an even less significant one than examples from Pliny's natural history or classical "sentences" and illustrations. writers

of mediaeval rhetoric

C. R. BASKERVILL

UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO

280

Modern Philology VOLUME XVI

October

NUMBER 6

IQlS

STUDIES IN THE MIND OF .ROMANTICISM

ROMANTIC MOTIVES OF CONDUCT IN CONCRETE DEVELOPMENT THE LETTERS OF HEINRICH VON KLEIST TO WILHELMINE VON I.

ZENGE Romanticism as such is not limited to any particular age or nation It is one of a few fundamental frames of or condition of culture. mind and is characteristic of a certain type of intelligence. No epoch in the history of civilization has been without its Romantic phase. The most important manifestation of Romanticism in modern history was the Romantic movement, which began in England and France in the eighteenth century and reached

its

culmination in

the last generation of the eighteenth and the first generaIt is the purpose of the present tion of the nineteenth century.

Germany in

series of studies to scrutinize afresh

in the

Romantic view and conduct

by scrupulous discernment

of that

a number of fundamental factors of

life,

which

is

in the

hope of advancing, specific and characteristic,

the understanding of Romanticism.

Romanticism, in extreme consistency, is subjective monism. It assumes that the primary reality is exclusively inherent or, in the view of its more moderate advocates, exclusively cognizable in the "inner" consciousness, which manifests itself in acts of immediate apperception 281]

or

intuition.

This 57

"inner"

consciousness

[MODERN PHILOLOGY,

is

the

October, 1918

MARTIN ScmJTZE

5g

It is spiritual in quality, being, in of personality. the spirit of God. 1 of an as integral part fact, regarded This inner being, like objective reality, has three principal parts,

Romantic essence

the intellectual, the emotional, and the ethical.

organ

the

is

ticists are

' '

"

soul

or

"

Its intellectual

These two terms among the RomanThe emotional part is embodied in the ' '

spirit.

interchangeable.

"heart"; the ethical in the "absolute freedom" of the will. The term Vernunft, meaning the "highest reason," occurs frequently in Romantic speech. It is always interpreted as incompatwith the Verstand, the analytic understanding, the specific organ

ible

of the rationalism of the

and

is

superior to

it.

"enlightenment," archfoe of Romanticism;

In Romanticism the Vernunft

is the supreme "inner" being in The Romantic Vernunft is thus

faculty of intelligence, uniting all the parts of the

immediate synthetic apperception. the intelligent faculty in which the "soul," the "heart," and the "absolute will" attain identity. This use of Vernunft, apart from

the Romantic development of the term "emotion," one of the constituents of Vernunft, is fundamentally not so much a perversion of Kantian terminology as one might suppose at first glance.

The paradox tial differences,

ticism,

which

of absolute totalistic identities

and absolute essen-

mutually inherent in these primary terms of Roman-

is

characteristic of this or

any other monism, leads to

the peculiar shiftiness and the topical paucity and false simplicity of its theories.

In Romantic literary practice Vernunft

is

not essentially differBut on account of

entiated from "soul," "heart," or "freedom." its

ancient rationalistic pedigree

terms.

it is

much

less

used than the other

The "soul," whose terminological pedigree

is

unbroken,

is

generally employed as the agent of the total, spontaneous consciousness of the inner being.

The "inner" manner

in

and in any of its terms, including Verembodiment in " Nature." And in the same

being, in all

nunft, finds its complete

which the individual "soul" or "spirit"

is

an integral part

"soul" or "spirit" of God, the over-soul, each individual "nature" is an integral part of the universal nature. Likewise the

of the

absolute primacy of the universal or divine spirit in its relation to 1

Cf. Emerson's essay

on "Compensation." 282

STUDIES IN THE universal nature

is

MIND OF ROMANTICISM

59

repeated in the primacy of each individual spirit Nature is thus the symbol of

in relation to its individual nature.

Romanticism

the soul. "

is

nature animism.

It follows

from

this that

complete and sufficient tangible evidence of the The laws of nature, therefore, must be the laws of the inner

nature"

soul.

being.

offers the

Nature embodies and manifests

motives, and

all

the fundamental truths,

standards of conduct.

Nature thus,

in the

Romantic view,

is

not primarily part of exter-

nal or objective reality, but merely the outer or sense-form of the

"inner" or spiritual

reality.

It is inner being in

terms of sense.

"Nature" and "inner," or "inmost" being become interchangeable. Organic functions and spiritual emotions become identical. Spiritual integrity becomes a term of organic totality, and vice versa. "Organic" and "intrinsic" become synonymous terms. All the organic properties of the nature of sense are immediately transfer-

by symbolic metathesis, to the integral motives of the inner and vice versa. Integrity is to the mind of the Romanticist the quality of only

able,

being,

those acts which are the immediate resultants of the spontaneous

push of the totality of

his nature.

This totality

is

beyond the ana-

understanding, a mystic force, amenable only to the immediate apperception and expression of the soul. Its specific manifesta-

lytic

tion

is

its

indissoluble spontaneous oneness of impulse.

Only in

complete loyalty and obedience to spontaneous impulse does the Romanticist acknowledge and follow the supreme law of his and in that of universal being. plete naturalness.

In this sense integrity to him is comdenies original sin; he asserts

The Romanticist

original godliness.

The supreme authority and integrity of impulse implies freedom from external, objective, mediate motives or standards of truth and conduct. "Nature" thus becomes the warrant for the exclusion of any objective force or factor at variance with spontaneous desire; of any external demand for adaptation or restraint of any call from the environment for subjective submission to objective ends. It becomes the ultimate title for the glorification of the withdrawal into self -centered states of mind. It is the realm of an absolutely ego;

centric

view of

life.

283

MABTIN ScntJTZE

60

This definition of the nature and scope of the inner being, characteristic of Romanticism, determines a corresponding definition of the

and in all its parts the Romanticists called the "world." by properties. the the of intellectual organ "world," understanding (Ver stand),

opposite, external, or objective reality as a whole

and

The

This

is

the chief faculty of rationalism,

is

therefore,

by the Romantic

inten-

interpreted as the absolute opposite and " It does not act by the immediate, totalistic, of soul." the antagonist sification

of its terms,

spontaneous unity of self-awareness, characteristic of the soul, but Its method is Romanticism is Unitarian and qualitative. Intellectually, thus, the "world" is identified and condemned with rationalism. The Romantic ban includes all the works, records, means of expression, characteristic of the "world," especially science and books recording knowledge.

by

indirect, analytic, critical isolation of elements.

atomistic and quantitative, whereas that of

Emotionally the "world" "

heart."

Ethically the term

"

is

negative;

it is

"cold";

world," meaning the

sum

without

of the exter-

marks the Romantic assumption of the absolute antagonism between that and the inner, subjective will. Owing, further, to the central animism of the Romantic view, all the terms and antitheses are personified into living forces and conflicts. nal or objective

disparateness

will,

and

irreconcilable

In the conception of the "world" there reappears the fundamental Romantic paradox. Theoretically, on the Romantic assumption of the primacy of the subjective being, the "world" must be discovered

The "world," too, must ultimately as the creation of that being. consistently be the child of the Romantic "soul" and not a changefrom nowhere, as Romanticism pretends. But, practically, there are the concrete actualities of the "world," which will not yield to any theoretic trumpets of Jericho. The " world " does act in opposition to the essence of the "soul." Compromise is impossible. If allowed to remain in the temple of the inner being, the "world" must destroy the totalistic integrity of the "soul." 1 If, then, the paradox will not yield to intellectual light, it will have to yield to naive ling

i

Of. the priest's

two speeches on concentration and integrity

in Gnllparzer's Des Meeres und der Liebe Wellen. Cf. edition of the drama,

my &

Henry Holt

Introduction,

Co., 1914).

284

(11.

pp. xxiv-lxiv;

946-70 and 979-96) Ixix-lxxxi

(2d ed.,

STUDIES IN THE

MIND OF ROMANTICISM

61

The "world" is offensive to the inner being, and becomes a term of reproach. It has nothing in common with "nature"; it is in no wise a symbol of the spirit; it is in no way a

emotional heat. so

it

tabernacle of God. acts in all that

is

of the evil principle,

which

external, objective, analytic, mechanistic, quantita-

body

of rationalism, the veritable devil of

now approaching

the chief details pertaining to each of

It is the living

tive.

embodiment

It is the

Romantic mythology.

We

are

the three

and the

main parts

Romanticism

of

The

ethical.

the intellectual, the emotional, motives and standards

last one, involving the

The remaining two, which will is treated in this paper. be seen in the Romantic view to be inseparable, are the subject of of conduct,

the last paper of this series.

The primary Romantic assumption

implies that motives

and

standards of conduct are to be interpreted as motives and forms of But that is not definite enough. Emotion is Gefuhl, or emotion. not in itself Romantic, nor does it necessarily become so even by filling, ist

under certain circumstances, the entire

Alles," the principal

Romantic.

It

may

Romantic axiom,

field of vision.

is

be part of other views of

"

Gefuhl

not as such exclusively life.

The phrase

holds,

an important place in the first part of Faust, which reasons presently to be indicated, not essentially Romantic.

for instance, for

It follows

is,

that the Romantic quality of motives and standards of

conduct must be found in specific implications of the term Gefuhl, or emotion. The emotions, as to their content, include sense-

and "constructs," and emotions

perceptions, both as "percepts"

the narrower sense. tions,

The

and

passions,

The

affections.

sense-perceptions

aesthetic emotions are wholly unethical. relations of their subject to in a universe in

quality,

even in

which only one

mentally sensational.

The

and the

They imply no personal

any other person.

its relations

in

can be divided into aesthetic emo-

latter

They

are conceivable

intelligent being exists.

to the "inner" consciousness,

is

Their

funda-

passions and affections, on the other

The hand, imply intelligent beings. former are those in which the ego-centric interests dominate; the affections those in which the ego-centric interests are subordinate relations

to interests

of

between kindred

other intelligences. 285

The

passions and affections,

MARTIN SOHUTZE

62 therefore,

though they too functionally

are, as regards their

relations

The

rest

on a sensational

contents and characters, determined by

and values. two groups

latter

of

emotions undergo

specific

basis,

ethical

changes in

By virtue of the Romantic assumption of the totalis" tic identity of inner being, nature," and integrity of impulse, man, even in his relations with other kindred beings, must act as if the Romanticism.

universe held no other primary intelligence except him.

Everyone, and in in time but not essence, non-ego. only place is, external influence upon his motives would be not only a disturb-

besides him,

Any

It would produce Gefuhlsverwirrung, confusion This Gefuhlsverwirrung is the chief tragic factor in He traces it invariably to the interference Kleist's principal dramas.

ance but a vital hurt. of emotion.

of the "understanding," the

mind

This separation of the inner

of the

life

"

world."

from external

lute solipsism, brings about the sense of solitude,

theme cerest

Romantic literature and sorrow and pride. of

art.

It is

reality, this abso-

which

is

a favorite

an object both of

sin-

Romanticism, by divesting the passions and emotions of ethical quality, strips them also of spiritual character. By turning them " into pure nature" it identifies their essence with that of the sense1 perceptions and aesthetic emotions.

The "heart"

.sensational.

and with the instinctive

The

is

identical both with the aesthetic sense

desire;

sympathy, with sensitiveness.

conception of impulse limits spontaneity to a pasRomantic spontaneity is spontaneity without initia-

totalistic

sive function. tive.

is

Their substance likewise

It

is,

indeed, the "treasure of the humble."

Moral freedom

offers

cling to the absolute

an analogous limitation.

primacy

The Romanticists

of the inner being because that

assump-

tion alone seems to vouchsafe, in the absolute sovereignty of the will,

unlimited moral freedom.

But freedom of conduct is freedom of which motive, implies active spontaneity, i.e., spontaneity with absolute initiative. The spontaneity of Romanticism proves to be a tragic mockery.

morality. i

It

is

It destroys the substance of the will, freedom,

pure fatalism of impulse.

The

The

objective

will,

and the

age-old confusion of the aesthetic with the artistic and poetic emotions has received an additional support from Romantic sensationalism. See the last essay of this series.

286

STUDIES IN THE hated "world,"

is

MIND OF ROMANTICISM

63

actually not the dungeon of freedom, but

that there

Beyond Romantic "will"

secular fortress.

is

its

only

no protection save the theo-

at the moment of clutching at its absolute freedom plunges into the uttermost abyss of enslaveto its first cause, its "nature," or general disposition. The

logical grace. grail of

ment

"Temperament

axiom,

is

fate," coined

paradoxical irony inherent in

by Romanticism, by the the Romantic philosophy, is its verdict

upon its own chief shortcoming. As regards ethical standards, the necessary consequence of the Romantic emotional totalism is ethical relativism. The assertion that everything is jight which is in accordance with the individual impulse finds

And

its

complement

in the denial that anything else can be

moral value is nothing but a foreordained second to impulse, why should it claim any attenRomanticism thus becomes ethical indifferentism, which in tion ? right.

its final

further, since, in their view, the

form

is

moral nihilism. 1

These are the

specifically

Romantic

ethical elements of Gefuhl in

They do not always appear in that form, but even in the moderately Romantic works they are sufficiently defined their

extreme form.

to reveal the type. It is

Faust is

is

now

evident

why

not Romantic.

the use of the axiom "Gefuhl

The fundamental

ethical

ist

Alles" in

problem of Faust

the active adjustment of the individual impulse to the "world." of the dunkle Drang, 2 which is equivalent to the Roman-

The morality

impulse, is not absolute, as in Romanticism, but conditioned by the "goodness" of the individual. This goodness can be tic totalistic

interpreted only,

and

in Faust is interpreted, in relation to objective

ethical standards, regarded

desires

not only as independent of subjective

but as more universal and superior.

Goethe sought

concilia-

between subjective being and objective reality; the Romanticists sought the absolute domination of the former. A Romantic Faust

tion

could support no two natures within himself.

His second "nature"

would have produced only Gefuhlsverwirrung, and invited, not as in Goethe's work, harmonization with the first, or subjective, nature, but 1

As

2

"Bin guter Mensch

illustrated in Tieck's William Lovell.

in seinem dunklen

Ist sich des rechten

Drange Weges wohl bewusst." 287

MABTIN SCHUTZE

64 its

own

ruthless annihilation.

A

Romantic Faust could not seek of the

atonement by making himself part

"world," but only by the

from it. 1 opposite course of isolating himself The one-sidedness of Romanticism thus forces

it

ultimately into emotion with

the identification of character with temperament, (There is no good reason against the use of the term of

sensation.

"sensation" to cover the "outer" as well as the "inner" sense-

The perceptions in whatever stage of literalness or generalization. of the as well as term lays the proper stress upon the unity process

By another

the content.)

ironic paradox, such as is inherent in

any

one-sided assumption, the men who aspired to become the specialists 2 of the soul became the specialists of sense. Spiritualism once more

Extremes not only meet but interchange

turned into sensualism. essences.

Romanticism has for its province the portrayal, sub specie sensus, under the aspect of sense, of the emotions, from the most violent

and

passions to the softest

subtlest intimations, complexities^

fluctuations of moods, dreams,

from

its

and

fundamental limitations,

and

futility, lack of initiative

fancies.

its

The

weakness

and

failures resulting

of character,

moral

of sense of reality, unsteadiness of

balance, are obvious in its products.

Its devotees

tend to lose

themselves in trivial and even degenerate absorption and experiments own sake or go astray on the barren paths of

in sensations for their

mere aestheticism and introspection rather than choose truly creative activities; and frequently they end their lives as secluded and desic-

But the

cated egoists.

best minds

among them

have, in compensa-

tion for their one-sidedness, succeeded in tracing, with unsurpassed sensitiveness,

consistency,

and

They have the

merits, as

much

Every theoretic conclusion

as the faults, of their virtuosity. relative to

requires concrete verification.

The

mantic ethics must take on the

flesh

of conduct to prove their 1

This problem

2

Pr. Schlegel's Lucinde,

Schleiennacher,

is

is

the marvelously rich and among the motives of conduct.

finesse,

complex courses which the senses take

life,

however consistent,

abstract reasons governing Ro-

meaning and

and blood

of concrete motives

validity.

Such substantiation

further discussed in the fourth paper of this series.

an example

which won the enthusiastic praise even of the youthful of this confusion.

1

288

MIND OF ROMANTICISM

STUDIES IN THE

65

has encountered great obstacles in modern Romanticism. The lives of the founders of the First Romantic School, the fathers of modern

Romanticism, were too private and too detached to leave many and substantial traces at the present time. Their literary prod-

direct ucts,

on the other hand, consist largely

of their literary

of theoretic interpretations

intentions and valuations.

Since, however, theoretic understanding and not of the synthetic

self-analysis is the office of the

it is apparent that the main body of Romantic works, with a characteristic though unconscious paradoxical irony, is a direct reversal of the doctrine primarily actuating it, namely, the doctrine

emotion,

of the "superiority" of the Gefiihl over the Ver stand

and the conse-

quent necessity of displacing the latter throughout with the former. Instead of subordinating the understanding to emotion, the first Romantic school actually established the understanding in a new role of ascendancy. Rationalism, though putting emotion in the second rank, had left

it

to its

own

devices within that rank.

cism, while taking the field as the

and

champion

But Romanti-

of emotion, labored early

under the theoretic yoke of the underwas in this respect more rationalistic than rationalism.

late to force its mistress

standing.

It

This misunderstanding of

its

especially conspicuous in the

own fundamental motive, which is works of Friedrich Schlegel and of

Schelling, accounts for the paucity of its original substance.

The

very important creative achievement of Romanticism, which covers every

field of literature,

essential

of

belongs to a later period, and to minds whose

Romanticism was considerably

qualified

by varying degrees

open-mindedness to objective reality.

The few

works of early Romanticism, among which those of Novalis and the youthful Tieck are the most important, are generally so dominated by theoretic intentions, so pervaded significant creative

with Tendenz, so rigid with analytic self-consciousness, that they largely are rather obvious allegories of rationalistic preconceptions. It is unfortunate that the critical essays, self -analytic fragments,

and clever but vexatious and inconclusive apergus of the early Romanticists have absorbed the larger part of the attention given to this important

movement,

especially

by academic

writers.

"Glos-

sant glossas, et glossarum glossas." An inquiry which limits itself chiefly to the theoretic self-interpretation of a creative movement

MARTIN SCHUTZE

66

can never grasp more than that part of it which speaks in its In the case of Romanticism, which by its primary theories. assumption is not amenable to the discourse of the analytic understanding, such procedure can at best lead to the discovery only of secondary elements, which it has in common with rationalism, and not of those in which inheres primarily the Romantic character.

its

The

essential part of the

problem

calls for

for sources of information offering a

a more direct method and

more immediate form

of authen-

ticity.

There

is

extant a record of the motives which at the time of the

culmination of the

first

Romantic era determined the development

This record is so of a Romantic mind during its crucial period. minute, so sincere, so coherent without a break; it reveals such a sagacity in singling out the actual determining motive in every step

and such sincerity and ingenuousness as well as verbal skill that the course and the details of the development of its author appear quite

own

unblurred, even when, as

is

generalizations, inferences,

valuations, and anticipations do not

generally the case, his

theoretic tally

with them.

There is no similar record of this movement, of such extraordinary completeness and truthfulness, because there has been no character like its author, combining such terrible and single power of growth with such a passionate, unflinching, and immediate vision of the inner him on, step by step, from the first vague feeling of

forces driving

discomfort caused

by the conditions

of his inner life to the final

almost mad, rejection of the last bonds linking him with his environment.

ruthless,

This record

the series of letters 1 written

by Heinrich von Kleist von Zenge, his fiancee, during the crucial two years development, which coincide with the duration of their engageis

to Wilhelmine of his

ment.

The correspondence begins with the year

1800, a few

months

after Kleist's twenty-fourth birthday,

and ends early in 1802. It is and explainable only by the prevalent interest in the external and theoretic parts of his work and life that the numerous biographies and other writings upon Kleist have almost completely ignored this singular

most important story of i

and

Kleist's Briefe

his inner

life.

an seine Braut, excellently edited by Karl Biedermann.

Leipzig, 1884.) .290

(Breslau

STUDIES IN THE

The

letters are

MIND OF ROMANTICISM

not a record of introspection,

67

like, for instance,

Marie Bashkirchev's self-revelations, in which the motions of a selfconscious attention spread the illusion of activity and development over an essentially barren and static inner life. In Kleist's letters it the course of the active forces of development which determines

is

He

concerned with his processes of perceiving because he is wholly absorbed in the inner action His observations are controlled by the highest to be perceived.

the course of his observation.

is little

dramatic objectivity of consciousness.

The purpose life

of this paper

is

to

mark

of Kleist as revealed in these letters.

off

the course of the inner

In order that the main line

development be kept as clear and graphic as possible, all matter not essential to the motives of growth and not directly and deterof

it, however interesting in itself or suggestive had to be eliminated. The ban had to fall par-

minately bearing upon in other directions,

ticularly

upon

Kleist's

own

theoretic generalizations as such in their

relations to general philosophy. 1

These generalizations are relevant

to our subject only in so far as they appear transformed into concrete

motives. will, in a concluding section, be supplemented by a survey of the forms assumed by the main motives of his conduct in his treatment of the principal characters in his greater creative works.

This account

brief

Heinrich von Kleist was born October 10, 1776. Very littte is known of his inner life until the time of his first letter to Wilhelmine.

Born in Frankfurt-an-der-Oder, of an old family which had contributed distinguished names to military and literary history, among them Christian Ewald von Kleist, the author of Fruhling, he entered the Prussian military service. In 1795 he became an ensign in a guard regiment in Potsdam. In 1798 he resigned as second lieutenant,

much

against the wishes of his chief,

idealistic,

and cultured young

his less cultured

comrades.

who

officer

desired to keep the talented,

on account

This resignation

is

of his influence

the

first

on

instance

recorded of the explosive spontaneity and resoluteness which disHe had come to the tinguished all the important steps of his career. that the military life would not satisfy the highest The book by Ernst Kayka, Kleist und die Romantik (Vol. 31 of Franz Muncker's

conclusion i

Forschungen zur neueren Literaturgeschichte [Berlin, 1906]), though based on very careful investigation, is inconclusive and external because it is limited to analysis of Kleist's own theories.

MABTIN SCHUTZE

68

and without a further thought, without any from it. he withdrew apparent hesitation, in a double letter to his former tutor, His aim, which is stated

demands

of his nature,

dated March 18 and

19,

1799, his earliest recorded self-revelation,

His terms, quite unoriginal, the pursuit of happiness and virtue. are the current terms of the popular utilitarian perfectionist philoso-

is

phy

He matriculated He took courses

of that time.

in the old-fashioned university

in philosophy, natural science, of his native city. mathematics, natural law, history of European civilization, political economy, and other subjects. He learned to read Latin and Greek.

He

though apparently without systematic guidance and in a desultory manner, Kant's Kritik der reinen Vernunft, but, also studied,

as will be seen farther on, he

was not mature enough to grasp the

radical significance of the Kritik. It

was not

shoots of his

till

own

the beginning of 1800 that he began to put forth growth, at first timidly, tentatively, and sparsely,

but soon with rapidly accumulating force and variety, until, in a climactic burst, he reached the consummation prefigured in his nature.

He began

at once, in his letters to Wilhelmine, the chronicle

life, the central subject of which is not, as he ingenuously thought, his love for his betrothed, but his fascinated and dramatic interest in the uncontrollable force which was in charge of his inner

of his inner

An epigram uttered by Kleist several years later, "It is not that think, but something within us that does," covers this objectivity toward his inner mental processes as well as his final subjecnature.

we

tive fatalism of the Gefuhl.

In the

first letter

of 1800, in

length.

to Wilhelmine, dated Frankfurt

He

a. O.,

beginning her of his love, he discusses his aims at intends to prepare himself for a conventional career

which he

man

tells

Law and diplomacy are uncongenial, "the ignores rights of the heart," the latter because it pursues self-interest to the inj ury of righteousness. Finance has no positive attraction. The academic career seems most desirsuitable for a

of his class.

the former because

it

able because

to

it would offer scientific satisfaction and an opportunity become a Weltburger ("internationalist"). Thus from the start, even within the limitations of a conventional

career,

he emphasized in "the rights of the heart" the spontaneous 292

STUDIES IN THE inclinations of his nature.

immediate future,

MIND OF ROMANTICISM

We

in a letter

are not surprised to find

from Frankfurt

a. O.,

69

him

May

in the

30, 1800,

" selfpreoccupied with the Bildung wiser er hohern Seelenkrdfte, In this letter, otherwise of little significance, he begins cultivation." his strenuous attempts, very entertaining in their immaturity and

pedantry, to make Wilhelmine share his own development. Frankfurt soon ceases to satisfy his eager mind. We find him a

journeying from city to city. There are in the following a number of mystifying allusions to important missions.

little later

letters

attempts have been made to define these as public enterprises, One writer 1 of a financial, political, and even diplomatic character.

Many

even concludes that

his

interest of his health. of Kleist, thinks that

But

all

journey to Wlirzburg was undertaken in the

Adolph Wilbrandt, in his finely written life even now Kleist was seeking a career as a poet.

these conclusions rest on no tangible evidence and refer at

and Wilbrandt 's theory finds, in constant contradiction the letters almost to the end of the besides, best only to a part of his journey;

correspondence. Whatever the objects of these missions may have been, they did not determine the course of his inner development. Kleist himself

never interprets them as ends but merely as means to the attainment of a livelihood or self-culture and promptly ignores them whenever

he has a new step in his growth to record. In his letter from Berlin, August 16, 1800, appears his

first

conventional.

No

description

of

external

nature.

It

is

quite

original interpretation or form of statement,

no Romantic "nature

sense," appears.

On August 20, whom his sister,

1800, he goes to Pasewalk to see Brockes, a

had met

man

Rugen. Brockes is highly in Denkmdler as a wise, upright praised Varnhagen's Biographische friend and counselor of man, many persons throughout Germany, and Ulrike,

in

by men and women. He and Kleist at once become intimate friends and inseparable companions. They travel Kleist's admiration for together and see some officials together. passionately adored

Brockes grows with every letter almost to idolization. 1

Dr.

Max

Morris, Heinr.

v.

Kleist's Reise

nach Wiirzburg.

(Berlin, 1899.)

MARTIN SCHUTZE

70

Kleist at once speaks in a

new

He

tone.

is

enthusiastic, almost

Brockes must have given him some ideas which clariThe nature of the inspiration which his own vague aspirations.

triumphant. fied

must have come from Brockes appears in the following letters, which for a time come in rapid sequence and culminate in a remarkable statement and unqualified acceptance of Brockes' view of life. From Coblentz near Pasewalk on August 21, 1800, the day after their meeting, he writes that he has begun to keep a diary, "in which [he] daily develops and improves his plan." Brockes is going to accompany

him on a

visit to Struensee,

Prussian minister of customs and assizes,

which would give Our happiness is at the bottom of this .... nothing can be lost by it and everything gained." There

for the purpose, probably, of securing a position

him a trip is

living.

Kleist adds:

"

also in this letter a description of nature, quite

no touch

of

"nature feeling."

There

is

matter of

no indication

of

fact,

any

with

literary

intention or bent.

On, September 1, in a letter containing another conventional nature description, after the brief statement, "Our business is disposed of," he continues abruptly with an account of his and Brockes' matriculations in the University of Leipzig. On September 3 he is in Dresden. He is full of zest. o'clock in the

morning as he writes Wilhelmine about his

It is five life.

He

speaks of his intention of going to Prague after accomplishing another mysterious business, which also presently drops out of sight, with the British ambassador.

He

The

following passage

is

is

and with increasing gradually opening, no

is

a disciple of Rousseau.

writes considerably,

emotion, about nature now. His vision doubt, under the tutelage of Brockes, who typical:

"Thus charming was

my entry into

a charming night.

The road always ran along the banks of the rocks Mulde, past which, lighted by the moonlight, looked like shapes of the night. The sky was quite serene, the moon full, the air pure, the whole glorious." This passage, while not offering original objective material, yet reveals a distinct advance in subjective perception and in concision. with the Comparison original will bring out more clearly the specific concreteness of his impression and phrasing. "So reizend war der Eingang in eine reizende Nacht. Der Weg ging immer am Ufer der 294

MIND OF ROMANTICISM

STUDIES IN THE

71

ulde entlang, bei Felsen vorbei, die wie Nachtgestalten vom Monde Der Himmel war heiter, der Mond voll, die Luft

erieuchtet waren. rein,

das Ganze herrlich."

The untranslatable compactness

of the

phrase "die wie Nachtgestalten vom Monde erieuchtet waren," the original, also untranslatable felicity of "heiter" as an attribute of a peculiar moonlit night,

and the extraordinary terseness and preg-

nancy of the whole passage

offer the first definite

glimpse of his In the remainder of the letter a

emerging originality of perception.

upon the

reflection

relations

between men and their environment

Montesquieu and Herder offers a hint dominant preoccupation. This passage also would lose much

favorite subject since

in translation:

"Das Enge

meaning haupt auf das Gefuhl zu wirken [the specific

darin

viele

of his of its

der Gebirge scheint iiber-

italics are mine],

und man

Menschenfreunde,

Gefiihlsphilosophen,

a

findet

Freunde der

Das Weite des platten Landes hingegen wirkt mehr auf den Verstand, und hier findet man die Denker Ktinste, besonders der

Musik.

He

und Vielwisser" ("smatterers").

wishes he had been born, in a

country which combines the advantages of both mountains and plains.

He

preoccupied with the opposition between Gefuhl and Verhad dominated the German youth for a generation, since

is

stand which

the influence of Rousseau was

The odious connotations

Herder. ing

and

first

introduced by

of Vielwisser,

Hamann and

which by

characteristic of Brockes' influence,

whom

group-

in a later letter Kleist

quotes as inveighing against the Gelehrten as Vielwisser.

The Dresden

picture gallery which he visits

He and

on him.

between

its

antithesis to the first group are extended even to Denker, are

.

makes no impression

Brockes, confronting themselves with a choice and nature, chose the latter and make an

art, antiquities,

excursion.

Kleist

is

absorbed in sensations at

first

hand.

On

the next day, again at five o'clock in the morning, his absorpHe becomes tion in nature leads him one step farther in subjectivity. conscious of the emotional and motive effect of nature:

you present with me [bei and secret [eng und heimlich], are the true home [Vaterland] of love .... what a splendid effect would a brief stay in this ideal nature have upon your soul! For the view of creation in its I

was wishing intensely Such valleys sehen].

mir zu

[mit Innigkeit] to see close

295

MARTIN SCHUTZE

72

and nobility makes deep impressions upon tender and impressive Nature would surely awaken your emotions and ideas [das Gefuhl und den Gedanken] I should endeavor to develop them and create new ideas and emotions. loftiness

hearts.

;

His purpose of training his

own

inner faculties and those of others

through sense-impressions becomes both more defined and more forceThe definition proceeds constantly along the lines of the cleavage ful. between Verstand and Gefuhl. In this cleavage the former becomes

more and more definitely identified with the conventional order and This view and tendency coincide at the its offices and obligations. beginning on the whole with those of Rousseau, but after running the gamut of Rousseau's ideas pass considerably beyond.

In a letter from Lungwitz (following one from Oederau im Erzgebirge, dated September 4, 1800, 9:00 P.M.), written at 10:30 A.M., this desire to train

minds

is

aroused when he sees

girls

on the road.

"If any of them has only a spark of a soul" he wishes to take her with him, "to train her in accordance with his ideas" (sie auszubilden in

meinem Sinne).

He

continues: "Ich selbst

muss an mir formen und

ausbilden."

In the next

letter,

written from Zwickau, there occurs the

deliberately aesthetic interpretation of nature.

and more from

his old utilitarian

his present scenery

first

He is departing more

mental associations.

with that of his and Wilhelmine's

Comparing

home he adds

:

"

Here one sees nature, as it were, life size. That [the Frankfurt a. O. scenery] is, so to speak, like one of the occasional pieces of great artists, rapidly sketched, not without masterly traits, but imperfect. This, on the other hand, is a piece conceived with enthusiasm, designed with industry and genuis, and placed before the world for certain admiration." From Reichenbach he writes that he is plan-

ning that night to write a

poem on a

pine needle.

in a state of enthusiasm over impressions of nature

He

is

obviously

even in their most

insignificant forms.

MARTIN UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO [To be concluded]

296

ScntiTZE

THE

FAY,

PARTICULARLY THE FAIRY MISTRESS, IN MIDDLE HIGH GERMAN

have elsewhere referred to the fay as a very minor character in Middle High German. 1 This opinion is not advanced because of its I

will hardly be contested by anyone familiar with the and some phases of the matter have been touched on However, since no exposition incidentally by students in this field. on which these conclusions are based, has been made, of the material

novelty;

it

literature,

it

may

well be in order.

In the February, 1913, issue of the Zeitschrift fur Deutsche Wortforschung, Professor J. A. Walz, writing on "Fei, Fee .... Elfe," says:

Schon in mhd. Zeit ist das altfranzosische feie oder aufgenommen worden als veie oder veine. Es findet sich

faie ins

Deutsche

bei verschiedenen

Der hofischen Dichtern, doch ist nicht eigentlich volkstumlich geworden. Grund fur die Aufnahme des Wortes ins Mhd. ist genau derselbe, der im 18. Jahrhundert bei der Einftinning von Fee wirksam war: es gab im Deutschen kein Wort, um diese Wesen der franzosisch-keltischen2 t)berlieferung zu bezeichnen, oder anders ausgedriickt, der deutsche Volksglaube des Mittelalters kannte keine iibernaturlichen Wesen, die genau den franzosischen Es gab wohl weibliche Wesen, die in Berg und faies entsprochen hatten. Wald und Wasser hausten, waltminnen, merwip, wildiu wip u.s.w., die mehr oder weniger Ahnlichkeit mit den franzosischen faies hatten, aber es mangelte diesen Elementargeistern das Feine, das Menschlich-Anziehende, das Durchgebildete der faies. Die enge Verbindung zwischen Rittertum und Feenwelt ist ein Werk der franzosischen Dichtung. Zugleich mit dieser Dichtung kam auch das Wort veie in die mhd. Literatur.

Naturally, then,

we should look

for the

word

veine or fei in

works

which are adaptations of, or in some way stand very close to, the French. As a matter of fact, the word is not of common occurrence at

all,

for the reason

sented something so

we have just mentioned, namely, that it repreFor the same little known or understood.

MHG

1 " Epic," Journal of English Elementargeister as Literary Characters in the and Germanic Philology, April, 1916. 2 The waltminne and the merwip may be said to bear some resemblance to the Celtic Cf. the article fairy, but the wildez wlp can in no sense be compared with that being.

referred to in the preceding note.

297]

.

73

[MoDEEN PHILOLOGY,

October, 1918

H. W. PUCKETT

74

it is not surprising that in most cases it is used of some character that does not appear in the poem, but is referred to, usually

reason, too,

in connection with something marvelous.

describes a beautiful

woman by

Albrecht von Halberstadt

saying,

einer wilden feyen 1 geliche sie erluchte.

vom

In Heinrich called

Turlin's version of the Lanzelet story

Der Mantel

wrought by

we hear

of the

magic power

a fragment

of the test-mantel,

fairy hands:

dem werke noch dem siden kunde sich niht glichen s6 daz in alien richen

dehein man gessehe dem er so guotes jsehe; wand in ein fein durch frouwen ie

nit

worhte vor der hochzit. diu feine worht den phelle s6 daz er velle: swelhiu frowe u.s.w. [580] 2 *

Ulrich's Lanzelet (5764) also has the story of a fairy gift of a cloak

Garel (11929) contains another reference in point. A giant whom Garel has conquered and permitted to live, brings the knight a magic salve of which he claims

which has power to reveal secrets (5995).

:

"nieman ist so sere wunt swenne man die salben strichen dran, er werde ein wol gesunter man. ein wisiu merfeine

meistert

And

si

mit wiser hant."

be remembered that Petitcreu, Gilan's diminutive dog, for the possession of which Tristan does deeds of prowess, is of it will

also

fairy origin, as the following lines attest: ein hundelin .... daz was gefeinet, horte ich sagen, und wart dem herzogen gesant 1

In a fragment published in Germania, X, 240. I am told on good authority that known appearance of the word in German. Another such simile is found

this is the first

in the Krone, 7738:

Bi kleidern so richen Mohte ich sie wol gelichen Einer fei an der sch6ne. 2

The fein

is

mentioned again in

1.

771.

298

THE FAY

IN

MIDDLE HIGH GERMAN

uz Avalun, der feinen

75

lant,

von

einer gotinne durch liebe und durch

minne

[15809].

have found two instances 1 where the fei appears in the story in propria persona. Both are from Berthold von Holle. In Darifant the knight accedes to the request of Fiolede, a fei, to accompany her I

to Spain where,

him.

The other

it

appears, an "aventure von einer

case occurs in Demantin.

The hero

maget" awaits conies into the

realm of Pheradzoye, queen of fays, and is there served by "pheien." We shall view these two stories from another angle presently. Finally, in this

enumeration there should be mentioned a slightly

was perfectly natural that attempts should be made to render the word fei more intelligible by connecting it with some figure already well known. Of the available Elementargeister, the giantess and the wildez wip were from their very natures out of the question. The waltminne plays no part in Middle High German epics. Hence the merwip and merminne form the stem on which the new word and idea are grafted. It was a comdifferent designation of the

same

character.

It

paratively easy matter to fuse these characters.

land was

The

fact that fairy-

sometimes supposed to exist in a region remote in the ocean

or even under the water, coincided with the current conception of the

Like the fei, the merwip was beautiful and charmwas sometimes to be found in groups apparently segregated

merwip's home. 2

ing;

also

from the opposite

sex. 3

In the quotation from Garel given above, merfeine and not feine the word used. Since it is a mere passing mention, nothing can be said of the nature of the fairy. In Ulrich's Lanzelet, however,

is

we have let's

Lanzequite a detailed portrayal of this hybrid character. godmother is a merfeine, and rules aver 10,000 similar spirits,

als ein wint" and carries off the child to kingdom in the sea. Loving hands attend him here. He is taught fine manners (241-74), and learns to play and to sing, " wand ez was da lantsite" (265). All the fays fall in love with him.

She comes "mit eime dunst her distant

i

The mention

to be counted. *

of the presence of

"Onorgue

ein richiu fei," Krone, 1601, is hardly of whom nothing is heard elsewhere.

Many worthies are catalogued there,

Eckenliet, 151;

Oswald, 660

f.

Daniel vom Bliihenden Tal, 4280.

H. W. PUCKETT

76

After some years, however, the company of women ceases to satisfy him, and the queen has to send for "merwunder," those anomalous

denizens of the deep, to instruct Lanzelet in various sports. It is when it finally develops that no one can teach him the ways of

knighthood that the young adventurer leaves his fairy home. This fairyland itself invites a word of discussion. It is an island in the sea, we are told, surrounded by a wall utterly impregnable.

A

vast castle, golden within and without, situated on a crystal mountain ('sinewel als ein balle') overlooks the land (209 f.). The beauties of this royal dwelling are not shoddy or transitory: dehein dine wart da virne innerhalp dem burcgraben, der ez hundert jar solte haben ez wsere ie ebenschoene [226].

So charming, so perfect is the whole, that when one lives there even a day he has no rest elsewhere. It is in short an earthly paradise :

ir

lant

was

iiber allez jar

miten meien gebluoi .... da enwart ouch nieman hoene von zorne noch von nide. als

die die

[192]

vrouwen waren blfde da beliben wonhaft [230].

From

the foregoing it will be seen that we have to do with a All due foreign type with but slight additions of native material. allowance being made for the fact that the author was relying more

on

his written source than on his fancy, it is still worth while to note that in no other Middle High German epic is the fay so fully treated as in Lanzelet. May it not be because the character, here combined

somewhat with that

of the merw^p,

admitted of elaboration, whereas

the Jeine alone could not be expected to play an important r61e ?

What

have given

a practically complete register of Middle Compared with the other Elementargeister so abundant in that literature, it is a negligible quantity. And yet with such a wealth of Celtic fairy lore throughout Europe, we should I

is

1 High German feinen.

1 Other instances not specifically mentioned here are to be found in Parzival, Tristan, Konrad's Trojanischer Krieg, and elsewhere. Quoting them would add nothing to the

subject.

300

THE FAY

IN

MIDDLE HIGH GERMAN

naturally expect the influence of it on Middle High greater than the foregoing evidence would indicate.

77

German to be And such is

Fays, no longer called such, yet recognizable by various qualities, are found in considerable number in Middle High German. It is a question here of the fairy mistress rationalized. really the case.

A. C. L. Brown, in his study of Chretien's Iwain, deals with the Since Hartman's Iwein is a

rationalized fairy-mistress story there.

made in Brown's monoMiddle High German poem. If the

close translation of the French, the points

graph naturally hold for the thesis that Laudine is a sometime fairy mistress needs any further proof, the evidence contained in a similar story written about a generation after

Hartman should

furnish

zoye episode in Demantin cited above.

it.

I refer to the

The account given

Pheradthere

is

as follows:

severely wounded knight whom Demantin encounters explains he has met this sad fate at the hands of Pandulet, who guards that

A

Pheradzoye, he says,

the entrance to Pheradzoye's castle. ".

is koninginne geweldig obir di minne: .... und obir alle dutsche lant .

.

.

geweldig obir di pheien, di

an den luften weien,

und

obir alle di

nu leben, minne geben"

di gr6z Ion dorch

The knight guarding the "abenture" tin is

is

on duty for

[2991].

six

weeks Deman-

told, or until he has conquered another, who then takes his place.

The wounded man warns Demantin not

to take the risk,

and the

being intent on a very engaging adventure of his own, rides accordingly in the opposite direction.

latter

He he

is

tin.

crosses a stream

on a

ferry,

but in the forest which he enters

unable to avoid a maid whose hunting dog leads her to DemanShe reproaches the knight very harshly for spoiling her chase,

taking occasion also to heap opprobrium on him for running away from the adventure at Castle Gandaris. This is the third time the

brought to his notice (the ferryman also speaks of it). Demantin no longer hesitates, but recrosses the water and rides

adventure

is

toward Gandaris. 301

H. W. PUCKETT

78

Before the gate he meets Pandulet and puts an end to him after On the gate itself the survivor finds inscribed the

a brief battle.

law that he must remain at his post a year. There is no talk of revenge for Pandulet; indeed, he seems to be the only male at the Hence castle, the service being done by pheien (3012, 3386, 3501).

Demantin does not have to

hide, as does Iwain.

His presence

taken as a natural consequence and causes no comment.

is

But the

Laudine story appear in what follows. Pheradzoye, bitterly blaming herself for the loss of Pandulet for it was she who met Demantin in the forest and turned him back to Gandaris

similarities to the

weeps loud and long. curtailed

That

is,

six

Further mourning

days long.

is

by her maid's practical suggestion that she take Demantin

in the place of Pandulet as a matter of expediency.

Pheradzoye

is

queenship depends on her keeping a guard (3410). Demantin's reply to the proposal is: willing, since her

vrouwe, ich

muz und

sal hir sin,

irwenden kan,

sint ich ez nicht

habe ich vroude, ich arme man, daz mir di sorge aldus heret [3434].

And

so he

becomes guardian of the

But

castle.

this service, so lacking in love his relation to

so perfunctory is Pheradzoye, that she

again accepts the advice of the maid Andolya, who suggests that she Demantin as soon as another comes to take his place. This

release

and Demantin, relieved, rides away. With the exception of Darifant, 1 by the same author, this is the only fairy-mistress story in Middle High German in which fays as such really appear, and is at the same time the least rationalized of really carried out,

plan

is

all.

To be

But in

it will

common

Two

sure, it is in general the conventional

traditions are fused here

and that

of the

:

that of the

guard or protector.

herself acts as messenger.

human

lover of the fairy,

In the present story the fay is on a hunt is doubtless

The fact that she

a reflection of the older motif that the hero 1

mediaeval romance.

be seen that this version, while having something with the Iwein story, is older and, as it were, more genuine. easily

Apparently a fairy-mistress story

is

decoyed by an animal

The fay messenger appears

in the fragment begun, and Darifant fights at least one battle, after which he, though victor, must spend a given time in the land. We are informed that Effadie, the object of his quest, is to be liberated from imminent danger.

that has

come down

also.

to us, the "perilous passage"

302

is

THE FAY

No

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79

such animal enters the story in this case, unless

the dog which seeks out Demantin may be said to replace the stag, boar, or other beast which usually leads the human to the fairy.

The difficulty in reaching the home of the fairy, while not a prominent is

feature,

still

present, represented

by the passage

of the

water

(Demantin almost drowns in recrossing) and the battle with PanThen comes the sojourn in fairyland, marred, as so often, by dulet. a longing for something in the world of men, which finally causes the

human

to terminate his stay in the other world.

shows a passion for the man;

And

affair.

at

yet she

is

it is

she

who

is

In

all this

the fairy

aggressive in the love

not altogether free to dispose of her favors is, she is yet subject to certain restrictions.

Queen though she

will.

These limitations

arise principally

from the other tradition

in the

It has been pointed out more than once that the guardian knight in such stories originally had nothing to do with the human In lover, but was merely a servant of the fairy, later her keeper.

story.

such versions as the present one, a condition rests on both fairy and guard, one of those laws which bind even such divine beings as the fay.

Hence the nature

not hard to trace.

of the "abenture."

In the

first place,

turn aside from his real quest, ture.

He

is

Its effect

Demantin, who

on our story

is

has no mind to

constrained to undertake the adven-

finds his fate inscribed

on the gate

of the castle

and does

His relation to Pheradzoye is not really a union. No nuptials are celebrated, no "Beilager" is mentioned. These conditions do not comport with the character of the human lover of a

not try to escape

it.

and we cannot imagine any fay enduring such indifference under ordinary circumstances. Yet we see that Pheradzoye cannot dismiss Demantin until the condition has been satisfied, i.e.,

fairy mistress,

the next adventurer takes his place. Demantin, then, does not present all the features of the fairyA more rationalized type, yet one in which the old mistress story.

till

tradition

The

old

shows through in more perfect form, is Selfrid de Ardemant. Germanic saga of Siegfried is here interwoven with an

Arthurian romance.

To

this confusion are

added various mytho-

making the poem excellent material for the folklorist. The reader who is interested in these details is referred to the intro-

logical motifs,

duction of Panzer's edition, where that very able editor has given 303

H. W. PUCKETT

80

We can look only at that

sixty pages to the analysis of the material.

portion which pertains immediately to, our subject. Mundirosa, like Pheradzoye, goes in search of her lover. The author later feels called on to explain this, so we are informed that

the lady was acting on a prophecy which proclaimed that she was Nor is Seifrid's meeting with her to find her mate in a distant land.

The thing begins with the adventure altogether a matter of accident. of the flaming heath, well known in the Siegfried story. Being told in a certain city that he

had better turn back

since he could not cross

Despite the flames and a terrible 1 unscathed. Instead of the sleeping comes through storm, Seifrid beauty beyond, however, he encounters a serpent, which he has The serpent is a messenger animal the difficulty in overtaking. the heath, he determines to dare

it.

known

Volksmdrchen. 2

The lady the heroine. But the author's naturally adoption of the Mdrchen does not go so far in this case, for when restored to human form this girl dies, and our hero is left to wander enchanted-lady

released from

on

type

this

well

form

in

is

he comes upon the real heroine. Properly speaking, the perilous journey

till

But

the beginning of the episode in Seifrid

is is,

made only to

fairyland.

as just seen, a story in

And the idea of obstructive its own "perilous journey." to further Seifrid's extended passage of the heath although dangers it is not attended by fire and storm, it is made uncomfortable by his itself

with is

;

and hungry; and in the end a mountain must be crossed surrounded by a thorn hedge and beset with "slange, lint-

getting lost

which

is

wurm, trecken," and "leoen." Topping this mountain, Seifrid beholds on a meadow a brilliant 3 company of ladies (and knights ) coming forward to greet him as an awaited guest. Mundirosa, leader of the procession, arrayed in her royal bravery, calls Seifrid by name, embraces him, and makes him generally welcome. She knows all about his previous career and has waited for him three successive years on this meadow. But Seifrid may stay with Mundirosa only three days for the first. Wonderful days! but soon past; and Seifrid must take his leave for 1

Cf. Iwein's experience at the "

8

Of Laistner,

Fountain Periluos."

I, 78 f.; also Panzer, p. Ixxvi. Evidently only supplied to comply with the author's sense of social .

Ratsel des Sphinx,

304

fitness.

THE FAY

IN

MIDDLE HIGH GERMAN

81

a year, bowing also to Mundirosa's behest that in that time he boast not the beauty of his mistress.

Here then we have one fairy-mistress story.

The

of the

most

characteristic scenes of the

hero's stay with his lady

is

limited,

some-

times by his own longing to get back among his fellows, sometimes as here by the command of the fairy, who in turn seems to be

complying with a condition beyond her control. For the hero this form of a prohibition such as the fore-

restraint generally takes the

going.

Of course the hero breaks the command. 1 Seifrid is quite typical.

For

this incident again

Restlessly the knight goes about the world

trying his fortune here and there, and one day presents himself at a

tourney where he is eventually crowned as victor. The prize is the embrace of a young lady whose beauty is not likely to be contested, since not to recognize her as the fairest of all entails the death of the doubter unless he can produce one fairer still. Seifrid regards the beauty with indifference, and is careless enough to remark to a fellowknight

how

she would suffer in contrast to his mistress.

The boast

caught up and swift judgment is about to be executed on his hapless head when Mundirosa attended by a resplendent train appears to

is

prove his words true.

But Mundirosa, after him sadly that they may

Seifrid is released.

listening to his prayer for forgiveness, tells

not see one another again. Then follows the usual period of wandering about, ending at last in the decision to return to the place of first meeting. 2 But the

mountain meadow

who

is

empty now;

only, near

by he

finds a hermit

him advice as to how to reach the country of his mistress. he says, is in the habit of coming across the water from Mundirosa's land to fetch food for its young, and Seifrid is to make

A

gives

griffin,

use of this aerial carrier.

Here then we come to the

real

" perilous

passage" of our story. But the matter is really quite simple. The hermit sews the knight into the hide of his slaughtered horse and the

griffin obligingly

bears him across the vast expanse of water. 3

Also Gauriel von Muntabel, a most unoriginal epic containing a fairy-mistress story, and incorporating a heterogeneous mass of borrowed motifs. 2 One is reminded in this of Wolfdietrich's experience with the r&he Elsa. 3 The perilous passage is almost always across some body of water, perhaps a brook, sometimes a sea. It will be remembered that Lancelot was carried to fairyland in the arms of his godmother flying over the sea. A similarity between Demantin and Seifrid 1

305

H.

82

W. PUCKETT

some days. After cutting himself out of the hide and climbing down from the griffin's nest, Seifrid finds himself in a wild country, still some distance from the castle of his mistress. The last stage of the journey is done on a raft, under the guidance of a

The passage

"

lasts

1 wilder man."

Seifrid enters the land incogstory ends in the usual way. the hand of the mistress, and, on nito, vanquishes the aspirant, to Of course his arrival is joyfully received. himself known, making

The

and rescue are very timely: a been beyond

little

more and the lady would have

his grasp.

The essential features of the story in Seifrid can be found again Konrad von Wurzburg's Partonopier und Meliur, a fairly close 2 The tale has, at translation from the French Partonopeus de Blois. charm the mediaeval author often which the the at least beginning, the hero as little more knew how to give his narrative by depicting in

than a

Young

child.

Partonopier, on the occasion of a hunt with Arden, gives chase to a boar which leads him

his uncle in the forest of

Roving about for a day and a night in great distress, he reaches the seashore and there finds a ship, wonderfully made, "sam ez ein wilde feine / ze wunsche ir selbe

away from the

rest of the

hsete erwelt" (640)

3 .

company.

The gangplank

pier goes aboard, taking his horse

is

invitingly placed, Partono-

with him.

Wearied from

moving

of its

startled

and weeps, sam

die

knaben und diu

diu fruo zen noeten der

just here

Each

is

Seifrid

si

is

kint,

komen

waren ungewone

is

sint,

[683].

is interesting. In both the hero in his anxiety to get there is ready to swim. saved by a bystander from this certain death, Demantin by the ferryman,

by the hermit.

Essentially the in Demantin. i

his

on awaking that the ship own accord and that there is no land in sight. He

exertions he falls asleep, only to find

same type

of character as the knight

who guards

the fairy's castle

2 1 have compared the translation with the French and find that in the matter of the fairy-mistress story they agree in all important particulars. Konrad is even meticulous in keeping the names applied to the fairy, whereas in the poem at large he allows himself whether from choice or ignorance considerable liberty. 8

French: "Tant bele con se fust faee."

306

THE FAY But the bark

IN

MIDDLE HIGH GERMAN

more than royally equipped,

is

83

so that the

boy

finds his

passage rather tolerable after all. The boat stops at last before a beautiful castle, and our young adventurer knows nothing but to land. Wonders continue to greet

He

him on every hand.

is

fascinated

by the magnificance

of the

find

from a distance; on entering it, however, he is astounded to never a "muoter barn" within its walls. Partonopier suspects

that

it is

castle

the devil's work, but decides that

if

he

is

the victim, he will

Accordingly he passes by the many elegant and inviting halls on every side and makes for the heart of the citadel. Here he meets with the adventure of his life. enjoy the situation as long as

it lasts.

being hungry, he turns into the dining-hall, where invisible hands serve him a royal repast. This over, he seats himself by the

First,

and is presented with various drinks. Finally, when he is sleepy, two candles light him to his bedchamber, where still other unseen servitors bring him to bed. fire

Partonopier has all the optimism of unsophisticated youth. Nothing that could happen to him now would surprise him; but though he half expects death to be his lot, he thanks God that he has at least dined well once more.

covers that someone

is

While in

this cheerful

getting into his bed.

mood, he

dis-

This person, the fairy bed occupied, but

mistress, pretends great indignation at finding her

Partonopier will not budge, maintaining that there is nowhere else him to go and that he is innocent. In the end the whole adventure

for

and Partonopier learns that Meliur used the boar to decoy him and the self-sailing ship to bring him to her. She places herself and her kingdom at his disposal; for he is the mate she has chosen from among all men. The public acknowledgment, however,

is

cleared up,

cannot be

made

till

a date set by her two and a half years hence, by Until then he will have become a knight.

which time Partonopier must not behold her.

The young man spends a year in this strange country, where his every wish is met by his still unseen and silent retinue. Only with Meliur can he speak, and she remains invisible. When he expresses a desire to revisit France, she consents and, explaining that she knows that he

is

needed there, even promises him the means (' einen richen must fight; but she warns him again not

hort') for the battles he

307

H. W. PUCKETT

84

upon him and on his

to break the condition which she put recrosses the sea

on the magic

ship,

at the outset.

He

arrival his mistress

makes good her promise to him. With all his battles won, Partonopier begins to pine for his loved one again. His mother draws from him the source of his melancholy and immediately sets to work to cure him of it. She lays the matter before the king and persuades him to give his niece in marriage

By means

to her son.

of a love philter she all

summating the match.

At the

critical

but succeeds in con-

moment, however, the bride

unwisely congratulates Partonopier on his deliverance from the wiles "der veinen wilde," whereupon he comes to himself, leaves home,

of

and finding the boat waiting

On his

next visit

for him, sails

home the mother

away once more

to Meliur.

of Partonopier seeks to

accom-

way: she has the Archbishop of Paris come and reason with the young man. Partonopier is unable to prove that he is not consorting with the devil; indeed, under the combined arguments of the bishop and his mother, he begins to believe himself plish her object in another

that he has been deceived

So he agrees at

by "ein

geist, aid

last to test the thing out.

ungehiurez eteswaz."

With a

special sort of

he returns to his mistress, and in the dead of night throws a light on his bedmate. What he sees is not a devil, as predicted; rather an angel a woman of whose beauty

lantern, furnished

by

his mother,

the author says: got selber vil harte fleiz, si geschuof sin meisterschaft [7872].

do

Of course a scene of stormy grief on both sides ensues. 1 But now comes the interesting solution of the supernatural element. Meliur tells her story, from which it appears that she is not a fay at all; she simply a princess of Constantinople who has studied astrology, This accounts for all etc., at the request of her father. her power. And that power is now at an end because of Partono-

is

necromancy,

He

will now be seen by her people (hitherto nothing has been said of his invisibility, but the people's) and she will be compromised. This is all forced, of course. So too the hubbub next morning when Partonopier is found with Meliur is a pier's indiscretion.

1

Of the lady the following lines are expressive: mit herzewazzer si da twuoc ir liehteh wangel rosenvar [7960].

308

THE FAY

MIDDLE HIGH GERMAN

IN

85

tempest in a teapot, is rank nonsense. The scene might have been avoided by packing Partonopier off in the night instead of waiting for the telltale daylight.

The

He

know.

drawn

but for us the conclusion may be back home in the vessel we already Partonopier ships refuses to be comforted, he lets his hair and nails grow,

tale is long

briefly told.

out,

and neglects himself generally until he is on the verge of death. Meliur's sister finds him thus in the forest. She takes him to her

home

(an island kingdom, the gift of Meliur) and finally brings about But in the end Partonopier has to overthrow a

a reconciliation.

powerful suitor before he can claim his bride. It can be easily seen from this sketch that the author

first

the

French and following him the German has avoided the fairy motif at all costs, although it was inherent to an unalterable degree in the tradition.

He simply refuses to take the responsibility for that phase

The forest of Arden is described as " hisdouse et fae"e " a remark which Konrad did not see fit to take over and the boat is "as if" it were that of a fairy. The expression veine is used on of the story.

two other occasions once by Partonopier's would-be bride as quoted above; and again when the mother says to the archbishop, "em :

wildiu veine in triuget" (7500).

Neither of these

ment by the author, who throughout as a superstition.

In

fact, in

both the cases just

as equivalent of sorceress or devil.

is

a direct state-

treats the existence of fairies cited, veine is

The mother says

used

in the next

breath: "seht, herre, daz erschrecket mich, wan ich gelouben muoz da bl,

daz diu selbe frouwe niht anders

wan

si

der valant" [7516]. l

As the story proceeds the fairy element is put out of sight more and more. Whatever might have been due to it originally is explained on other grounds.

The motif is

of the silent castle with its service

by

invisible

hands

employed again by one of the least original of the Middle High

German

poets, der Pleier, in his Tandareis

Cf. also 7468, 6882, 6903, 6828,

und

Flordibel.

Here

6840 for the same or similar appellations.

309

it is

H. W. PUCKETT

86

stripped of all its supernatural qualities by a rather prosaic explanaAfter the completion of many knightly labors Tandareis, findtion.

ing time hanging heavy on his hands, "nach aventiur wolt riten in dem wait/' albeit "daz gebirge was so vram/ und der wait so irre-

He comes

sam."

into the wildest region imaginable,

and

all

but

Going down the perishes in the attempt to cross a mountain there. a house grander of a waterfall side the discovers he by opposite slope than any King Arthur ever the traveler,

enjoying

who

among

No one comes forward to welcome

built.

nevertheless enters

and makes himself at home,

other things a sumptuous repast.

of the castle with her retinue of

women returns.

Eventually the It seems that

queen they have merely been out taking the air. The knight who spends some days here is still puzzled about the way things are done. 1 Naturally Queen Albiun and her company toil not, neither do they Albiun satisfies his spin, yet there is not a servant to be seen.

curiosity at last

mountain is

out (9676

f.).

pointing out.

An

by

him that a corps of dwarfs from the morning and do the work while the company

telling

slip in every

The inadequacy

of this explanation scarcely needs

It is characteristic of der Pleier's clumsiness.

echo of the situation in Partonopier und Meliur is to be found The hero pursues a stag in the leaving his men far behind. Night finds him in the midst

again in Friedrich von Schwaben. forest,

of the forest,

where he has

lost his

game and

his bearings.

But

at

he discovers a house which, though seemingly without still offers shelter and food. In the night something inhabitant, him at as he lies in bed. On keeps plucking seizing the offender he this juncture

it is a girl, who now tells him a story of a wicked stepmother and the spell by which she condemned the girl to take the form of a stag by day. One of the things that Friedrich has to do to release Angelburg is to share her bed for a long period without approaching her and without beholding her. He does let himself

finds that

1 "niwan zwelf man" are mentioned as a part of the company. The preponderance of women here just as truly as in the kingdom of Lanzelet's godmother, or at the court of Mundirosa, Meliur, and others, attests the foreign influence of the kingdom of fays. I believe that this influence is also felt where direct evidence is wanting. Thus we find

Virginal living in her isolated mountain-castle, ruling, to be sure, not over fays, but over those to the German mind more familiar Elementargeister, dwarfs. Jerome in Friedrich von Schwaben is herself a dwarf, queen of a dwarf kingdom. She becomes the mistress of the hero, who later flees from her subterraneous kingdom back into the world of men. After many years have elapsed a reconciliation takes place between the two.

310

THE FAY

IN

MIDDLE HIGH GERMAN

87

be persuaded to look on her and so fails at that time to break the I hardly need call attention to the fact that this episode is

spell.

connected with various popular traditions, 1 but certain features of the fairy-mistress story are still recognizable. One of the most delightful of the Middle High German epics dealing with this theme is Peter von Staufenberg. Although supposed to be based on Partonopier respects,

and

2

it

differs

from that poem

in

many

in general offers a pleasing variety in the midst of a

literature altogether too stereotyped.

The

story

is

very similar to

by Marie de France in her Lanval? Sir Peter fares forth from his castle one day and sees a frouwe sitting on a stone by the She returns his greeting so warmly that he dismounts and roadside. On the knight's part it is love at first sight. As for talks with her. the lady she tells him that she has been watching over him from his childhood up; she has kept him from harm in all his battles, and has thus made his name famous throughout the world. Upon his petition that she be with him his life long, she explains that he has but to wish for her when he is alone and she will appear. The happiness in store for Peter is marred somewhat by a condition as usual. And yet the terms of the lady's proposition seem at first blush that told

liberal

enough: swenn du denn wilt, so hastu mich, swa du alterseine bist. nu sag ich dir bi diser frist: und wiltu triiten minen lip, so muostu ane elich wip iemer sin unz an din tot und lebest gar an alle not biz an den jung-estlichen tag, daz dich nut gekrenken

1

mag

Of. p. 303.

2 See Jackel, Egenolf von Staufenberg, ein Nachfolger Konrads von W&rzburg. burg, 1898.

Mar-

I was struck by this similarity before I learned that C. W. Pettyman had pointed out (Mod. Lang. Notes, No. 21, p. 204). I have not read the article, but I am surprised that Schroder in the introduction to his edition of Peter does not lend more credence to the suggestion that Egenolf used some other source than Konrad for the plot of the Peter von story, however much he may be indebted to the latter in points stylistic. Staufenberg represents another type of fairy-mistress story from that found in Partonopier, and I feel sure without other evidence that the tradition comes from elsewhere. It is Cf. 1. 799, where a court easy to see that Egenolf is writing under French influence. dwarf, a being peculiar to French tradition, appears.

it

311

H.

88

W. PUCKETT

und daz du niemer swecher wirst, 1st daz du elich wip verbirst. nim swelch du*wil, wan ntit zer e. darzu hastu iemer me guotes swes din herz begert, des bistu, friint von mir gewert. aber nimst ein elich wip, so stirbet din vil stolzer lip

darnach

am

dritten tage:

fiirwar ich daz sage,

wan It will

ez

nieman erwenden kan

be noted that the law of conduct laid down here

The lady has no power

able.

[380].

to change its course.

is

inexor-

She regrets

and would unquestionably The condition of secrecy which free him from danger if she could. in Partonopier or in Gauriel is retained but appears silly and unmoti-

become

later that she has

his mistress

here removed: Peter, when pressed for his reasons for not marrying, is expressly told to publish the facts "stille und tibeiiut." is

vated,

He

has every inducement to avoid the penalty. And yet he fails. There is no other- world journey in Peter von Staufenberg for the fairy here, like LanvaFs mistress, is a child of nature, at home everywhere, but queen of no particular land. Instead of the perilous journey to fairyland Peter's traveling takes the form of a grand tour on which he displays the splendor showered on him by his mistress.

Upon replies

his return his brothers urge

him

to take a wife, to which he

:

"ich wil ein friez leben han die wile ich heize ein junger

When

older

members

of the error of his

of the family are

way, he swears he

man"

[665].

brought in to convince him be cut to pieces

will let himself

before he will marry.

At this juncture, as in Partonopier, a king brings his influence to bear by insisting that Peter wed his "muome." Cornered at last, Peter confesses the existence of his mistress, only to be told by a bishop present that such a bedfellow can be none other than the devil.

The upshot

The

young man is prevailed on to Here the similarity with Partonopier ends.

of it is that the

consent to the marriage.

farewell visit which his mistress pays Peter 312

is

lacking in

all

that

THE FAY

IN

makes Meliur's dismissal

MIDDLE HIGH GERMAN

of her lover sensational

89

and absurd.

Peter

simply told again that if he persists in taking a wife he must die. As a warning his mistress will let her foot be seen during the wedding festivities and that will mean that Peter has but three days of grace. is

The knight does carry out

his

purpose in the matter of the wedding,

the beautiful but ominous foot appears over the heads of the wedding party, and on the third day thereafter "von Stoufenberg her Peter-

man" succumbs It

to the death which

would be a pity to leave

to its literary merits.

no power could

avert.

without paying tribute It has the advantage of brevity with the this little epic

attendant virtue of unity. In both these qualities it resembles Lanval more than it does Partonopier. In its ending, however, it is like neither,

tion

is

but reminds one rather of the Faust legend. The narraand dramatic, at no point lacking in interest. My own

concise

testimony to this fact might be couched in the statement that this is the only Middle High German epic which I can boast to have read several times.

It belongs to the class

which Golther does not

hesitate to call Novellen.

Indeed, the very technique of Peter von Staufenberg warns us that

we have passed through the Middle High German period and are bordering on a more modern era, whose taste runs to Schwdnke and Volksbiicher

winded

epics.

than to sententious, meandering, and longThe passing of knighthood with its infinite leisure and

rather

unbounded love of romance, the rising bourgeois influence in politics, religion, and literature, and the coming of humanism with its potent ally, the printing-press, bring an entirely new order of things and close the first chapter in the history of fairy lore in

German

literature.

H. W. PUCKETT SYRACUSE UNIVERSITY

313

INTERCALATIONS IN THE NOVELS OF ALFRED MEISSNER 1

A

considerable

amount

of interspersed material

is

to be found in

the novels of the Austrian writer, Alfred Meissner, fiction which in the preceding generation enjoyed a wide popularity in Germanspeaking countries. Meissner's intercalations do not always take it is possible to classify them in a general way. as mere occur Often they anecdotes; at times they are present as a sort of sketch of a character's previous life, a fairly brief Lebensabriss;

the same form, in fact,

again they assume the diary or letter form; sometimes they constitute a distinct story within a story, in the manner of the Ich-Erzahlung?

Save for rare and brief quotations Meissner makes no use of interpolated lyric material such as was so common in the novels of the Romanticists, following Goethe's example in Wilhelm Meister, and was still found in abundance in Gutzkow's ponderous novel, 3 Ritter vom Geiste, which, as Klemperer has shown, influenced in many respects the Zeitroman of Meissner's times. Nor are frame stories in the

manner

of Boccaccio, such as Goethe, Tieck,

and Hauff

have popularized in German literature, present in Meissner's works. For the purpose of analysis it will be best to regard separately each of the styles of intercalation

which are met with in our author.

As a rule Meissner's anecdotes are introduced for the light they on some character, either the narrator, or the person or persons about whom they are told. Considered from this point of view their presence is justified in the plot. They are narrated quite briskly and cast

vividly,

and do not

interfere seriously with the progress of the story.

1 The following investigation is the revision and extension of a part of a doctoral dissertation entitled A Study in the Technique of the Novels of Alfred Meissner, presented at Harvard University, in 1915.

2 Intercalations, particularly of the latter two varieties, are of course rather common in the novelistic literature of all countries. Wilhelm Kaiser in his Untersuchungen iiber Immermann's Romantechnik, Halle, 1906, pp. 47 fl. points out how their too abundant use leads to " Formlosigkeit, " as in the novels of Sterne and Jean Paul, although a novel

without some interruptions would appear "marmorglatt und marmorkalt." Victor Klemperer, Die Zeitromane Friedrich Spielhagens und ihre Wurzeln, pp. 44(Forschungen zur neureren Literaturgeschichte, Band XLIII), Weimar, 1913. 91 [MODEKN PHILOLOGY, October, 1918 315] 3

59.

AKTHUR ROLLINS GRAVES

92

Such an anecdote is the following, related by Princess Parergi in Zwischen Fiirst und Volk: 1 "Lord Panmure, den musst," erwiderte die

Du

allerdings in Florenz bei mir gesehen

Fiirstin, "ist ein ernsthafter

und

haben

wtirdiger English-

vorgenommen hatte, mir hier am Genfer See einen Besuch in der That hier eintraf und Nun, Ihr habt doch die komischen abzustatten, Cabriolets bemerkt, die nur hier zu Lande iiblich zu sein scheinen und nicht man, der

sich

.

wie andere Gefahrte nach vorn, sondern quer ihrer Lange nach, in der Richtung des Rades zu offen sind ? Lord Panmure steigt mit Murray's Handbuch

zu Genf in eine dieser Kaleschen, fahrt, den Wegweiser treulich studirend, von Genf nach Lausanne, von Lausanne nach Villeneuve, von dort auf dem savoyischen Gebiete uber Evian-Thonon zuriick. Er steigt in jeder grosseren Stadt auf dem Marktplatz ab und iibernachtet zweimal. Nach Englanderart lasst er sich mit

Niemandem, der ihm nicht

vorgestellt

ist,

in ein

Gesprach ein. Nach Genf heimgekehrt, sagt er endlich zu mir diese Gegend gefallt mir ganz gut, aber ich weiss nur nicht, wie die Leute behaupten konnen, es gebe hier in der Nahe einen See. I,ch habe eine Rundreise durch alle Orte gemacht, die man als am See gelegene bezeichnet, und keinen See auffinden konnen. Der Wagen, in dem der Arme sass, hatte die offene :

Halfte der Landseite zugekehrt."

In Schwarzgelb a charming little anecdote is told about Frau von Sesie and her escapades with three students. It reflects little on the character of the narrator, Ostrow, action, but gives a vivid idea of in fact, expressly to this end 2

who

its

is

of

heroine.

minor importance in the Meissner introduces it,

:

....

Ihre

tollen

Streiche

.

deren macht

sind so harmloser Art

sie

freilich

genug

so kindisch, neckisch doch, soil ich Ihnen, Prinz, einen dieser narrischen Streiche erzahlen, damit Sie von einem auf alle schliessen und einen klareren Begriff von ihrem Charakter erhalten, als ich ihn Ihnen durch die geringe

-

Kunst der Charakteristik, liber die ich gebiete,

geben kann ?

But occasionally an anecdote may be related for another purpose than to explain character. An interesting case of this kind is to be 1 See pp. 177, 178. The edition used is Gesammelte Schriften, Leipzig, 1872. Other novels of Meissner referred to and not contained in this edition are Die Kinder Roms,

Berlin, 1870;

Feindliche Pole, Berlin, 1878;

Auf und

Nieder, Berlin, 1880.

2

It may be compared in this respect with the lively Schwarzgelb, II, 55, 56. anecdote related by Leidenfrost in Hitter vom Geiste about the Theaterintendant, Herr

von Harder.

See 6. Aufl., 4. Band, 8. Buch, pp. 120-23, Berlin, 1878. Harder, it observed, bears a considerable resemblance to Baron Gospot-Kircher, Intendant des koniglichen Hoftheaters, in Meissner's Feindliche Pole, and served perhaps as a model for this character.

may be

316

INTERCALATIONS IN THE NOVELS OF ALFRED MEISSNER

93

found in Babel, where one novel. story,

is employed to motivate the naming of the Count Mersenburg, a minor character of the decided to erect a tower, "Eine Art Walhalla, wenn ich

The

mit

es

father of

diesem

germanischen

Ruhmeshalle, in welcher er reprasentirt sehen wollte

alle

Namen

bezeichen

darf

-

-

eine

Nationalitaten unseres Kaiserstaates

." This tower, however, owing to inherent in the plan, did not reach completion: "Endlich er Alles liegen, und da ragt nun der seltsame Thurm als halbe

difficulties liess

Ruine auf dem Hugel dort und wird von den Leuten in der Umgegend Thurm von Babel genannt." 1

der

Short biographies of the personages of the story are frequently met with in our author, whose practice in the actual writing of his novels reminds one of the preparation for composition of the Russian

who

first "wrote out a sort of biography of each of the and characters, everything that they had done and that had hap2 Such sketches are to them up to the opening of the story." pened

Turgenieff

sparsely

represented

Samara and Zwischen later,

in

Meissner's

first

novelistic

Furst und Volk, and are more

productions, in the

common

particularly his Zeitromane, of which Schwarzgelb

is

a good

exemplar. Although they serve to illuminate the individuality of the persons about whom they are related, it cannot be denied that they retard the action of the plo't considerably. They are the mark of a diffuse rather

than of a concentrated narrative style such as that Meyer, and they instil epic breadth instead of

of the Swiss C. F.

and dramatic progression into Meissner's work. His technique, in this respect, shows perhaps the influence of Sir Walter 3 Scott, whose novels were so widely read in Germany toward the middle of the last century. Let us consider, in some detail, such a directness

Lebensabriss.

Frau von Sesie has an interesting record. 4 Her father, a night watchman in a suburban theater in Vienna, secures a position for her as a young 1 For other examples cf. ibid., II, 87, 86; Neuer Adel, I, 143, 144; Babel, II, 99-101. Sansara, I, 235-39; ibid., II, 82-85; Schwarzgdb, I, 59, 60; ibid., 166, 167. 2 See Henry James's introduction to Memoirs of a Sportsman, pp. xxx, xxxi, London,

1905.

"Scott hat die Methode: wenn er eine neue Figur entweder hat auftreten oder lassen, so schlagt er sich allemal ins Mittle, uns eine historische und biograph" Cf. ische Skizze von derselben zu geben, ja wohl von ihrem ganzen Stamme Otto Ludwig, Gesammelte Schriften, 6. Band, p. 86, Leipzig, 1891. 3

erwahnen

4

Schwarzgelb, II, 87-89.

317

ARTHUR ROLLINS GRAVES

94

Suitors are soon attracted

by her exceptional beauty.

girl,

in a ballet.

The

first to find favor in her eyes are the supernumeraries of the theater,

and they are succeeded by a waiter. Presently she graduates from the humble gargon to a head waiter, who in turn yields to a journalist. The Subselatter is supplanted in her affections by the attache* of an embassy. she in until the in demi-monde is veiled her emerges gloom history quently of Paris, bearing the name and title of an imaginary and defunct nobleman. Henceforth she chooses to move in semi-aristocratic circles. She receives many brilliant offers of marriage, but refuses them all in order to maintain the secrets of her youth.

The

police-spy, Burda, receives in part the following biographical

sketch, the introduction of which

Doch

es ist Zeit, dass wir

dessen Charakter

ihm

dem

is

specially motivated:

Leser eine Biographic des

Mannes

bereits aus der Darstellung des Chevalier

bringen,

bekannt

Sie ist in Kiirze folgende:

geworden. Als Sohn armer Eltern war Burda sehr fruh bei einem Kramer in einer bohmischen Landstadt in die Lehre getreten. Er that nicht gut, wechselte

und kam, nach mannigfachen Gliickswechseln, Auch dort konnte er sich nicht halten und war im tiefsten Grunde seiner Seele mit seiner Stellung unzufrieden. Hier war es, wo er seinen ersten Geniestreich ausfiihrte und mehrmals

die

endlich als

Commis

Stellung

seinen, in eine nicht

denuncirte.

in ein Prager Handelshaus.

unbedeutende Zolldefraudation verwickelten Brodherrn

Er hatte

sich als Preis

bedungen, dass

man ihm die Stelle That zum Lohne.

eines Finanzaufsehers gebe, und diese ward ihm in der Da hatte nun sein Talent das rechte Feld gefunden. Er

nahm, wo

es ging,

Bestechungen Theil und verrieth die betrogenen Betriiger. Da er sich dabei stets die loyalste Miene zu erhalten wusste, war er endlich, fur so viel Verdienste um den osterreichischen Staats-Schatz, zum Revisions-

an

alien

beamten befordert worden und hatte

als solcher die

gebenen, die friiher seinesgleichen gewesen, auf der zu iiberwachen. 1

On

Aufgabe, die Unter-

Bahn

der Rechtlickheit

rare occasions the intercalation consists of a document, such

as letters or leaves from an old diary. Three insertions of this nature occur in Meissner's novels. In each case they have a direct

connection with the story, either adding a shade of mystery, or offering a solution for something not fully understood in the past.

They are also valuable for the aid they render in interpreting the characters of their writers, although they do not afford Meissner, as 1

See Schwarzgelb,

For other examples of this frequent practice cf Neuer II, 47-49. Vorspiel, pp. 16, 17; ibid., I, 85; Feindliche Pole, I, 26-30; ibid., I, 151-53; I, 89, 90; ibid., II, 29, 30; Babel,!, 94, 95; ibid., I, 114, 115; Zwischen Furst und Volk, I, 15, 16; Sansara, III, 105, 106. .

Adel,

Kinder Roms,

318

INTERCALATIONS IN THE NOVELS OF ALFRED MEISSNER

95

they did Goethe in the entries in Ottilie's diary in the Wahlverwandtschaften, a means of uttering deep truths and wise reflections

Thus Reinhold, the hero of Zwischen Furst und Volk, finds some sheets of a diary, yellow with age. They introduce an element on

of

life.

1

mystery into the story, for Reinhold

of the author

is

is

not content

till

the history

This intercalation, like the other two couched in emotional prose, which is often

cleared up.

mentioned above, is elegiac and at times just a specimen of this prose

falls

short of being rhythmical.

We

quote

2 :

kam

eben nach Hause. Es ist beinahe Mitternacht. Es war ein vergeblicher Gang; noch kein Brief, keine Nachricht von Dir! Ich kam nach Hause mit der ganzen Last einer im vollen Gewiihle der Menschen einsamen Seele, mit der Unruhe einer zerstorenden Unzufriedenheit. Es ist, als wenn Stimmen von Geistern, die mein Loos ergriffen hat, riefen Agnes, arme Agnes! Aber mein stolzes Herz will von Dir Trost empfangen. 0, dass Du nicht so fern warest, dass Du mir zur Seite standest ich bin Ich

:

und mochte mein Haupt an deine Schulter lehnen! Einen ahnlichen Zustand ertrage ich am Tage und verberge ihn hinter einem schweigsamen Wesen. In der unbelauschten Stube und in libernachtigen da muss ich die Hande ringen Augenblicken ertrag' ich ihn nicht, so tief unglucklich

geisterartig!

A Julie

....

similar intercalation

von Weyher.

They

is

to be found in Babel in the letters of

give the clue

by which the mystery

birth of Veronica, the heroine of the novel,

is finally

of the

explained.

Meissner accompanies these letters with the following interesting description of their nature :

Erglisse eines leidenschaftlichen Herzens, die vor im wieder aufwallten; eine Lyrik war in diesen Briefen, die er kaum mehr

Es waren

die

Die Geliebte sagte ihrem Freunde in hundert Weisen, was er und brachte den Hymnus ihres Fiihlens nie zu Ende. Schmerz iiber Verlassenheit, Gram und Zorn liber die Welt, in welcher sie den, der ihr

verstand. ihr

sei,

ihre

war, nicht als den Ihrigen bekennen durfte, Sorge, die das verspatete Eintreffen jedes Brief es wie eine beginnende Vernachlassigung empfand,

alles

dann wieder

Gliick, Jubel liber jedes ihr

zukommende Lebenszeichen und

Liebeswort mischten sich darin. 3 Robert Riemann, Goethes Romantechnik, pp. 131-33, Leipzig, 1902.

1

Cf. Dr.

2

Zwischen Furst und Volk,

I,

100, 101.

Cf. also Neuer Adel, III, 222-26, in which the long, hidden Babel, I, 163. letters of Marie von Rosenstern are introduced to throw light on her character and reveal

her past history.

319

ARTHUR ROLLINS GRAVES

96

most important intercalations made by our author Ich-Erzahlungen which he scatters with generous hand throughout his novels. Each story of this sort is of course related by one of the characters of the novel in which it occurs, and usually has

But by

far the

are the

a direct connection with the plot, explaining something which hitherto has not been clear to the peruser. In other words we have for the most part to do with a type of interpolations which have been termed "

1 nachtragliche Ich-Erzahlungen," and which, while not essentially different from the usual interpolated story, avoid to a certain extent

the disturbing elements in it. Since they illuminate something the reader is anxious to understand, they are somewhat more welcome

than those which merely interrupt the action to tangle, not unravel the plot. In no one novel, however, does Meissner begin to use as

many Hitter

"nachtragliche Ich-Erzahlungen" as does Karl Gutzkow in his Geiste, in which the obscurity, which envelops practically

vom

2 every one of the more important characters, must thus be lightened. A good case of our author's practice in this regard may be observed

in

Zwischen Furst und Volk.

diary found

by Reinhold.

was Agnes

arid that her life

various times the

name

of

In

Mention has already been made

of the

he discovers that the writer's

name

it

must have been extremely sad. At Agnes reappears in the story; thus Rein-

hold stumbles upon her grave in Zurich. Finally the riddle is solved The latter had partially by the story which Duke Heinrich relates.

been Agnes' lover many years before. At that time political business had forced him to leave her for many months, and in this long period of absence Agnes had borne him a child about which he had known In an unfortunate hunting accident which had taken place nothing.

immediately after his return the poor

The

wound had

girl

had been shot by her

lover.

her insane and undermined her general health so that she had died shortly afterward in Zurich. This we bullet

learn from the

Duke.

left

Later, in the additional intercalated story of

1 Of. Dr. Fritz Karsen, Henrik Steffens Romane, p. 78. Heft), Leipzig, 1908.

(Breslauer Beitrdge, 16.

example, in Ritter vom Geiste the Ich-Erzahlungen related by Rudhard, 2. Buch, pp. 83-87; by Helene d'Azimont, 2. Band, 4. Buch, pp. 128-33; by Furst Egon, 2. Band, 5. Buch, pp. 371-74; by Auguste, 3. Band, 5. Buch, pp. 32-39; by Major Werdeck, 3. Band, 6. Buch, pp. 170-73. Cf also the long intercalation dealing with Rodewald's life, which, however, is not related in the first person, but imparted directly and baldly by the author, 4. Band, 9. Buch, pp. 262-85. 2

Band,

Of., for 3.

.

320

INTERCALATIONS IN THE NOVELS OF ALFRED MEISSNER

97

Reinhold, we hear that Reinhold is none other than Agnes' and the son of the Duke. We should also mention the fact

ii

;hild,

:hat a distorted version of the

hunting accident had already been

narrated by another character, Eberhard Siebenkamm.

Thus there One is

are three interpolated stories having to do with Agnes' fate. 1

reminded of the various intercalations in

Ritter

to do with the fate of the counterfeiter of

Zeck.

is is

vom

many

Geiste

which have

aliases, Friedrich

2

But the Ich-Erzdhlung also appears in Meissner's novels where it not directly linked with the plot. An excellent case of this kind to be seen in Feindliche Pole, in the reminiscences of General

3 Aschberg. They are not necessary to our understanding of the plot, but serve merely as a foil for the principal theme of the book, the contention between Themar, prime-minister of a small German state,

Zoller, who is unacquainted with informs us of an early love affair of his Aschberg with a simple English girl. Although she bears him a son, he does not marry her, and she disappears with her child. After many years

and

his illegitimate son,

Hermann

this relationship.

the General takes part in a campaign of the Crimean war. critical

moment

his life is

saved by a young English captive.

At a The

General effects the exchange of the youth, who at the last moment discloses his identity to him. He is no other than Aschberg's son,

but he refuses to pardon his father for the wrong done his mother. Soon afterward the General orders a redoubt of the enemy stormed. It is captured,

in defending

but only at the cost of the life of his son who is engaged it. Herr von Themar, to whom the story is told,

meditates as follows upon

it:

4

"Schrecklich, schrecklich," dachte er sich, "Solche Conflicte zwischen Jener richtet die Kanonen gegen den Platz, wo sein Vater

Vater und Sohn!

commandirt, auf die Gefahr hin, ihn todtlich zu treffen. Zoller's Geschosse sind weniger furchtbar, aber vergiftet und treffen meine Stellung und meine Ehre. Dort hat her Tod die unnatiirlichen Verhaltnisse gelost hier geht der

Kampf

weiter

."

That of Siebenkamm, pp. 306-12; that of Duke Heinrich, pp. 316-23; that of Frau Reinhold, pp. 328-36. 2 Of., Ritter vom Geiste, 3. Band, 5. Buch, pp. 28-31; ibid., pp. 39, 40; 3. Band, 7. Buch, pp. 251-66; 3. Band, 7. Buch, p. 277. 1

3

Feindliche Pole, II, 234-53.

4

Ibid., p. 253.

321

ARTHUR ROLLINS GRAVES

98

An

intercalated story, which, however, is

person,

is

not related in the

first

1 Auf und Niedbr by the scoundrelly Rothaan, who But this wish is frustrated to obtain the royal favor.

told in

has long desired

by his poverty. He therefore decides to make a rich marriage, and narrates the story of the Italian cavalier, Romagnoli, who obtains an important court position by winning the hand of a rich heiress.

An

interesting case of similar parallelism

may

be observed in the

short story, Die wunderlichen Nachbarskinder, which is interpolated For a Striking example of the in Goethe's Wahlverwandtschaften?

same thing Arabian

more recent times, compare the Mondschein in C. F. Meyer's Der Heilige? Meyer's technique in the proportioning and the

in the literature of

tale of Prinz

Needless to say, correlating of the intercalated story is far superior to that of Meissner. Meissner's Ich-Erzdhlungen are introduced in a more or less

manner, generally with insufficient preparation or In other words they do not appear naturally in the and place must be made for them in a somewhat arbitrary way.

stereotyped motivation. story,

Meissner, like Gutzkow, might have learned in this respect from Hauff or from Tieck, many of whose intercalated stories are intro-

duced in a masterly fashion. 4

It

is,

for instance, difficult to under-

stand just why the conspirator, Negroni, should feel called upon to 5 He begins repeat the tale of his life to Haldenstein and Grauwak. :

"Da wir so gesellig bei einander sitzen," sagte Negroni mit freundlich geglatteten Mienen, "will ich Ihnen wenigstens eine Episode aus meinem Leben zum Besten geben. Dieses Leben, das so vielfach umhergeworfene, erscheint mir selbst oft ein fremdes, seltsames und abenteuerliches Marchen wenn ich mich je entschliessen konnte, im Alter meine Memoiren zu

doch ich bin an's schreiben, es gabe vielleicht ein merkwurdiges Buch Verschweigen gewohnt, und mir graut vor dem blossen Gedanken, meine und anderer Leute Geheimnisse als Waare hinter den Glasfenstern eines Buchladens aufzustellen. Nun, wir sind unter uns. Auch will ich Ihnen mir ein Kapitel erzahlen. Vorerst aber mtissen Sie im Allgemeinen wissen,

wer ich bin und wie ich der geworden, den Sie heute vor

sich sehen."

103-9.

1

1,

2

See Riemann, op. Cf.

tit.,

p. 52.

Marion Lee Taylor, A Study

Novellen, pp. 49, 50.

of the Technique in Konrad Ferdinand Meyer's Dissertation, University of Chicago, 1909.

4

See Karsen, op.

5

Schwarzgelb, II, 102.

cit.,

pp. 77, 78.

322

INTERCALATIONS IN THE NOVELS OF ALFRED MEISSNER

99

In this passage Negroni admits that he is used to silence, but spite the dangers from spies and treachery, and his own bitter experiences, he does not hesitate to unfold the story of his career

two comparatively strange men. Just why in Zwischen Fiirst und Volk the Duke should relate to Schalk the episode of his youth, which he has kept secret all his life, to

is

not

1

clear.

We read

2 :

Setzen Sie sich, Schalk!

Ich will Ihnen Alles erzahlen, und damit

dem

Vertrauen, das ich Ihnen allerzeit geschenkt habe, die Krone aufsetzen. Sie werden die Geschichte meiner Jugend horen, welche so tief, aber auch so ungliicklich wie keine

war

!

Sie

werden

finden, dass es Zuf alle

und Umstande

giebt, deren plotzliches Eintreffen Verhangnisse erzeugt, so schrecklich, als wenn Damonen mit dem Menschen spielten und sich iiber seine Absichten

und Zwecke

belustigten!

In the actual narration of the Ich-Erzdhlungen, Meissner takes pains that the reader may be aware of the fact that they are merely This he accomplishes by means of interpolations within the novel. little asides,

either of the listener or the speaker.

ruptions are customary in real is

thus attained.

An example

life,

or

Since such inter-

a certain degree of verisimilitude

two

will suffice to

show the method

:

"Verzeihen Sie die Unterbrechung," fiel Grauwak dem Erzahler ins "Mich lassen meine geographischen Kenntnisse fiir den Augenblick im Stich, und doch mochte ich, bei dem grossen Interesse, mit welchem ich Wort.

3 Ihrer Leidensgeschichte folge, gern wissen, wo eigentlich diese Inseln liegen." "Erzahlen Sie weiter, Durchlaucht," bat Hostiwin, "es war nur ein in

mir auftauchender Gedanke." 4

In the use of such interruptions Meissner's technique is far superior to that of the earlier writer, Henrik Steffens, who employs

innumerable and lengthy Ich-Erzdhlungen, but who, unlike Hauff and others, had not acquired from Sir Walter Scott the extremely valuable

method of relieving their monotony "durch leidenschaftliche Fragen und Ausrufe des Zuhorers." 5 But our author does not err to the Cf. Kaiser, op. cit., p. 49: "Die Ich-Erzahlungen erscheinen nur dann angebracht. sie sich ungezwungen in den Rahmen des Ganzen einfiigen, insbesondere, wenn es der betreffenden Person Bediirfnis ist, sich auszusprechen, oder wenn jemand anders sich 1

wenn

teilnehmend erkundigt." 2 Zwischen Fiirst und Volk, '

Schwarzgelb, II, 112.

4

Sansara,

5

See Karsen, op.

p. 316.

II, 45. cit.,

pp. 78, 79.

323

ARTHUR ROLLINS GRAVES

100

other extreme as does Gutzkow, stories

who

interrupts his intercalated

with frequent and tedious philosophizings and reflections and

even impromptu debate, 1 so that the reading of them is at times rendered quite difficult. These intercalated stories, which are often of considerable length, are complete in themselves with characters, action, and settings all The characters receive little attention however; the their own. 2

action in which they are involved,

is

of far

more importance. 3

Agnes,

for example, does not impress us as a girl with a definite personality.

We are told that she has a sweet, gentle nature, and a love for culture and

learning, rare in a country

woman.

But

this is not evident

from

the things she says and does. It is the hunting accident, in which she is wounded, which receives the bulk of the author's attention.

The same observation

holds true for most of these interpolations:

not the personages, but the things which happen to them, which

it is

are of most interest to the author.

And

these things, usually, as in

the case of Aschberg and his son, are highly improbable. These intercalations, in spite of the information they may bring, tend further to interrupt

and delay the main story and force the reader

to think of two actions concurrently with the resulting danger that

the theme proper be confused. Since the events of the intercalated story have occurred before those related in the chief action of the novel, the chronological sequence of the plot

turbed.

Indeed, whatever

may

is

also seriously dis-

be said as to the merits of the other

it is certain that Meissner's Ich-Erzdhlungen a distinct blemish in his novelistic technique. represent

styles of intercalation,

ARTHUR ROLLINS GRAVES UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA 1

2

II,

Cf

Ritter vom Geiste, 3. Band, 7. Buch, pp. 251-66 (Murray's Erzahlung). For other examples, cf. Neuer Adel, III, 179-92; Babel, II, 130-37; Kinder Roms, .

130-39; a

ibid.,

IV, 80-102;

The Ich-Erzdhlung

ibid.,

IV, 196-201;

in Sansara, IV, statement. It is excellently introduced characters subordinated to the action.

Feindtiche Pole,

I,

127-35.

184-200, constitutes an exception to this and correlated with the story, nor are the

324

DIE INDOGERMANISCHE MEDIA ASP I RATA. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG.

12.

Ill

Die bisherigen Erwagungen haben das

Folgende ergeben In keiner Sprache stosst der bisherige Ansatz auf eine Unmoglichkeit; andernfalls ware er durch das Nachdenken der SprachDoch sprechen gegen ihn diese forscher langst beseitigt worden. :

Griinde

:

gh miissen ohne Erklarung bald als Verschlusslaute mit stimmhaftem, bald mit stimmlosem Hauch aufgefasst werden, und 1.

bh, dh,

beide Auffassungen sind phonetisch fraglich. 2. Die Entwicklung von bh zu b usw. widerspricht im Germanischen und Armenischen der Richtung der Lautverschiebung. 3. Andrerseits widerspricht die Entwicklung zu ph (die zum Germanischen und Armenischen passen wiirde) der griechischen Sprechart, in geringerem Masse auch der italischen.

4.

Der Zeitunterschied in der Vollendung des Lautwandels von im Griechischen und Lateinischen ist auffallig

bh zu ph zu / (zu 6) gross.

5. Die germanische Entwicklungsrichtung deutet nicht auf stimmhafte Aspiraten, sondern mit der grossten Deutlichkeit auf stimmlose Spiranten; die Stimmlosigkeit wird auch durch das

Italische

und Griechische

gefordert,

wahrend

alle

andern Sprachen

eher auf stimmhafte Spiranten weisen wiirden; dieser Widerspruch lost sich aber durch 14. 6.

bh,

dh, gh

kommen

in nicht-arischen

Nachbarsprachen des

Indischen, aber sonst nirgends in der Welt vor; das macht die indischen stimmhaften Aspiraten der Entlehnung verdachtig.

Ich halte

dafiir,

dass diese Griinde den Versuch rechtfertigen, zu

priifen, wie sich der Ansatz von stimmlosen Spiranten statt der aspirierten Medien auf die einzelsprachlichen Verhaltnisse anwenden lasst.

III.

bh, dh,

gh ALS STIMMLOSE SPIRANTEN.

ZUR UMSCHRIFT. In den bisherigen Teilen dieser Abhandich mich aus praktischen Griinden im allgemeinen an die habe lung 13.

325]

101

[MODERN PHILOLOGY,

October, 1918

E. PROKOSCH:

102

gebrauchlichsten Umschriften gehalten; in den folgenden Auseinandersetzungen aber wird es vielfach notig sein, zwischen lenes und

Die gewohnlichen Mittel der Umschrift schlecht dazu reichen aus, denn sprachwissenschaftliche Werke pflegen diese Laute iiberhaupt nicht zu unterscheiden, und die im fortes klar zu unterscheiden.

System der internationalen phonetischen Vereinigung angewandte Lenisbezeichnung (Kreis unter dem Buchstaben, z.B. b) ist aus typographischen Griinden fur viele Buchstabenformen recht un-

Ausserdem ware

geeignet. heitliches

alphabetisches Zeichen zu

diakritischem

es sicher besser, fur jede lenis ein ein-

Symbol haben.

statt

eines

Buchstabens

Daher verwende

ich

in

mit deft

weiteren Abschnitten diese Zeichen:

f

}

p

y

= stimmlose

Fortes-Spiranten,

,

B,

k = stimmlose Fortes-Verschlusslaute,

TT,

^

x= stimmlose

Lenes-

Spiranten. p,

t,

T,

K = stimmlose Lenes-

Verschlusslaute. 6, d,

g

= stimmhafte

Der

griechische

Verschlusslaute,

/3,

5,

y = stimmhafte

Spiranten.

Buchstabe bezeichnet also uberall dem

latei-

nischen (bzw. germanischen) gegeniiber eine Minderung der Artikulationsenergie;

bei stimmlosen

Lauten aussert

sich

diese als

Gegensatz zwischen fortis und lenis, bei stimmhaften naturgemass als Gegensatz zwischen Verschlusslaut und Spirans. Die angewandten Zeichen nahern sich einigermassen der lautlichen Geltung, die ihnen in modernen Sprachen zukommt. Gewiss wird man mir die Ver-

wendung abweichender Transkription nicht

als Eigenbrotelei ausIch bin aufs Xusserste gegen die Aufstellung individueller neuer Umschriftarten eingenommen. Aber die Bediirfnisse gerade der vorliegenden Arbeit machten es gar zu schwer, mit den gebrauch-

legen.

auszukommen. Und schliesslich ist ja die Neuerung Im grossen und ganzen handelt es sich um die konsewird namentqueniere Durchfiihrung bestehender Gewohnheiten. lich von romanischen Phonetikern vielfach fur p gebraucht, % fast

lichen Zeichen

nicht gross.

allgemein fur die velare Spirans; die Verwendung dieses Zeichens fur die lenis (sonst wird es ja ohne Unterschied fur lenis und fortis

gebraucht) machte ein neues Zeichen fur die fortis unvermeidlich. Will jemand ein besseres Zeichen fur diese vorschlagen, so soil es mich 326

"

DIE INDOGERMANISCHE

MEDIA ASPIRATA"

103

mein Zeichen nicht, aber mit dem [x] der phonetischen Vereinigung kann ich mich fur sprachwissenschaftliche Zwecke noch weniger befreunden. 7 wird haufig, j3 und 8 nicht sehr selten

freuen; mir gefallt

fur die stimmhafte Spirans verwendet.

TT,

K als lenes

r,

den fortes

k gegentiberzustellen, mag am ehesten bedenklich erscheinen, p, empfiehlt sich aber wegen der Analogic von , 6, x gegen /, p, ft. Zum System der internationalen phonetischen Vereinigung t,

wiirden sich diese Zeichen folgendermassen verhalten:

= [f, p,t,k = [p, 6,

= [b, d,flf

t, k],


d, g],

ft 5,

p, x],

T =b,

3, g]

(Zwischen labialem und labiodentalem / zu unterscheiden, ist wenn notig, liesse sich fur die fortis das inter-

hier nicht erforderlich,

nationale Zeichen

fur die lenis griechisch F verwenden.)

[p],

PHONETISCHE BEMERKUNGEN. Alle Anderungen der Artikulationsart von Verschlusslauten oder Spiranten schliessen notwendigerweise eine Steigerung oder Minderung der Artikulationsenergie Diese kann verschiedener Art sein in sich. 1. Der Atemdruck wird gesteigert oder gemindert. 14.

:

2.

3.

Die Muskelspannung wird gesteigert oder gemindert. Es tritt eine Verbindung zweier Faktoren ein.

Aussprachesteigerung ist also Spannung oder beider Faktoren.

Ausspracheminderung

ist

eine

Zunahme

Abnahme

des Druckes oder der

des Druckes oder der

Spannung oder beider Faktoren. A. STEIGERUNG. ist

Die Unterscheidung von Expirationsdruck und nur eine ausserliche. "Druck" beruht auf der

Muskelspannung Tatigkeit von Rumpfmuskeln "Spannung" im phonetischen Sinne wird auf die Muskeln der Glottis oder des Ansatzrohres bezogen. Auf grund theoretischer Erwagungen wie nach Ausweis der wirklichen ;

Sprachanderungen entspricht die Reihenfolge der Steigerungsvorgange

dem

bedeutet:

Krafteverhaltnis der betreffenden Muskelpartieen.

Bei Steigerung

ist

Druck der primare, Spannung der

sekundare Faktor; solange Drucksteigerung moglich begleitet

Das

von einer Spannungssteigerung, 327

ist, tritt sie

ein,

die lediglich Reaktion gegen

E.

104 sie 1st;

ist

PROKOSCH

Drucksteigerung nicht moglich, so erfolgt Spannungsbestimmender Faktor. Steigerungen gehen also von

steigerung als

der Lunge aus, sodann erfolgt Spannung der Stimmbander, und Spannung von Mundmuskeln tritt zuletzt ein (in diesem Satze ist auf Reaktionsspannung keine Riicksicht genommen, sondern nur auf

Spannung als bestimmenden Faktor). Geht man beispielsweise von dem Verschlusslaut sich folgende

t

aus, so ergeben

Anderungen:

Drucksteigerung fuhrt zur Aspiration (wobei Spannungssteigerung meist als Reaktion miterfolgt), weitere Drucksteigerung lost 1.

den Verschluss: t>th>p. Die stimmlose Spirans

ist ein

vorlaufiges

Maximum.

Sie ist aus

starkstem Druck hervorgegangen, dem eine normale Spannung der schwachen Muskeln des Zungenblattes endlich nicht mehr

relativ

Widerstand

leistet;

ob zwischen

th

hangt von besonderen Umstanden

\rndp eine Affrikata ab, die ich

auseinandergesetzt habe, die aber hier nicht in

Der Vorgang lasst sich an dem Bilde lichen: der Dampfdruck nimmt zu,

(tp) eintritt,

JEGPh, XVI, 14 f., Betracht kommen.

eines Dampfkessels gut versinnbis das Sicherheitsventil durch

Eine weitere Steigerung ist nicht moglich; vielmehr tritt infolge des Mangels an Widerstand Druckminderung ein. Auf die Sprache bezogen heisst das Drucksteigerung hat zur Losung ihn geoffnet wird.

:

das Gegenwirken von Hochstdruck und wird unter gewohnlichen Sprechverhaltnissen nicht Hochstspannung

des Verschlusses geftihrt;

andauernd beibehalten. Durch naturgemasse Druckminderung, die von entsprechender Spannungsminderung (Reaktion) begleitet wird, Wenigstens ist dies die normale Entwicklung. Besondere Umstande konnen sie verhindern oder andern. tritt lenis fiir f ortis ein :

und Ansatzrohr bieten nun dem Atem freien Weg. Drucksteigerung kann darum vorlaufig nicht mehr eintreten, vielmehr erfolgt nun Spannungssteigerung, und zwar, wie oben gesagt, zunachst in der Glottis. Die Stimmbander schliessen sich, der Laut 2.

Glottis

wird stimmhaft 3.

6

:

Durch den

lich nicht

"

> 8.

Glottis verschluss (darunter verstehe ich hier natiir-

zum Schwingen der Atemdruck

"

im technischen Sinne, sondern den der Stimmbander ftihrenden lockern Verschluss) ist

Kehlkopfverschluss

gehemmt und daher geschwacht. 328

Gegen diesen

DIE INDOGERMANISCHE

"

MEDIA ASPIRATA"

105

schwacheren Druck vermag Spannung der Zungenmuskeln einen Verschluss herzustellen; man konnte sagen: das Sicherheitsventil schliest sich durch seine Federkraft: 8>c?.

Der Atem 1st nun sowohl in der Glottis als auch im Ansatzrohr gehemmt. Dadurch tritt eine neue Moglichkeit der Drucksteigerung ein. Durch vermehrten Druck offnet sich die Glottis (nicht das Ansatzrohr, denn erst muss dem Atem an der ersten Hemmungsstelle 4.

Weg

freier

geschaffen werden), sodass der Laut stimmlos wird:

Der Druck nimmt weiter

5.

schluss

zu, solange

im Ansatzrohr

d>r.

ein Ver-

Unter gleichzeitiger Spannungssteigerung (Reaktion) fortis: r>t.

ist.

wird die lenis zur

Die

fortis

wird weiter zur aspirata

zur stimmlosen spirans fortis

durch naturgemasse Druck- und Spannungsminderung zur stimmlosen spirans lenis zur stimmhaften Spirans usw.

Somit ergibt sich diese Entwicklungsreihe der Steigerungsvorgange:

1

>p >S >8 >d >r >t >ih >ph >f [> >(3 >b >TT >p >ph >kh >#[>x[>7 >g >K >k >kh >th

t

p k

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

andeuten, dass die Entwicklung der linken zwar gesichert und notwendig ist, die Verbindung der beiden Seiten dagegen durch gewisse Bedingungen gestort werden kann. Fiir den gegenwartigen Zweck aber soil allein die ungestorte Entwicklung der ganzen Reihen in Betracht gezogen werden; ich nehme

(Das Trennungszeichen

und der rechten

[

will

Seite fur sich

daher z.B. keine Riicksicht darauf dass der labiale Spirant labiodental werden, der velare Spirant inf olge der besonderen Weichheit der Muskeln des Zungenriickens zu h werden kann; in beiden Fallen ist naturlich die weitere Ent,

wicklung behindert.)

Sprachliche Belege fur diese Reihen werden spater gegeben. Aus dem Gesagten leiten sich folgende Grundsatze ab: 1.

Was

wird verstarkt?

Solange ein Verschluss da

gesagt, gilt Schwingungsstellung der tritt

Drucksteigerung ein;

steigerung ein.

Das

Stimmbander

ist

(wie

als Verschluss),

fehlt der Verschluss, so tritt

Spannungs-

heisst:

Bei Verschlusslauten wachst der Atemdruck:

Bei Spiranten wachst die Spannung:

t>ih>p; d>r>t.

6>8>d.

naturlich eine Minderung, doch gehort sie in die Steigerungsreihe, weil sie eine normale Entwicklung aus der Verbindung zweier Steigerungsmaxima ist, wie 1st

oben ausgefiihrt.

329

E.

106

Wo

2.

wird verstarkt?

Atemstrom das

VerschlussZoswngr tritt dort ein,

da

ist)

im Ansatzrohr.

wo

der

das heisst, bei stimmhaften

erste Hindernis findet;

in der Glottis, bei stimmlosen

Lauten stelle

PROKOSCH

(wo eben nur eine Hemmungs-

Verschlussbildung tritt dort ein,

wo dem

Atemstrom das erste Hindernis geboten werden kann, d.h. bei stimmlosen

Lauten in der

Glottis, bei stimmhaften

Lauten im Ansatzrohr;

Losung: d>r, t>p, Verschluss: p>8, d>d. Darin liegt keine Spur einer neuen Theorie, noch nicht einmal ein neuer Gedanke. Es ist nur eine neue Aneinanderreihung von Selbstverstandlichem und Altbekanntem; dieser Form gesagt werden.

trotzdem musste es einmal in

Man

kann das Gesagte in dieses Schema zusammenstellen Durch Steigerung der Artikulationsenergie erf olgt

:

:

Bei stimmlosen Verschlusslauten "

Bei stimmhaften

Bei stimmlosen Spiranten Bei stimmhaften

Zum

Beispiel:

Losung "

"

im Ansatzrohr. in der Glottis.

Verschluss

in der Glottis.

im Ansatzrohr.

angenommenes

idg. *ero entwickelt sich so:

/3:

stimmloser Spirant Verschluss in der Glottis: germ. *(3eran. stimmhafter Spirant Verschluss im Ansatzrohr: got. bairan.

b:

stimmhafter Verschlusslaut

:

Oder t:

Losung

in der Glottis: obd. ireran.

idg. *urtnt:

stimmloser Verschlusslaut

Losung im Ansatzrohr: germ. *wur-

dun.

d:

stimmloser Spirant Verschluss in der Glottis: germ. *wurdun. stimmhafter Spirant Verschluss im Ansatzrohr: as. wurdun.

d:

stimmhafter Verschlusslaut

6:

B.

MINDERUNG.

Losung

in der Glottis: ahd. wurtun.

Die Steigerungsvorgange bieten ein Bild der

hochsten Einfachheit und Folgerichtigkeit.

Minderung der Artiku-

lationsenergie lasst sich nicht ganz so eindeutig darstellen.

Auseinandersetzung der

zum

(nebst den Veranderungen der ArtikulationssfeZZe

Ubergange und Artikulations-

form) habe ich im Manuskript ausgearbeitet, doch da in weniger enger

Beziehung

Eine

Teil recht verwickelten

steht, will ich sie

330

sie

zum Thema

mit Riicksicht auf den

DIE INDOGERMANISCHE

Raum

kostbaren

"

MEDIA ASPIRATA"

hier beiseite lassen

und nur

107

einige wesentliche

Punkte daraus anfiihren: 1.

Stimmlose Verschlusslaute werden durch

Druck und Spannung zu

Minderung von

lenes, weiterhin durch gewissermassen

automatische Glottisverengung (die namentlich zwischen stimmhaften Lauten eintritt) stimmhaft: lat. amatum>8isp. amado. Aber

durch Spannungsminderung bei fortdauerndem Druck werden sie zu stimmlosen Spiranten, was jedenfalls in der spatgriechischen Wandlung von ph, th, kh zu Spiranten vorliegt; ein besonders klares Beispiel bietet die irische "Lenierung" von zwischen vokalischem p, t, k (z.B. lat. pater:

air. athir).

werden durch Druckminderung bei gleichbleibender (oder steigender) Spannung zu stimmlosen Verschlusslauten, dagegen zu stimmhaften Spiranten, wenn die Spannung 2.

Stimmlose

gleichzeitig

zunimmt.

im Das

anlautendem

Spiranten

Ansatzrojir abnimmt, in der Glottis automatisch erstere liegt vor in der neunordischen

6 zu

Schwachung von

t

Wandlung von

schwed. tdnka), das letztere in der in schwachtonigen Wortern wie dem

(engl. think:

engl. 6

zu

6

Artikel. 3. Stimmhafte Verschlusslaute werden durch Spannungsminderung im Ansatzrohr zu stimmhaften Spiranten: asp. awacfo>neusp. amado.

Stimmhafte Spiranten sind schon Minima von Spannung und von Druck. Weitere Minderung fuhrt zum Wegfall (amado >amao). 4.

es

Wie man kommt im

sieht, sind einige Anderungen doppeldeutig, und einzelnen Falle auf den allgemeinen Sprachcharakter

Steigerung oder Minderung zu gelten haben: so kann aus t durch DrucksteigerUng oder durch Spannungsminde-

an,

ob

sie als

sich

p

(6)

kann durch Spannungssteigerung oder durch Druckminderung (vergleiche Verners Gesetz und den englischen rung ergeben, und

Artikel)

p

stimmhaft werden.

daran, dass

man

bei einer

Wem

Wage

dies auffallig scheint, der

das Gleiche erreicht, wenn

denke

man links

Gewichte zulegt oder rechts Gewichte wegnimmt.

Auf grund

Darlegungen ist nun die Entwicklung der versuchsweise angesetzten schwachen stimmlosen Spiranten in den dieser

331

E.

108

PROKOSCH Die Frage

einzelnen Sprachen zu betrachten.

Annahme

ob unsere

ist also die,

1 die folgenden Gleichungen erklart:

idg.

= ai.

<

bh, slav. b,

arm.

b,

gr. ph, lat. /,

germ.

(3

6

dh

d

d

th

f

d

X

gh

g

g

kh

h

7

15. INDISCH.

Die in

7 aufgestellte Vermutung, dass

ai.

bh,

Entwicklungen, sondern Lautiiberden Gang dieser Untersuchung keine

dh, gh vielleicht nicht lautliche

tragungen sein konnten,

ist fiir

Gerade weil uns der vorhistorische Lautcharakter

Notwendigkeit. der angenommenen mediae aspiratae nicht sicher bekannt ist, muss ihre phonetische Entwicklung aus andern Lauten als denkbar zugegeben werden; was wir nicht naher kennen, dariiber miissen wir eben alles

Mogliche zugeben. Zum Beispiel ware nichts Unwahrscheinan der Annahme, dass sie aus den stimmhaften Spiranten

liches

7

auf

dem Wege

iiber Affrikaten

(Meringers 6/3, gy, allerdings hervorgegangen seien: in diesem Falle hatte die Lautsteigerung (Verschlussbildung im Ansatzrohr) zunachst nur den Beginn des Lautes betroffen, wahrend sein Abglitt mehr und mehr /3,

5,

lieber d8 als sein dz)

mit Mundoffnung statt mit Spirantenenge gesprochen wurde; wir mtissten dann an eine altere Periode der Spannungssteigerung und eine jtingere Periode der Spannungsminderung im Indischen glauben; Indisch ware gewissermassen auf halbem Wege stehen geblieben, wahrend Iranisch die Verschlussbildung beendet hatte. Das ist eben

weder beweisen noch widerlegen, aber auch nicht durch Einfiigung in grossere eine jener physiologischen Konstruktionen, die sich

Zusammenhange

als

folgerichtig

begriinden

lassen.

Personlich

scheint mir Lautiibertragung der ganzen Sachlage nach sehr viel

wahrscheinlicher, doch sehe ich nicht, wie sich daruber zu voller

kommen liesse. Auf jeden Fall ist aber sowohl fiir Lautentwicklung wie fiir Lautiibertragung von stimmhaften, nicht von stimmlosen Spiranten auszugehen. Waren , 6, x d* 6 ursprachGewissheit

lichen Laute, so sind sie schon in vorindischer Zeit (in dem Dialekte des Indogermanischen, der zum Indischen fiihrte) in der in 14 ange-

gebenen Weise (das wurde in diesem Falle sowohl Lautsteigerung wie -minderung zulassen; weiteres in 20) stimmhaft geworden. i

Slav, gilt hier als Vertreter aller Sprachen, in denen die Medien und aspirierten Auf die kleineren idg. Sprachen wie Tocharisch, Phrygisch. Makedonisch, Venetisch usw. ist verzichtet. tfber Tocharisch lasst sich nichts sagen, die andern scheinen dem Slavischen in diesem Punkte gleich zu sein.

Medien zusammenf alien.

332

DIE INDOGERMANISCHE "MEDIA ASPIRATA"

109

Es gibt, wie schon oben gesagt, kein indisches Lautgesetz, das diesen Ansatz mit zwingender Notwendigkeit fordern wiirde. Hauchumstellung und Hauchdissimilation lassen sich mit Annahme von bh, dh, gh erklaren, ebenso gut aber mit Annahme von 0, 6, x > ft 5, 7, sodass sich aus diesen Lautgesetzen kein Anhalt fur die Datierung des t^berganges der stimmhaften Spiranten in bh, dh, gh gewinnen lasst.

Nimmt man

an, dass die Hauchdissimilation zu einer Zeit stattfand,

noch stimmhafte Spiranten gesprochen wurden, so ist der *fiaftuva muss doch geradesogut zur tlbergang leicht verstandlich in der

:

Dissimilation geneigt haben wie *bhabhuva,

Spannung zu zeigen

Ebenso

similation gegeben. als

Richtung der Dis-

Annahme von mehr Spannung passt) die Entwicklung von yt >yd

ist bei

Druck (was zum Altindischen

>y8>g8>gdh

und da der Anlaut mehr

pflegt als der Inlaut, ist die

mindestens ebenso gut moglich wie die von ght>ghd

>gdh.

Und doch findet sich eine Frage der altindischen Lautgeschichte, mit Annahme von Spiranten leichter losen lasst als mit der

die sich

Indogermanisches palatales wie urarisches wird ai. zu h, wahrend die palatalen reinen palatalisiertes "gh" = Medien zu j [d'z] werden. Die Aufstellung einer indischen Zwibisherigen Auffassung.

schenstufe jh zwischen g'h

handlung nur

dem

und h

erklart diesen Unterschied der Be-

Schriftbilde nach, aber nicht in Wirklichkeit, als

lautlichen Vorgang.

Denn

^[d'z]

ai.

1

ist ein

"mouillierter Laut";

wie sich aus den schonen Erklarungen der Mouillierung bei Sievers (Gr, S. 187) und Bremer (Deutsche Phonetik, S. 64 f.) leicht verstehen lasst, ist bei

jedem mouillierten Verschlusslaut ein Abglitt in Gestalt je nach der Art der Zungenspan-

eines Reibelautes unvermeidlich

nung kann

dieser ein Rillenlaut,

als selbststandige [d'z, d'j

= J]

Laute darf

;

[z]

man

oder ein Spaltlaut,

[j]

sein,

aber

diese Abglitte nicht auffassen;

sind geradesogut einheitliche Laute wie etwa aspiriertes t Man kann mit gutem Rechte sagen, der palatale

oder unser dh.

Abglitt eines mouillierten Lautes entspreche genau Aspirata, sodass ein gelten muss.

ai.

Zwischen

= [dz] j ai.

j

schon an und fur sich

und

*jh besteht also

dem

h einer

als aspiriert

vom

lautlichen

sehr argerlich, dass die gebrauchliche Umschrift des ai., dem englischen Lautwerte gemass, j fur einen palatalen Verschlusslaut mit Abglitt, namlich fur [d'2] verwendet. Hier wie an andrer Stelle versuche ich ein Missverstandnis dadurch zu vermeiden, dass ich, dem Gebrauch der meisten Phonetiker folgend, Lautschrift durch eckige Klammern bezeichne. [j] bedeutet also den palatalen Spiranten (in deutsch jo), ydagegen den altindischen Laut, der phonetisch gleich [d'z] ist. 1

Es

ist

333

E.

110

PROKOSCH

Standpunkte kein grundsatzlicher Unterschied.

Hochstens

mag man

darauf bestehen, dass der Abglitt des jh grossere Artikulationsenergie verlange als der des j; das wiirde aber zu allem eher als zu einem h fiihren

Setzt

zu einem

man

gleich

[d'j]

dem

gy des Ungarischen

aber eine urarische stimmhafte Spirans

am ehesten.

ein, so

wird die

Ein palataler Spirant 7' ist mit enger Aussprache echtes weiter nichts als [j] (wohl urspriinglich ja wie im Norddeutschen), also eine Spirans ohne Verschlusseinsatz. Sache verstandlich, ja fast notwendig.

Der Neigung

aller

Satemsprachen folgend, wird dieses wohl im [z], gesprochen worden sein, das

Urarischen mit flacher Rille, also als

dann im Iranischen zum engen Rillenlaut [z] wurde; Romanische und Slavische Parallelen in Menge;

daftir bietet vgl.

das

Verf. IF,

Im

Indischen dagegen, das zu Rillenbildung weit weniger neigt als das Iranische (vgl. Bloomfield, AJPh, a. o. 0.), trat Spannungsminderung und dadurch Entwicklung zu h ein; in 377.

XXXIII,

derselben Weise wurde

im Griechischen

idg.

j

zu

h,

wo

nicht durch

umgebenden Laute die Spannung geschutzt wurde, sodass Entwicklung zu f erfolgte, und wurde im Bohmischen g (iiber Spirans) zu stimmhaften h, x i Germanischen zu stimmlosem h usw. Der die

m

Unterschied in der Entwicklung des Verschlusslautes g' zu [d'z], des Spiranten7' dagegen zu h ist also wohl verstandlich, aber bei Annahme

von Aspiraten kann ich wenigstens den Unterschied zwischen ai. und h nicht begreifen. Auch das ist nicht auffallig, dass fur den

,;

nicht-palatalen Laut gh substituiert wurde, tale

keit [j]

wahrend sich der palaLaut organisch zu h entwickelte: es bestand eine Klangahnlichwohl zwischen arisch 7 und einheimisch gh, aber nicht zwischen

und

gh.

Unsere Deutung setzt voraus, dass die Hauchdissimilation in eine urarische Zeit, vor der arischen Palatalisierung, gesetzt wird, also als urspriinglich arisches Lautgesetz aufgefasst wird, das jedoch

im Iranischen durch den Zusammenfall der Medien und "aspirierten Medien" verwischt wurde. Ai. jahati geht also zuruck auf ein urar. *yey'eti > *g'ey'eti > *[d zazati]. /

So

legt

uns wenigstens Ein Punkt des indischen Lautstandes die

Auffassung nahe, palatales sei

Spirant gewesen.

gh,

Doch

und damit doch wohl gh

lasst

tiberhaupt,

das Indische nicht auf stimmlose,

sondern nur auf stimmhafte Spirans schliessen. 334

DIE INDOGERMANISCHE 16.

DIE SPRACHEN MIT

Iranisch,

"

MEDIA ASPIRATA"

Fiinf

b, d, g.

Balto-Slavisch, Albanesisch,

Gruppen des

Idg.,

111

namlich

Keltisch, Armenisch,

haben

von

In der teilweisen Vertretung idg. <, 6, xdieser Laute und des idg. 6, d, g durch ft 5, 7 werden wir jedenfalls nicht eine Bewahrung des Alten, sondern eine spatere Lautminderung 6, d, g als Vertreter

zu erblicken haben, wie ja auch im Bairischen germanisch -- zuerst zum Verschlusslaut b, IT, spater aber wieder zum Reibelaut /3 wurde.

Das Armenische, ebenso wie das Germanische,

besitzt

eine

Lautverschiebung, das heisst eine allgemeine Lautsteigerung der indogermanischen Verschlusslaute. Nach 14 miissen wir ft 5, 7 als Steigerungsvorstufe von

d, g auffassen.

b,

also als folgerichtiger Teil der

>ft

6,

denken,

7>6,

d, g

warum

also

Armenische

Lautverschiebung die Reihe

Es

anzunehmen.

es in

Wir tun

sollte.

Fiir das

ist

6, x Grund

,

lasst sich kein sicherer

den andern vier Gruppen anders gewesen sein wohl am besten, fur alle fiinf Gruppen von

Dass diese ihrerseits von Spiranten auszugehen. stimmlosen Spiranten kommen, lasst sich vom einzelsprachlichen Standpunkte zwar nur fur das Armenische wahrscheinlich machen, stimmhaften

Anwendung der Steigerungsreihe von 14 rechtaber selbstverstandlich muss der fiir eine Sprache gewonnene 20. Ausgangslaut verallgemeinert werden. Weiteres dariiber in weil nur dieses eine

fertigt,

17.

GRIECHISCH.

stimmlose erscheinen.

belegt

Der Ubergang von stimmlosen Spiranten

Verschlusslaute

Er

ist

mag

auf

den ersten Blick

in

auffallig

aber in zweierlei Spracherscheinungen historisch

:

Erstens sind stimmlose Spiranten keineswegs haufige Laute; Sprachen, die den einen oder den andern dieser Laute nicht besitzen, pflegen bei der Aussprache

von Fremdwortern

dafiir Verschlusslaute

Nachahmung des Klangeindruckes am manchmal affrizierte). So ist das ganz

zu substituieren, und zwar in oftesten aspirierte (sogar

allgemein der Fall bei der Aussprache des deutschen ch durch EngFiir das englische th pflegen Deutsche t zu lander, Romanen usw. gebrauchen. Fiir / in deutschen Wortern wird im Litauischen p, im (alteren) Slavischen b eingesetzt.

Zweitens fehlt es auch nicht an Beispielen einer lautlichen Entwicklung dieser Art. Sie erklaren sich aus Minderung des Druckes bei gleichbleibender, vielleicht sogar 335

wachsender Spannung

(

14).

E.

112

PROKOSCH

relativ wie absolut

Spannung am grossten, im Neunordischen zu t (wahrend, was fur die

Minderungstendenz

dieser

So wird anlautendes

9

im Anlaut

1st die

Ubergang

bezeichnend

Sprachen

inlautende Spiranten in stimmhafter spater aber teilweise schwanden).

stimmlose

1st,

Umgebung stimmhaft wurden, Im Neugriechischen ist der

haufig; Belege dafiir finden sich in

den selteneren Ubergang von % zu

K

Menge

und Grammatik

(fur 6 zu T

siehe Mullach,

Foy, Lautsystem der Ascoli, VL, S. 133 ff.;

der griechischen Vulgdrsprache, S. 28, 89, 94; griechischen

Vulgdrsprache,

S.

6,

7,

9;

Kretschmer, Der heutige lesbische Dialekt, S. 157; bei Foy, S. 11, zu TT gegeben) Bei den werden auch Belege fur den Wandel von Dentalen ist der Ubergang begreiflicherweise viel verbreiteter als bei .

dieser

Das liegt daran, dass Lautveranderungen Art iiberhaupt von den Dentalen auszugehen pflegen und bei

ihnen

am

den Labialen und Velaren.

weitesten gehen (vgl. Verf.

JEGPh, XVI,

11

und

14),

und

daran, dass labiale Spiranten gern labiodental, velare Spiranten wegen der Weichheit der Muskeln des Zungenriickens leicht zu h

werden, Verwandlungen, die

dem Cbergang in Verschlusslaute hinder-

lich sind.

E. UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS [To be concluded]

PROKOSCH

Modern Philology VOLUME XVI

November IQl8

NUMBER

7

AND PELLEAN IN THE OLD FRENCH ARTHURIAN ROMANCES

PELLES, PELLINOR, II.

Pellinor.

say at once that, in my opinion, Pellinor is the invention of the author of the Vulgate Merlin continuation. Except as a variant I will

two MSS for the passage of the Queste, VI, 150, the name occurs 337 and the only in the Merlin continuations of the Vulgate cycle, de Borron Huth pseudo-Robert cycle (i.e., Merlin, Spanish Demanda) in

MS

and

works the Vulgate Merlin continuation is unquestionably the earliest, 1 and it seems most natural to assume that the character was adopted from this branch in the prose Tristan.

by the

rest.

Now,

of these

Indeed, only in the case of the Merlin of the pseudois the question debatable, and we shall

Robert de Borron cycle return to that in a

moment.

i Cf. E. Brugger, Zeitschr.fiir franz. Sprache und Litt., XXVIII (1905), 57 f., for relations of the Merlin continuation of 337 to that of the Vulgate cycle. Ibid., (1905), 109, he expresses the opinion that the Huth Merlin is entirely independent of the Vulgate. So, too, G. Paris, p. Ixiv of the Introduction to the Huth Merlin (Paris, 1886). But the pseudo-Robert cycle (to which the Huth Merlin belongs) with its Tristan contaminations, is certainly later than the Vulgate cycle. Observe, too, what I have said above, In his well-known p. 1 13, note, on the lateness of this cycle as compared with the Vulgate.

MS

XXIX

Uber die verschiedenen Redaktionen des Robert von Borron zugeschriebenen GraalLancelot-Cyklus (Halle, 1895), E. Wechssler assumes throughout that the Vulgate and the so-called Robert de Borron cycle are both derived from a common source i.e., an antecedent cycle that has been lost but he gives no proof of this assumption. He recognizes, however, explicitly (pp. 5, 18, et passim) that the prose Tristan influenced the second of the above-named cycles hence was anterior to it. Later redactions of the Tristan, he thinks, were in turn influenced by the pseudo-Robert cycle. treatise,

337]

57

[MODERN PHILOLOGY, November,

1918

58

J.

DOUGLAS BRUCE

The name

first occurs in the Vulgate Merlin continuation, II, where addressing the rebel kings about the Saxon Brangoire, 125,

invasion, says:

ne par decha du roy peiles de listenois natendons nous nul secors car il garde le roy pelinoir son frere qui gist malades dun mal dont iamais naura garison tant que cil vendra laiens qui les auentures du saint graal metera a fin. ne del roy alain qui gist malades natendons nous nul secors deuant ce que li mieudres cheualiers del monde uiegne a lui & li demant dont cele maladie

&

vint

li

quel chose

again we read loveliest, and best-loved

And

(ibid., II,

woman

sert.

159) that Guinevere

is

the wisest,

of "la bloie bretaigne," except "elaine

text,

le

is

Vulgate cycle, the reading of in

women

Modern

corrupt in this place, and we shall have to reproduce 747 of the Bibliotheque Nationale, as given by

MS

Philology, V, 305.

of her time

la

fille le

roi peiles

riche roi pescheor

an

uengeresse

&

it is

said that only

le

rous,"

viz.,

two

"Helainne

and

de listenois del chastel de corbenyc, qui fu niece le malade de plaies dont li uns ert apelez alains des

roi

ert malades de maladies de plaies & li riches rois qui mehaigniez estoit naurez parmi les .ii. cuisses de la lance fu apelez par son droit non quant il estoit en sante li rois pellinor

listenois.

estoit apelez

& le & cil

Here, too,

were comparable to Guinevere,

sans per qui fu feme persides

illes

graus est que len

feme persides le rous" and the daughter of Peiles. The however, which Sommer is following in his edition of the

sans per

him

li

& li rois alains & li rois pelinor si furent frere germain & cele ie uos di si estoit lor niece & fille le roi peiles qui frere (estoit) dont pucele a ces .ii. dont ie uos ai dit. icele pucelle fu la plus bele que len ueist onques an la terre & la plus nete. icele garda le santisme graal iusquitel ior de

listenois.

que galaad fu engendrez.

We as the

find Pellinor

name

still

further in the Vulgate Merlin continuation

of a brother of Peiles in the following passages, II,

359 (Pellinor de la saluage forest souuraine), where he is said to have had eleven sons of at least seventeen years of age, also a twelfth, who had not come to court, and the mother was now pregnant with the thirteenth, page 374 (Pellinor de Listenois), page 384 (Pellinor de la terre gaste).

He

is

doubtless alluded to, though not named, in the

following passages: II, 221, where a knight 338

is

described as kinsman

PELLES, PELLINOR, AND PELLEAN "al roy pelles de listenois

&

described as Eliezer's uncle,

What

59

a ses freres," and II, 346, where he in the thighs.

is

wounded

led the author of this Merlin continuation of the Vulgate new brother of Pelles ? In seeking an answer to

cycle to invent the

one should remember that this branch is, as is generally agreed, the last part of the Vulgate cycle to be composed. The author, accordingly, had before him the Estoire del Saint Graal, in this question

which (I, 252) Alain is called the roi pescheor, and, on the other hand, the prose Lancelot and Queste, in which Pelles was the roi pescheor. Furthermore, he had in his texts the roi mahaignie, who was, generally speaking, not given a specific name in any of the branches of the cycle

before the

Vulgate Merlin continuation

itself.

The only

exceptions in this vast extent of material are the following: 1.

Estoire del Saint Graal,

290, where in

I,

Sommer's text he

is

called Pelleam, although in the

Le Saint Graal,

he

III, 295,

is

manuscript followed by Hucher, son of Pelleam and unnamed. I shall

return to this exception in the discussion of Pelleam's (Pelican's)

name. 2.

Prose Lancelot, III, 29, where he

is

called Pelles.

But

this

passage, with its Queste references, certainly did not belong to the Lancelot in its original form. It is an obvious interpolation and

contains another gross blunder besides this identification of Pelles

Maimed King, viz., in making Amide or Helizabel both Galahad's mother and his sister.

with the

3.

Queste, VI, 150.

The author in his texts

I

have discussed

this passage above.

of the Vulgate Merlin continuation, therefore, found

two

rois pescheors, Alain

and

Pelles,

and an unnamed

however, was far more important in the Vulgate cycle than Alain, so that our author keeps Pelles as roi pescheor, and, despite his mystic title, as a king of the ordinary kind roi mahaignie.

Pelles,

who guards

the castle and the people in it. It was natural that he should do this, for this was, on the whole, Pelles' character in the prose Lancelot, and even in the Queste. On the other hand, he follows the general tendency of the later Arthurian romances to give a definite

name

to hitherto

unnamed

characters.

Among innumerable

examples of this tendency compare Galahad's mother, who, despite Sommer's side notes and the index to his edition of the Vulgate 339

60

DOUGLAS BRUCE

J.

unnamed in that the Maid of Ascalot

cycle, is

cycle,

too,

first

but

is

called Elaine in Malory. 1

receives the specific

So,

name, Elaine,

Malory. In compliance with this tendency the Maimed King 2 given the name Pellinor, which is formed on the name of Pelles.

in is

Now, although our author takes Pelles as the Fisher King, he keeps Alain as a second Maimed King doubtless, under the influence of Chretien, in whose Perceval, as we have seen, there were two Maimed Kings. Besides, the author of this Merlin continuation would be little disposed to drop any member of the Grail family, for it was his policy to crowd into his pages every Arthurian character of any prominence, as is evident from the enormous numreally

ber of names which this branch of the cycle contains. tion to these considerations, he

And

in addi-

would have the powerful motive

of

establishing a trinity of Grail Kings to parallel that of the Christian

When

Godhead.

Pellinor

sons, this is in imitation of

provided with such an abundance of Bron, the first Fisher King in de Borron's is

3 Joseph and in the Estoire del Saint Graal* Finally, the author harmonizes the reconstituted Grail family

by making

Pelles, Pellinor,

and Alain, brothers. 5

XL

2 1 46, n. 10, offers an erroneous Brugger, Zeitschr. fur franz. Sprache und Litt., explanation of how the daughter of Pelles came to be called Helaine (Elaine). The true explanation is simple. In the passage of the Vulgate Merlin continuation, which compares Guinevere with Pelles' daughter and Helaine sans per and which I have just quoted accord747, a scribe dropped out by mistake the et (or its symbol) which ing to the reading of connected the names of the two heroines. In consequence of this error, we find the two already confounded in the Middle English version of the Vulgate Merlin. Cf. H. B. Wheatley's edition for the Early English Text Society (1865), Part I, p. 229. ,

MS

2 Brugger, op. cit., p. 48, n. 11, has already suggested that the name Pellinor was Was the name of Virgil's arbitrarily fabricated in dependence on the name Pelles. In such cases the mediaeval romancers regarded pilot, Palinurus, in the author's mind ? " discussion of the name, Galahad," in Mod. a general resemblance as sufficient. Cf.

my

Lang. Notes,

XXXIII

(1918), 129

ff.

Bron had twelve sons. Sommer's Vulgate Version of the Arthurian Romances, I, 249. It was, no doubt, the example of Bron in the Joseph, that led the author of the Perlesvaus to make his Grail Knight, Perceval, one of twelve sons. It is true that he makes Bron's son, Alain (li Gros), father of the twelve sons, but in such shif tings the writers of Arthurian romance s

Cf. G. Weidner's edition (Oppeln, 1881), p. 123.

*

exercise complete freedom. B Alain occurs only once as Pelles' brother in the Vulgate cycle outside of the Merlin continuation, viz., in the Lancelot, III, 117. But the passage, since it contains allusions to the Queste and Estoire, could not have belonged originally to the Lancelot. It is an interpolation taken, indeed, from the passage of the Vulgate Merlin continuation, II, 747. To be sure, Sommer, Modern Philology, 159, which I have quoted above from V, 305, and op. cit., p. 49, n. 11, are inclined to believe that the reverse is true. Brugger, Sommer has, still further, injudiciously adopted in the Queste, VI, 102, the reading Alain instead of the true reading Herlan (son of Pierre, Alain's brother), which latter is found in

MS

340

PELLES, PELLINOR, AND PELLEAN

who was thus

61

invented, as I maintain,

by the author Merlin continuation, is found also in the Merlin continuation of the pseudo-Robert de Borron cycle, which is best reprePellinor,

of the Vulgate

sented by the

Huth MS.

There he

is

Perceval's father. 1

It is

not

likely, however, that the author of this new Merlin continuation derived the character directly from the Vulgate Merlin continuation.

G. Paris has asserted2 that the Huth Merlin

is entirely independent Vulgate Merlin continuation and that the authors of these continuations executed them 'sans se connaitre. 3 Perhaps, however, The author of the Huth Merlin may this last phrase is too strong.

of the

'

have ignored

his predecessor's

' '

work,

first,

because the two authors,

as Paris himself observes, pursued different aims, the author of the

Vulgate version fashioning in his work an introduction to the Lancelot, the author of the Huth Merlin endeavoring to connect the Merlin

Borron with the Queste. Second, because of the difference in the tendencies of the authors, which is about as great as could well be of de

The Vulgate

imagined.

version

is,

for the

most

part, a pseudo-

historical record of endless wars, in the style of the chronicles;

Huth ment

the

work which belongs to the later developof Arthurian romance, is composed of romantic fictions of the most extravagant kind. The author of the latter was certainly familiar with all the other members of the Vulgate cycle so how can we suppose him ignorant of the branch in which he would naturally be most interested, especially when that branch was one of the most widely diffused works of the Middle Ages ? At any rate, Brugger's contention4 that, if the one author had known of the other's work, he Merlin, as befitted a

would probably not have composed a new continuation

M

MSS

and R, and (with corrupt spellings) in romances is Alain given a son,

in the Arthurian del

Saint Graal,

I,

280, Agristes

named

still

others that he cites.

Argustes, whereas as a descendant of Herlan.

we have

not

is

Nowhere

else

in the Estoire

passages bearing on this subject are I, 150, 160, 258, 260 f. We have here the same trick as in the description of Pelles in the Lancelot and Queste: one has to assemble these passages to make out clearly that Pellinor is Perceval's father. In the Spanish Of. Bonilla's version of the Merlin continuation of this cycle Pellinor is also found. edition of the Demanda, pp. 124, 126, 137-44. He does not appear in the Demanda proper (i.e., the Quest section). *

The

2

Introduction to the

3

So, too, Wechssler's

Sprache und

Litt.,

XXIX,

Huth

Merlin, p. Ixiv.

above-quoted

treatise, p. 5,

and Brugger,

Zeitschr. fur

fram.

109.

4 See passage cited in preceding note. I hope to show in a future article that the influence of the Vulgate Merlin is, after all, discernible in the Huth Merlin.

341

62

J.

DOUGLAS BRUCE

by what we know

sustained

the methods of the Arthurian

of

romancers; for, as a matter of fact, a

new Mort Arthur

section

was

pseudo-Robert de Borron cycle, although the writer knew the Vulgate version well and used it largely, and, what is per-

composed

for the

haps even more to the point, the author of the Merlin continuation of MS 337 composed his own work, though he was familiar with the 1 corresponding Vulgate version, as Brugger himself has observed. It

me most

seems to

was

probable that the author of the

incited to write his branch of the

new

cycle

Huth Merlin

by the Vulgate

version, the author of which also ascribed his work to Robert d